Indiana Palladium, Volume 7, Number 8, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 26 February 1831 — Page 2

have every confidence in the justice of your decision. Your Fellowr Citizen, OLIVER H. SMITH. Coonersville, February, 12th, 1831.

COMMUjYICA TIOJV. For the Palladium. The laws of Maine considered. Mr. Editor Havlnt? nrnmlsed in a late com tnunication to consider some of the laws of Maine, as beinj more equitable and just than those of our own state, I now proceed to redeem it. In doing this I shall no doubt gain tha disapproval of some and the ridicule of others. It may, and no doubt will, be said that those laws do not concern us, nor would they be wholesome here. That some of them would not I am ready to admit, but there are others that would laws that have long received the sanction of the people as being wholesome and good; and it may justly be doubted whether any amendments tor th better can be made unto them. It is in consequence of their long standing and universal approval that I refer to them. Without further ceremony I shall proceed to consider the "Revenue law' which provides, "that a jjst valuation of the real and personal property of each individual shall be made from time to time, and that each individual shall be taxed according to such valuation money at interest not excepted; This to me appears just and equal. Those that possess most pay most, and just in the same proportion. Hat not so with us. Our laws provide that the man who is only worth SO acres of unimproved land, with a small loir cabin, shall ' - cy pay as much taxaa does the man with the same quantity of land under the highest state of improvement, and with the most splendid buildings ; per chance worth more dollars than the former is worth cents. The former must also pay as much tax for his horse or his ox not worth more than 15 or 20 dollars, as the latter does for those of the most valuable kind. This tope appears quite oppressive. But says an objector, so then "The man who toils hard, and saves all that he can, must have an increase of tax, while the slothful and prodigal realize a corresponding reduction."' The objection I grant is so far correct; but it should be remembered on the other hand, that many indolent and prodigal men are wealthy, while the industrious and frugal remain poor. And it is worthy of remark, and I hazzard the expression, that it is the fewest of men that become wealthy by labor and strict honesty. The indolent not unfrequently become wealthy by en tering into such speculation as naught but the love of ease and money would justify. 'Tis true that if a poor man should be in distress, they have both principle and ambition enough to call and see him. The misfortune is, however, they only call to take an advantage of his necessity; and if they obtain his property for less than one half of its real value, they justify themselves by saying they have done as they greed, speaking aften the manner of men. This may be correct, but when tested by "The perfect law," which provides that" We should do to others as we would that they should do to us," it may safely be anticipated that "mene teker "Thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting,' will be written on all such. 1 make these remarks without any personal reference, merely to show that wealth is sometimes;ill gotten, and that humble poverty cannot be avoided. "The poor ye always have with you," said a wiser than Solomon. It is, therefore, an imperfection in all human legislation that every act cannot with equal justice be applied to every individual subject. The genera! good is all that can rationally ba anticipated from such legislation. And it certainly re quires no deep penetration to see that it would be less oppressive to tax the individual who may be worth his thousands and tens of thousands, 5 or 10 dollars too much, than it would be to tax the poor, unfortunate laborer one cent too mueh, for the former would still have left "enough and to spare." But again, according to the objector's reasoning, the man who owns one horse or yoke of oxen should pay as much tax, as does the man who owns 3 or 4. 'Tis true he has not as many, but then he might havehad, andtherefore should be taxed accordingly. So also the man who owns 80 acres of land should pay as much as does the man who owns 800 acres, or 80 times that quantity for it is his own fault, because he was indolent lie might havegot as much. By a parity of reasoning we might better say, tax every man alike, and then let them get little or much just slhey please and as they can. Reduce it to this, and what statesman or politician would dare advocate its cause? And what better I would ask, is the present revenue law of our state? It is certainly the sama in principle; its only variation is in degree. Iam, therefor fully resolved that I will not hereafter, either directly nor indirectly, be accessary to the election even of my most familiar friend to the legislature, who shall not stand publicly pledged to do his or their best endeavor to carry the ad valorum system of taxation into speedy effect. I may not live to see this measure adopted, yet I confidently believe that it ultimately will be. And if I can in any degree be instrumental in advancing so good and just a cause, it will ever remain a subject of agreeable reflection to methe displeasure of the. oppressor and office seeker to the contrary notwithstanding. I repeat, that I have no personalities in view in any of the foregoing statements. Nor do I pretend to expect that the representatives of Dearborn can carry th'13 measure into effect, without the concurrence of the other counties. Let this subject therefore be fairly laid before the voters of Indiana, through the medium of those papers, friendly to its adoption, that the people throughout the state may be prepared to act in general concert at the next August election. I would not be understood to' say that those who have hitherto voted against this measure,, have acted corruptly: it may have been the result of an honest difference in opinion. I have dwelt at some length upon this subject, because I consider it one of vital importance; nor are these suggestions- the mere impulse of the moment, I have long reflected upon the subject, and hand them out deliberately, and if they are incorrect, on me 1st the responsibility rest. In this communication I have taken no other liberties than those enjoyed by my fellow citizens: that of investigating the character of public measures and public men The remaining items which I purpose to considervbeing less important, will be considered with corresponding brevity.! A. J. COTTON. Manchester, Feb'y 16th, 1831. JVew York. William L. Marcy has been elected a senator of the United States for six years from the 3d of March next, in the place of Mr. Sanford. The vote in caucus was for Mr. Marcy 77, Erastus ttoot 1 5, Mr. Snnford 6 scattering 6. And, in the legislature, for Mr. Marcy 107 32 for another person, or persons. MUs.

