Indiana Palladium, Volume 7, Number 47, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 26 November 1831 — Page 1

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VOL. VII. liAWKECEBUIlGH, (I A.) SATUHIA", NOVEMBER 30, 1831. ISO. 47,

From the Washington City Globe. l:or HEistory.

To satisfy the public mind in rela tion (o the causes which lei lo the disFolution of the late Cabinet, as well at of the propriety of that measure, further developments are not necessary. In recurring to the subject, we have no political object in view ; but as we have it in our power, we deem it due to the truth of history and the future interests of our country, to lay bare the origin and progress of the intrigues by which the government has been embar rassed. The masterly exposition of Major Eaton has rather taken them up in their progress, a"d pointed out some of their eflecU, than traced them to their origin. In his Telegraph of the 18th October last, Mr. Green says: "In December, 1823, 1 visited 'it. Louis, preparatory to my removal there. 1 found the Editor of the St. Louis Knquirer, a paper then devoted to Mr. Clay, in pecuniary embarrassments, and purchased it. I was of those, who. at that time preferred the election of Air. Cathoun, and so declared myself; but, when Gen. Jackson was nominated by the Legislature, in JVlarch following1, 1 sustained the nomination, and advocated his election with whatever ability I possessed, and with a zeal which, I may be permitted to say, never faltered fur fear of consequences.' Mr. Green, therefore, at that time, preferred Mr, Calhoun to Gen, Jackson, and only took up the cause of the latter after all hope of the former's election had been abandoned. His predilection for Mr, Calhoun over all our eminent men, may be accounted for from his family connexion and personal intimacy with Ninian Edwards. Mr. Green assumed the control of the Telegraph in October, 1G26. In 1 827, he became apprized , through various channels, that many of the friends of Gen. Jackson desired to place the liame of Dewilt Clinton on the Jackson ticket for the Vice Presidency, in preference to that of John C. Calhoun. Contrary to the remonstrances of many ! of his friends, who were also the friends of the great cause in which he was engaged, he denounced Mr. Clinton in the Telegraph, and carried on the war until he was satisfied that Mr. Calhoun was in no danger of competition from that quarter. To revive a recollection of the past, and illustrate our narrative, we make a few extracts from the Telegraph of 1827. In the Telegraph of 10th September, of that year, we have the following: "The utter failure of Mr. Clay in the West, ha9 made him more desperate ani having1 done every thing in his power to ruin Governor Clinton in his own State, he now seeks to build up a party upon him, which, combining Mr. Clinton's interest in New. York, and Mr. Adams' Eastern interest with Mr. Clay's Western interest, will place the balance of power in Mr. Clny'3 hands, and enable him to administer his political effects to the bett advantage " "We foresaw that the basis of this opposition would be personal to Mr. Calhoun." &c. "We believe that Gov. Clinton has too much intelligence to be caught in the wiles of Mr. Clay, lis ivill not be supported on the Jackson ticket; and he must know too much of the state of parties, as they exist, not to know, that if ho were to permitjhimself to be used as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, he would be supported as the Adams and Clay candidate," fee. In the Telegraph of 22d September, was the following passage: 'As to the tale aWoutGov. Clinton's being a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, it "is well known that he has many influential and devoted friends, who desire his elevation, as well on account of the country, as of him. If those friends have resolved to put him in nomination, they have the right to do so; but we cannot believe they have or will do it. Of ore thing we are well advised: Gov. Clinton will not b supported by the friends of Gen Jackson as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency" &,; On the tirst of October, the Telegraph contained two and a half column? upon this subject, from which the following are extracts: "If Governor Clinton is taken up and supported by the friends of General Jackson for the Vice Presidency, it will be charged and many persons v ill believe that the friends of General Jackson found it necessary to purchase a eo operation to defeat the election of Mr. Adams That this charge will be made and believed, is of itself, sufficient to prevent the friends of GeneralJackson from supporting Gov. Clinton as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency ." "It was by permitting Mr. Clay to obtain the balance, that the will of the people was disregarded and Mr. Adams e'ected Shall we now permit this wily intriguant to obtain the balance again, and decide for us who is to be our Vice President, or the successor of General Jackson?1' What claim has Mr. Clinton to be taken up at this time by the republican party? Is it because he lent himself to the Hartford Convention in 1813 to oppose Mr. Madison? Mr. Clinton was, at that time, a republican. The aristocracy of New England then; as now, had dj candidate in their own ranks whom they could run with any prospect of success."' The only hope bow left to the aristocracy, is to rally 'a northern party,' and Mr. Clinton i the man upon whom they have reso'ved to unite. 44 Will Mr. Clinton lend himself to such a purpose We hope not. It is the part of duty, however, fur ihe friends of union and good go vei-nment, to look to this state of the question, and to be prewired for the worst."

