Indiana Palladium, Volume 7, Number 13, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 2 April 1831 — Page 1

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TOE,. VIIJ liAWREKCBBURGH, (EA.) SATURDAY, APRIL 2, 1831. DSO. 13.

u. s. laws

(BY AUTHORITY.) LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES, PASSED AT THE SECOND SESSION OF THE TWENTYFIRST CONGRESS. Public No. 34. AN ACT for the punishment of crimes .in the District of Columbia. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Stales of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passage of this act, every person who shall be convicted, in any court in the District of Colum. bia, of any of the following oflences, to wit: manslaughter, assault and battery with intent to kill, arson, rape, assault and battery with intent to commit a rape, burglary, horse stealing, mayhem, bigamy, perjury, or subornation of perjury, larceny, if the property stolen is of the value of five dollars or upwards, forgery, obtaining by false pretences any goods or chattels, money, bank note, promissory note, or any oth- . er instrument in writing for the payment or delivery of money or other valuable thing, or of keeping a faro bank or other common gaming table, petty larceny upon a second conviction, committed after the passage of this act, shall be sentenced to suffer punishment by imprisonment and labor, for the time and times hereafter prescribed, in the penitentiary for the District of Columbia. Sec. 2. And be it farther enacted, That every person duly convicted of mandaughter, or of any assault and battery with intent to kill, snail ne seniencea 10 suffer imprisonment and labor, for the first offence for a period not lesa than two nor more than eight years, for the second offence for a period not less than six nor more than fifteen years. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That every person duly convicted of the crime of maliciously, wilfully, or fraudulently burning any dwelling house, or any other house, barn, or 6table, adjoining thereto, or any store, barn, or out-house, having good?, tobacco, hay or grain therein, although the same shall not be adjoining to any dwellinghouse; or of maliciously and wilfully burning any of the public buildings io the cities, towns, or counties of the District of Columbia, belonging to the United States, or the said cities, towns or counties; or any church, meetinghouse or other building for public worship, belonging to any voluntary society, or body corporate; or any college, academy, school-house, or library ; or any ship or vessel, afloat or building; or as being accessary thereto; shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for a period not lesa than one nor more than ten years for the first offence, and not less than five nor more than twenty years for the second offence. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That every free person, duly convicted of rape, or as being accessary thereto before the fact, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for the first offence for a period not less than ten nor more than thirty year?, and for the second offence for and during the period of bis natural life. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That every free person duly convicted of an assault and battery with intent to commit a rape, shall be punished for the first offence by undergoing confinement in the Penitentiary for a period not less than one nor more than five years, and for the second for a period not less than five nor more than fifteen years. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That every person duly convicted of burglary, or accessary thereto before the fact, or of robbery, or a9 accessary thereto before the fact, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for the first offence for a period not less than three nor more than seven years, and for the second offence for a period not less than five nor more than fifteen years. Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That every person convicted of horse stealing, mayhem, bigamy, or as being accessary to any of said crimes before the fact, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for the first of fence for a period not less than two nor more than seven years, and for the second offence for a period not less than five nor more than twelve years. Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That every person, convicted of perjury or subornation of perjury, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for tho first offence for a period not let than two nor more than ten years,1

and for the second offence for a period not less than five nor more than fifteen years. Sec 9. And be it further enacted, That every person convicted of feloniously stealing, taking, and carrying away, any goods or chatties, or other personal property, of the value of five dollars or upwards, oi any bank uote, promissory note, or any other instrument of writing, for the payment or delivery oi money or other valuable thing, to the amount of five dollars or upwards, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for tbefirst offence for u period not less ,than one nor more than three years; and for the second offence for a period not less than three nor more than ten years. Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That every person convicted of receiving stolen goods, or any article the stealing of which is made punishable by this act, to the value of five dollars or upwards, knowing them to have been stolen, or of being an accessary after the fact in any felony, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for the first offence for a period not less than one nor more than five years, and for the second offence for a period not less than two normore than ten years.

Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That every person duly convicted of having falsely forged and counterfeited any gold or silver coin, which now is, or shall hereafter be, passing or in circulation within the District of Columbia; or -of having falsely uttered, paid, or tendered in payment, any such counterfeit and forged coin, knowing the same to be forged and counterfeit; or of having aided or abetted or commanded the perpetration of either of the said offences ; or of having falsely made, altered, forged, or counterfeited, or caused or procured to be falsely made, altered, forged, or counterfeited, or having wilfully aided or assisted in falsely making, altering, forging, or counterfeiting, any paper, writing, or printed paper, to the prejudice of the right of any other person, body politic or corporate, or voluntary association, with intent to defraud such person, body politic or corporate, or voluntary association, or of having passed, uttered or published, or attempted to pass, utter or publish, as true, any such falsely made, altered, forged, or counterfeited paper, writing, or printed paper, to the prejudice of the right of any other person, body politic or corporate, or voluntary association, knowing the same to be falsely made, altered forged, or counterfeited, with intent to defraud such person, body politic or corporate, or voluntary association, shall be sen tenced to suffer imprisonment Sz labor, for the first offence for a period not less than one year nor more than seven years, for the second offence for a pe riod not less than three nor more than ten years. Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That every person, duly convicted of obtaining by false pretences any goods or chattels, money, bank note, promissory note, or any other instrument in writing, for the payment or delivery of money or other valuable thing, or of keeping a faro bank or gaming table, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for a period not less than one year, nor more than five years; and every person, so offending, shall be a competent witness against every other person oflending in the same transaction, and may be compelled to appear and give evidence in the same manner as other persons, but the testimony so given shall not be used io any prosecution or proceeding, civil or criminal, against the person so testifying. Sec. 13. And be it further enacted, That every person, upon a second conviction of larceny, where the property stolen is under the value of five dollars or upon a second conviction of receiving stolen good?, knowing them to be stolen, where the property stolen is under the value of five dollars, shall be sentenced to suffer imprisonment and labor, for a period not less than one nor more than three years. Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That all capital felonies and crimes in the District of Columbia, not herein specially provided for, except murder, treason, and piracy, shall hereafter be punished by imprisonment andjlabor in the penitentiary of said District, for a period not less than seven nor more than twenty years. Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That every other felony, rnisdcmeanofj

or offence not provided for by this act, may and shall be punished as heretofore, except that, in all cases where whipping is part or the whole of the punishment, except in the cases of slaves, the court shall substitute therefor imprisonment in the county jail, for a period not exceeding six months. Sec 16. And be it further enacted, That all definitions and descriptions of crimes; all fines, forfeitures, and incapacities, the restitution of property, or the payment of the value thereof; and every other matter not provided for in this act, be, and the same shall remain, as heretofore. Sec 17. And be it further enacted,

that if any free person shall, in the said District, unlawfully, by force and violence, lake and carry away, or cause to be taken and carried away, or shall by fraud unlawfully seduce, or cause to be seduced, any free negro or mullatto, from any part of the 6aid District to any other part of the said District, or to any other place, with design or in tention to sell or dispose of such negro or mulatto, or to cause him or her to be kept and detained a9 a slave for life, or servant for years, every such person, so ollending, his or her counsellor, aiders and abettors, shall on conviction there of, be punished by fine, not exceeding hve thousand dollars, and imprisonment and confinement to hard labor in the penitentiary, for any time not exceed ing twelve years, according to the enor mity of the offence. Sec. 18. And be it further enacted, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to apply to Haves not resi dents of the District of Columbia; but such slaves, shall, for all offences com mitted in said District, be punished agreeably to the laws as they now ex ist: Provided, 1 hat this act shall not be construed to extend to slaves. Andrew Stevenson, Speaker of the House of Representative. John C. Calhoun, President of the Senate. ArmovED, March 2, 1G31. ANDREW JACKSON. Public No. 35.J AN ACT mating" appropriations fur certain fortifications during the year one thousand eitrht hundred and thirtv'onp. jy . J he it enacted by the Senate and ILuse of representatives of the U iu ted Slates of America in nV0-v? noo?tAo ri.o - - - - "VJ Mujmwtuuj j. ii u V the following sums be, and the same are hereby, appropriated, to be paid out of any unappropriated money in the Treasury, for certain fortifications, viz. For the preservation of George's island, Boston harbor, five Ihousaud dollars. For fort Adams, Rhode Island one hundred thousand dollars. For the completion offcrt Hamilton, New-York, ten thousand dollars. For repairing fort Colurr.bus and castle Williams, New-York, twenty-five thousand dollars. For fort Monroe, Virginia, eighty thousand dolhrs. For fort Calhoun, Virginia, eighty thousand dollars. For the completion of fort Macon, eighty thousand dollars. For the completion of the fort cn Oak island, North Carolina, ninety five thousand dollars. For fortifications at Charleston, South Carolina, forty-five thousand dollars. For fortifications at Pensacola, Florida, one hundred thousand dollar?. For a fort at Mobile point, ninety thousand dollars. For repairs of the battery at Dtenvenu, Louisiana, three thousand four dollars. For repairs of fort Wood, Louisiana, three thousand six hundred dollars. For contingencies of fortifications, ten thousand dollars. Apr roved, March 2, 1831. Public No. 3G. AX ACT for the relief of certain importers of foreign merchandise. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Stairs oj America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury shall be, and he is hereby, authorized to extend relief to any importer of foreign merchandise who may have been charged, under the provisions of the third section of the net, entitled "An act for the more effectual collection of the duties on imports,'' passed the twenty-eighth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and thirty, with any duty in addition to the duties existing on such merchandise previous to the passage of thjs act, to the amount of said addflicn-