LATE FOREiaiT NEWS.

From the New-York Courier and Enquirer. France. The trial of the ex-ministers has terminated ; we hare only space to-day to give the sentence passed on them by the Chamber of Peers. The people of Paris were in a state of Ihe greatest excitement during its progress, and the government displayed a large military force to prevent the commotions they apprehended. A correspondent says "the great square of the Louvre presented one dense mass of National Guards fully equipped. The cannon were all served, and thestreets upon the quay3 were all paraded by strong piquets. The cavalry were mounted, and the Lancers and Chasseurs of the line had hay slung over the saddles of their horses as ready for active service." Notwithstanding these imposing demonstrations, appearances become more threatening, and while the alarm was greater?, General Lafayette, repaired to the place of confinement of the Ex-ministers, demanded a bed in their prison, and said he would not quit it until the sanctuary of the laws was secured. Happily no serious consequences ensued and the men themselves are now left to ponrier over their follies or their crimes in perpetual se clusion. There appear to be other causes, however, which have coniinued to agitate the public mind in France. A strong opposition to the King's Ministers has shown itself in the Chamber of Deputies, and all the purely liberal party has retired. Dupont de PEure, Odellon Barrot and Treillard have relinquished office and, with them, General Lafayette: the resignation of the latter is thus announced in the Moniteur. REPORT TO THE KING. Paris, Dec. 26. "Sir M. Le General Lafayette has ofFered his resignation as CommandantGeneral of the National Guard of the Kingdom. Applications were made to the General that he should renounce the resolution which has afllicted the heart of your Majesty and has deprived France of his great services. 1 he resolution of General Lafayette, was fixed; the admirable conduct of the National Guards of Paris in every circumstance where it had to defend the liberty and public order, merits the praise of the country. "I have the honor to propose to your Majesty to name Count Lobau, Lieutenant-General as Commandant-General of the National Guard of Paris. (Signed) "Montalivet." Extract from the King's address. "Brave National Guards You will partake of my regret in learning that General Lafayette has given in his resignation. I flattered myself that I should have seen him longer at your head, and animating your zeal by his example, and by the great services he has rendered the cause of liberty, I feel his resignation the more, as he has but a short lime to live. This brave General took a glorious part to maintain order in the late agitation. I find another consolation in naming Count Lobau Commandant-General of the National Guards of Paris. He joined and partook in your dangers in your glory on tha memorable days of July; his brilliant military qualities and his patriotism rendered him worthy to command this Citizen Militia , by which 1 am proud to be surrounded ; and have given me new pledges of their confidence and affection, Louis PuiLLirE. Paris, Dec. 2G. The motives which led to his resignation, are in one paper stated as follows: The Chamber of Deputies, apparently alarmed for reform, passed a vote enacting that the National Guards should not be permitted to chocse their own General. The consequence of this vote would have been the removal of Lafayette: but this ungrateful, unpopular, and perilous step was to have been obviated by a direct appointment from the King. To this, however, the patriotic General would not submit. Subsequently the King sent for "bis old and long attached friend,' and the invitation was accepted. Lafayette declared that he appeared not as an unconnected individual, but as a negociator; and in reply to the King's earnest entreaty that he would re-accept the command in chief of the Guards from his hands, said that he could never do so, without an infusion of popular strength into his Majesty's present Councils, and the introduction of such an electoral law as would satisfy the people, and give solidity to the institutions of the revolution. The General himself, however, has given the following explanation of his resignation in the Chamber: Resignation of Lafayette. The sitting of the Chamber ofDeputieson the 27th December, was numerously attended in consequence of the extraordinary degree of interest excited by recent occurrences. The Chamber were proceeding lo the discussion of the law relative to the Natioual Guard, when