On the 9th October, the subject was resumed in a similar strain. On the let of October it was made to fill almost another column. The matter ended in a controversy between the Telegraph and New York Statesman, in Wuich the former enforced its positions and maintained that it wa? the duty of the friends of General Jackson, to support Mr. Calhoun for the Vice Presidency. These attacks upon Gov. Clinton, apparently eo wanton, so unjust and eo unnecessary, filled ths friends of the great cause in the distant States with astonishment. Clinton was undetetood to be the friend of General Jackson; his influence might control the vote of New York; on that vote might depend the result of the Presidential election. That the organ of the party at Washington should risk so much in n causeless and persevering attack on that distinguished statesman, was to them wholly incomprehensible, and it waa difficult in some places to restrain the public expression of their indignation. Nothing prevented it, but a dispositon to tolerate the injustice rather than endanger the approaching triumph. The motive of these attacks is row apparent. Mr. Green knew that many

of General Jackson's friends preferred Mr. Clinton to Mr. Calhoun. He perceived that he might become a dangerous competitor cf Mr. Calhoun for the Vice Presidency, and ultimately for the Presidency. To obviate this danger to Mr. Calhoun, he was then willing to hazard the election of General Jacksoji. Regardless of all the principles involved in the cause he advocated, nnd devoted only to the aggrandizement of Mr. Calhoun, he jeoparded all for which the people were contending, and committed the grossest injustice, to repress, not a competitor of General Jackson, but a "rival of his first love." Those articles, written with much labor and constructed with some art, all calculated to injure rather than promote the election of Gen. Jackson, incontestably . prove, that Mr. Green still adhered to his original preference, and that bis object in supporting the General, ivaa merely to break down the existing coalition and open the path to Mr. Calhoun. The death of Mr. Clinton put an end to the-jealousies of Mr. Green and hi3 prompter. The Telegraph appeared in mourning, and Mr. Clinton has not, to this day, ceased to be the object of the Editor's eulogy. Why waa the living Clinton so denounced, and the dead Clinton so praised? The livmg Clinton might be dangerous to the ambition of a favorite; the friends of the dead Clinton may be useful in promoting that ambition and repressing a new rival. Hence this cotemporary censure and posthumous praise. No sooner was Clinton in hii grave, than the restless spirit which controls the Telegraph, directed all its jealousies towards Mr. Van Buren. Clinton died on the 1 1th February, 1 828. The Telegraph announced his death on the 18th; on the 19th, the New York delegates in Congress held a meeting, to do honor to his memory, in which Mr. Van Bureti took part. The whole republican party of New York, it was now perceived, would unite in presenting Mr. Van Buren as the prominent man of that great Stale, and by the 23d, measures were secretly devised, and put in operation, to prevent that gentleman from realizing the advantages, which his position and personal popularity seemed to promise. Instantly it was perceiyed, that he might now become a dangerous rival of Mr. Calhoun, and before he had time to consider his new position and strikeout n corresponding line of policy, 'gren-eyed jealousy' was employed in undermining him. Mr. Calhoun was here consulting with his friends, and holding daily intercourse with the Editor of the Telegraph. A kind of Circular was prepared, many copies made out, it was signed by D. Green, and sent abroad over the Union to prominent political men, in whom he confided, to prepossess them against Mr. Van Buren, and excite suspicions as to his ultimate political designs. But we have been furnished with a copy of it, and here it is: (Private.) Washington, 23d February, 1823. Dear Sir The late andjlamented death of Gov. Clinton, produces much speculation in the political wor'd; and the friends of the present sinking administration catch at the doubt or speculation, which follows after that event, for a glimmering hope of a protracted existence. Having, for a lo time, looked to the state of parties in Nc-r York with an eye to the effect which the local coirfricts for power would have upon the general ejection, I think there can be n doubt of the effect which the death of Gov. Clinton is to produce. Politics is nothing mure nor less, th:in the philosopy of nature or m