al duty: Provided, Said merchandise shall have been imported previous to the first day of January last: Provided, also, That no person shall be entitled to the relief authorized to be given by this act, who, by the exercise of reasonable diligence, by himself, or his agents, factors, or correspondentF, could have complied with the provisions of the said third section of said act ; and the Secretary of the Treasury, shall require and receive satisfactory evidence, from every persou claiming the benefits of this act, that such diligence has been used, and that he has acted bona fide, and without any intent to violate or evade the provisions of paid third section, before he shall grant the relief herein prov ided. ArrRovED, March 2, 1C31.

M. TEST'S CIRCUXiAi:. (continued.) If we cannot manufacture as cheap in this country us in others, those other countries will enter our markets; thev will undersell us; the wealthy among us, who have!money will buy, the poor may supply themselves if they can How now stands the case, what is the conclusion? Why, that we cannot man ufacture because we pay our workmen too much wages, they get rich, while the owner gets poor, we abandon our factories, foreigners offer us their good?, the rich can buy,--thQ poor man may want, because he has not the means to buy so the scene ends in poverty, de pendence, and degradation. Let us, by all means, avoid such a ruinou9 state of affairs. And how are we to avoid it ? why by laying a restrictive duty on articles we manufacture, so a3 to shut out a portion of this foreign competi tion. Suppose it doe3 enhance the price of manufactured goods who gets the benefit? Why the poor, the labor er: who loses by it? no one, because by multiplying the objects of industy, the rich find additional sources of in vestments for their capital, the poor find additional 8ource3 of employment, prices become equalized, as each arti cle finds 1 1 3 level in the scale of pro duction, the country becomes stored with the necessaries of life, and secure in its independence, while all it$2 citi zens are busily employed and enjoy competence, equality, freedom and hap piness so that even unJer the most un favorable view of the case, we find the tariff sy:tem benefits the poor man as much, if not more, than the rich. One more view of this question, and I have done. The opponents to this measure ay wc cannot manufacture as cheap in this country, as in others. Whv can we not? doe3 it take more labor in this country to make a yard of cloth, than m England? Wool may be made ns plenty, materials for making machinery are as plenty, every thing in abun dance, of the raw material. Why then can we not make the article as cheap? Tl .ii . . 1 x uvy answer us,;iaoour isjnoi as cheap: admit the fact, labour is higher, & who gets the benefit of high labour? why the poor man that works, so it ought to be; labour is the standard of all value, and the price or value of every article conforms and regulates itself according to that standard, and the higher labour is, the better and more comfortably the labouring man can sustain himself; while at the same time the wealthy man is no loser, unless he be a drone in society, for every article which he may have to dispose of, bears a price proportionate to that of labour, whereby he is remunerated for the price he pays for that labor. Labour being the standard of all relative value or price, can it be possible, that it is cheaper and better, to carry our wool and cot ton lour thousand mue3 across the ocean; get it made into cloth or cloths, and bring it back again, than to make or manufacture it at home. Some idea of what we lose by such a course, may be discovered from the fact that we use nearly three hundred millions of manufactures annually, & allowing ten per cent, for the freight and charges of carrying the raw material out, and bringing the manufactures home, and the expense will be found to nmount to nearly thirty millionsof dollars, whichis clearly thrown away, diminishes to that amount the meana of comfort and happiness to the labouring class of the community. Ai.-other topic presents itself as being worthy of our consideration. It will ha recollected, that not long since, I offered to Congress a bill, in which it was proposed to gie to each actual settler, a3 n donation, a half quarter section of land, if he would inhabit, cultivate, and improve it, for

five consecutive year?. The original proposition in this bill, was to reduce the price of the lands to actual settlen to seventy-five cents an acre and Bub-

ject the whole stock of public lands to entry upon the above terms. These propositions are opposed on various grounds, the most prominent of which are, that the lands are low enough al. ready, that reducing the price of public lands will reduce the price of the improved lands. There is a section in the bill, reducing all the lands to a dollar an acre instead of a dollar c a quarter Land never ought to be made a subject ofspeculation, and although I am not in favor of reducing the price of the pub lie lands too low, where they are to be sold, yet 1 have always entertained the opinion that every actual settler on our wild lands ought to receive a donation according to his family of children, and that nt all events, each ough to receive a certain portion for himself. Suppose the lands were reduced to a very low price, capitalists might purchase up large bodies in thriving settlement?, and keep them out of the hands of the cultivators, until by the labour and improvement of those around them, they become greatly enhanced in value, and so make a specu lationupon them, while they would very much retard the settlement of the State. We have instances plenty in Indiana now, where almost the whole of the best lands in a county are unpopulated in consequence of their belonging to individuals non-resident nnd to minors. This is ii jiuicus to a country, and gives to the non-resident, or the speculator, the benefit of the resident settlers labour. 1 very much doubt the policy of selling land, by the government at any price, but if they will sell it, instead of giving it in donations to actual settlers, they ought to sellnt such a price ns to forbid speculations Now in relation to reducing the price to actual settlers to seventy-five cents, it would be. some benefit to the poorer clasa of people, but it does not furnish that relief the Slate and the people at large, especially the poorer class, have a right to claim. In relation to donations to nctual settlers, I hold this doctrine to be correct, that land is one of the elements, the free gift of the Creator, that being almost as abundant B3 tho other elements of air, water, nnd &c. man is freely entitled to so much of it aa by labour and industry will enable him to obtain sustenance for himself and those for whom ho is bound to provide. These lands were won by the blood and treasure ot the whole com munity, and they are the property of the whole, nnd they ought to be disposed of to the best advantage for their benefit; and i3 it conceivable that it ia better to hold them up nt such a nrico as is calculated to keep them out of the hands of the industrious poor, to retain them a wilderness, rather than surren der them to the possession of the cultivator? can it he possible that the little pittance per acre, we receive in monev. can be at all considered as an equivalent for the national benefit resulting from the conversion of a hideous wilderness into a populous country, or a useless forest into cultivated held? Our lan ded domain, amounts to more that a thousand millions ofacres: we have now already surveyed and unsold, a quantity bordering on a hundred and fifty mil lion?, which are now in the market. We have sold in forty rears between twenty and thirty millions ofacres, and t we continue to sell in the same ratio in relation to time ns heretofore, we shall in about two hundred years sell to the amount of what lands we have now in market, and not sooner. In our own State we have of unsold land of which the Indian title has been extintinguished, twelve millions; we have sold in thirty years about four millions. There are rbout ten millions of acres of which the Indian title is yet to be extinguished. Now if the United States continue to sell in the same ratio they have heretofore, the public lands in our owd State will be sold in about one hundred and sixty or one hundred and eighty years. I would therefore usk if it would not be better for the government of the United States, and our own State, to permit these refuse lands to pars into the hands of actual settlers upon easy term?, rather than to let them remain eternally in mortmain? One mere view of the subject. By tho ordinance of 1787, the Uoited Statea have it In their power, if they thirk proper to rxercife it, (and it is their intciet to do so,) to 6x such a price on their lands as to Avoid selling a tin-