other words it is the art of governing man by fc'o operating upon hia interests as to control his will. It is true that men often mistake their interests hut never fail to act on them, when those interests are obvious. New York has been more under the reula tion of party than any other state in the Union. In 1812, the Fedaralists took up Gov. Clinton, in opposition to Mr. Madison, under the hope that inasmuch a9 Mr. C. was an influential member of the Kepublican party, he could take with him a portion of that party so large that their strength united thereto, would form a majority, and that they would thus become the balance of power men, and obtain the patronage of the government- They failed in the general election, but havs been uble, aided as they were by Mr. Clinton's great public services, eminent talents and personal popularity, to carry majorities in their State elections. Opposition to Mr. Clinton and the Federalists, has formed the leadihg policy of the Republican party in N. Y., and hence, party was every thing men nothing. Hence, Mr. Rochester, a man of ordinary talents, and little personal popularity, taken up by the Bucktails as an excuse for a defeat, was near obtaining an election us Governor, although opposed by Gov. Clinton . Had it not been for this state of things at home. Gov. Clinton would not have hesitated to become a candidate for the Presidency. It "19 true, he preferred Gen. Jackson to J. Q. Adams but is also true that he would have preferred Hewitt Clinton to either or both of them. Gov. Clinton then was held in check by the IJucktail ort Republican party the prominent man among whom was Mr. Van Buren. Whilst Mr. Clinton and Mr. Van Uuren served to hold eaeb other in check, it became necessary for them to select between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson. Gov. Clinton for a long time, seemed content

with what was said or nis preference for Gen. Jackson, whilst many of h s warmest friends and political partizans were figting under the Adams flay. Mr. Van liuren'a position in lha Senate, made it necessary to take a bolder stand; and although Mr. Clinton claimed to have been the original friend of General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren thus became his prominent active friend, The result cf this state of the case was, to commit the leading members of the Republican party, and a contest naturely arose as to which party should have the credit of doing most for the Jackson party. Hence, the Ciintonians acted with the Bucktaus in N. Y. in the late elections, and also in the late caucus at Albany. Th'13 concert of action be tween the two contending parties, is not the consequence of any principle of adhesion, but of the most jealous rivalry, vet it lias had ths effect to commit the prominent of both parties so far in favor of Gen. Jackson, that they cannot recede. There is a strong aristocratic party to the north that party are now devoted to the election of Jobn Q. Adams, and their candidates are John Q. Adams, Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster the defeat of Mr. A. dafeats the other two. Had Mr. Clinton lived, (he points of affinity between bira and bis party were so numerous, that be would have presented a formidable nucleus, around which they would have attempted to rally as the oaly means of re-assembling (heir scattered forces. As it is, that party have now no other rallying point than John Q. Adarui. Every effect which talents and money can devise will be brought into active operation daring the next winterbut in the forebodings of despair, they have already cast a longing look to Mr. Van Buren. The Editor of the New York Daily Advertiser, (the well known Secretary of the Hartford Convention,) has commenced the work of reconciliation , by lauding hia speech in favor of the surviving officeri of the Resolution, and by a letter which, written at New York, as appears from time and circumstances, is intended to bow distraction and division into our party, by bringing forward Mr. V. B., as a candidate for the Vice Presidency. That Mr. V. li. will be pressed by a section of tho Crawford interest in the south too, is more than probable, because there is a party in the south, who, on account of local politics, are opposed to Mr. Calhoun, who have a strong affinity for Mr. V. B., and who would rejoice in his elevation, as the means cf personal advance-" ment to themselves. But I cannot believe that Mr. Van Buren will become the dupe of such a policy. He has too much good sense, and I trust too much virtue to abandon his principles, under such circumstances. He sees in Aaron Burr and Dewitt Clinton two beacons to guide him right, and I mistake the order of his mind, if be falls iato snares wbich Webster and Dwight are laying for him. It is well to guard against contingencies. Of one thing we may rest assured, that if an an tagonist interest arises in the north, it will look to '.he Federal interest, aided by section al feeling as the basia of its power. Mr. V. B. has always acted sgainst it and cannot now shift bis position, if he were to attempt it, there are other strong men in the Republican ranks, who would endanger his popularity. A rivalry will take place in New York. V. B. is 6poken of for Governor if he is a candidate, be must run on the Republican tiuket, and that party, in its usages, are committed for Gen. Jackson. The rival candidate will be unwilling to encounter Jackson's popularity, and the usages of the Bucktail party too. If the combinations of these interests held Dewitt Clinton in check, it will control all other interests, except the Adams interest, which, opposed by the Bucktail and Clinton interests of the State, is a lean majority. Hence the opposing candidates must take the field as the friends of General Jackson, or else one of them will combine the influence of Clinton's name, the commttal of the Duckthil party, aided by Gen. Jackson's great popularity. The reult must bo highly fivorfthlrt lo our cause. 'I his goes beyond ins re speculation, ami is comauuniou'.ed to

you that you may act with the knowledge of our views in relation to this great crisis. Yours, D. GREEN. Tnus was this organ of the Jackson party employed eight months ttfore ths Presidcnlial election! not in strength ening the cause of the people; but in secretly and insidiously undermining Mr. Van Buren, lest, by chanct he might become a candidate for the Vice Presi dency,and a rival of Mr. Calhoun!! He informed his friends, that "the strong aristocratic party to the north," "have noto no other rallying point but J. Q. Adams" "but in the forebodings of despair, they have already cait a longing look to Mr. Van Buren;" that Mr. Van Buren hag always acted with the republican paity, "and cannot nozc shift his position," a plain intimation that he may hereafter; that it is 'more than probable f "31r. Van Buren will be pressed by a section of the Crawford interest in the south" to become "a candidate for the Vice Presidency" in competition with Mi. Calhoun, in which event, he is denounced in advance as an Aaron Burr, and h Dewitt Clinton a traitor to the republican party ! The insidious writer, to be Eure, says he "cannot believe Mr. Van Buren will become the dupe of tuch a policy1' that "he ha? too much good sense" "too much virtue" but that "it ii well to guard against contingencies;" and to make his insinuations more impressive he concludes his Circular thus: "This goes beyond mere speculation , and is communicated to you that you may act with a knozvlcdge of our riaJ, in relation to this great crisis." Now hero was the origin of that really "malign influence," which in its progress, produced the dissolution ot the Iato Cabinet. So long as Mr. Clinton lived he was the great object of Mr. Calhoun's apprehension?, he sot the Editor of the Telegaph upon him to dog him out of the field of competition. As soon ne he waa dead, nil his jealousies nnd apprehensioni were turned upon Mr. Van Buren. It would not do to attack him openly; for there was no apology for it. A system of went undermining was therefore commenced, of which this circular forcii the first step. These jealousies Rnd apprehensions reere not at all lersened, when tho restless intriguants saw Mr. Van Buren made Secretary of State. To present his gaining influence and btcoining dangerous to Mr. Calhoun, became the 10I0 study of these political managers. The fust effort was to surround him with political enemies in the Cabinet. In this they failed, particularly in the case of Maj. Katon. liow restless and desperate his presence in the Cabinet made them, by giving supposed influence to Mr. Van Bu

ren, ha already been ssen in Mr. Calhoun's communication to Mr. Speer, Mr. Green's conventions with Mc?srs. W'ebster and Welles, Mr. Berrien admissions, and fhe series of facts disclosed by Major Ivitoo. Nothing would satiify them but his expulsion, depriving Mr. Van Buren of all influence, and the retirement of the President at the end of four years. If there be a man who honestly doubts ae to the causes which led to the dissolution of the late Cabinet, he can doubt no longer. In this letter, writ ten in February, 1828 a full year before j the Cabinet teas formed, many months be fore the President zvas elected, long before -Major Katon voas married, rriei no man knew or surmised icho would form the Cabinet will be marked the same spirit which runs through the Calhoun Correspondence, fills the columns of the Telegraph, and actuates the remaining partizans of the Vice President. It is a spirit cf restless ambition which cannot brook rivalry or "hope deferred," but will move heaven and earth, regardless of age, services, character or sex, to accomplish its unhallowed purposes. What had Mr. Van Buren done in February, 1828, lo deserve the treatment which we have exposed? What has he done to permit more recent public attacks? Nothing absolutely nothing. Wre are not his advocates for any thing; but justice requires of us to say, that tie has always been faithful to his party, always honest &: efficient in the discharge of his public duties. Those who have done little else, for the last three or four year?, than invent and put in execetion secret plots to destroy him, have stigmatized him as an inliiguer; but it is now well understood, vnl it has been a rner fine?.e to cover their own duplicity and maiiaMi.ent.

What particle of evidence has been produced against Aim .'What eonclusive proofs have not covered them with shamu and contusion ? From the moment they heard of Clinton's death, they have been secretly digging ana charging their mines 10 destroy him. Ia the publication of the famous correspondence last winter, the Chief Engineer Mpplied the match himself. Unfortunately for him, the explosion took such a direction as to blow up himself and all his mineis who have showu themselves above ground, while his intended victims lemain unhurt. Even Nullification, in its origin, was but another chapter in the volume of intrigue. Mr. Calhoun had been one ol the fathers of the tariff and internal improvements. They had become unpopular in the south. Mr. Van Buren was in favor of a modification of ths tariff and of confining internal improvements to objects clearly national. It waa essential lo Air. Calhoun's object lo unite the South in hi favor. To do this, he must throw himself into the popular current, and carry his opposition to the "American System" a little further than his rival. Iu the winter of lf?3, during the debate on Fooi'i resolution, his private cflorU to organize a Southern party, were zealous and constant. Jlence,at a subsequent date, the Jefferson dinner, at which the disorganizing sentiments of the chief Nullifier received a severe rebuke from the President, who was an invited guts?. J fence the zeal of certain leaders in pushing the nullification doctrine in South Carolina, andnttempting to extend it into other Stales. All was originally designed as a means of giving political importance and power to Mr. Calh nun. Whether more serious consequences are?)ory in contemplation, or whether the leaders have the disposition or the ability to coutrol the storm they have, raised, future events must determine. The organs of this restless spirif,the Telegraph and Ike nullification paper? of the South, now threaten to employ Congress at the coming session, aot in modifying the tariff and fostering the permanent interests of the country, but in promoting thir attacks upon the President! That they will fail in such an attempt, we have no doubi. However desperate some disappointed politicians in thut body may be, they are not prepared to reduce themselves in the estimation of the American people, to the level of the Editor of the Tela graph.

witli A new 1 rr "To svppsrt the uv primacy of the Z7:s." Wm. Wirt. Their presidential candidate accepts the nominntion upon tho unheardof 8nd express condition (hat Anti-masonry ie not party, and that he will support Maosry. He declare he retained a favorable opinten 01 the institution fliirlr rears has ihu epoken sud written cfit.snd does not ranounce it. He declares be bus always considered Ao-ti-masonry a ridiculous "farce." He declares that, es president, he would appoint Ma9ons to olf.ee, without restriction. No other candidate ever effered such conditions iu favor of Masons. lie expressly refuses to pledge himself to any principle which the Antiei L?e heretofore pretended to support. lie sujrzcets for theni a new rrlnrlnfp fi;. renting them to support the supremacy of the laws," a tough restriction for such a elan. This nomination has annihilated theAntimasonic charter, given deadly "knocks, to all their former resolutions of presciiption, and metamorphosed them into 4,nhole hog" masons. No wonder that Southwick, snd all tha fatber3 of A nti-masonry, hae renounced end denounced them, as morally aud politically depraved . Mr, Wirt bad fnot the least expectation they would bave persisted in the Domination, after seeing the quizzical conditions he imposed upon them. Clay maaon are in extacies at this declaration, that Anti-masonry and Clay masonry haie become synonymous terms. "tinners Ad vocals. Florid a, The Pensacola paper says the election ordered by the Governor to take place on the 5th ii.st. for choice of a Delegate was not held in that city or vicinity. There were no candidates, no judges and no voters. The State Rights party have succeeded in tleclirj; their candidate to the Assembly from the city ol Charleston, by a majority of eiyht votes. Close que Button Statesman,