Gen. Lafayette entered, and wa3 received with universal applause, upwards of one hundred members going up to him and shaking hi? hand. The General then went to the President, and after a short, conversation with him, addressed the Chamber as follows: fciIn a neighboring nation it is the custom when a citizen retires from a distinguished office, for him to come before his fellow citizens, and explain the cause, and I am sure the Chamber will grant me the same favor. I always have considered that the post of Com-mander-in-Chief of the National Guards of France was incompatible with a constitutional monarchy, except under circumstances of the most absolute necessity. It was this conviction that led me, in 1790, when 3,000,000 of National Guards wished to elect me their commander, at the Federation, by 1-1, 000 Deputies, to apply to the Consti

tuent Assembly, and urge them to issue a decree in opposition to this desire. Such still was my opinion when the Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, who ha3 6ince become our King, wished me to accept the same appointment,and I felt myself bound to accept iU but always retaining the intention of laying it down, as soon a? I was satisfied that it was no longer necessary for me to retain it, earliei if peace remained unbroken, but at a later period had war ensued. The declared opinion of the chamber hastened the period, and out of respect for it I hae not waited till the law was submitted to the other branches of the state. It 3 merely a matter of date; but I should be deeply hurt, if any one imagined, and no one, who has been acquainted with me daring the last 54 years of my life, can believe, that my conduct has been dictated by any personal feeling. 5 will go further, and say, that this opinion of the Chamber has afforded me an opportunity. The high authority with which I was invested, has given urnbrage,which you, gentlemen, must have heard of; and this umbrage has even been felt in certain diplomatic circles. The cause 13 now at an end, and I have now no other honer than that of being one of your colleagues, One word more, gentlemen, I should not ha7e given in my resignation, which the King has accepted with all that goodness he has ever shown towards me, before the crisis we have now happily got over was at an end. At this lime my conscientious love of public order is satisfied, but I cannot say the same of my conscientious love of liberty. We must all recollect the programma announced at the Hotel de ,Yille a popular throne, supported by republican institutions. It was accepted, but we have not all put the same construction upon it; it has not always been interpreted by the councils of the King, in the same seuse in which it was understood by me, who am more impatient than others, that it should be realised ; and whatever may have been my personal independence in all situations, I feel myself at the present moment more at my ease in discussing my opinions with you. For the rest, there are points upon which we shall always be in accord, we shall ever be united against our enemies, whetherat home or from abroad. I still think that in the measure taken in the Revolution of July, we not only did that which we verily believed was for the best, but that we did all that was possible to be done. I am the more convinced of this, since I have become intimately acquainted with the personage we have placed on the throne. On throwing off my uniform, I have not changed my motto, "Liberty, Public Order." Besides, how many legal means we have of expressing our thoughts, and making our wishes known ; for there iHhe 'I ribune of this Chamber, and for every citizen there is the press, which has rendered the country so many services; and then there is the peaceable mode of petitions. Having thus yielded to my desire of laying all my sentiments before you, I trust I shall still and ever retain your esteem and friendship.' The project of the law presented by the French ministers to the Chamber of Deputies, seem3 to be the chief cause of these differences of opinion. The project itself is too long to be placed in our columns to day its effect would be to double the present number of electors, and to make a few other unimportant or unsatisfactory changes. There are 7,000,000 beads of families in France, and it is intended to limit the franchise to 160,000 of the richest persons, in the proportion of 1 elector to 44 heads of families. A measurefof reform which to us seems a mere mockery of the claims of the people. Another important step taken by the King, is the dissolution of the artillery of the National Guard, attributed byone journal to "a sweeping radicalism which had taken possession of them, and was a perpetual source of irritation and discord between the companies." In addition, the King's Government is charged with a want of energy in acting against those who disturbed the peace of the capital with having allowed, at bz time General Lafayette

was Issuing his orders of the day for the preservation of tranquility, the students of the different schools to issue also an order, in which they stated that the King had engaged to make important concessions if the peace of Paris was preserved and the apprehended crisis averted. M. Lifitte denied the authenticity of this proclamation of the students, but it is certain that at his motion, these youths were voted the thanks of the Chamber of Deputies for their services in maintaining quiet, a vole which they indignantly rejected, because the Chamber did not in their opinion represent the feelings, oi speak the voice of France. We give an interesting speech of M. Lafitte on the

state of affairs in that country. M. Lafitte rose and addressed the Chamber. Ministers have been asked what was their system? Abroad Ministers had adopted the system of nonintervention. The five great Poweri of Europe have acknowledged and signed the independence of Belgium. (Cheers.) During the negotiations, the Powers had taken up arms with a view to security rather than cf aggression. France considered it necessary to arm herseif in her turn; the preparations for war continue, and they will not be suspended till foreign powers shall cease to arm themselve?. A great trial has just been concluded; the enemies of the public repose attempted to sully the revolution of July, and the Government proved upoi this occasion how it understood public order and liberty. It perceived the danger, and announced that every one would do his duty, and every one did his duty the citizens and their illustrious General. The Government told you that probably there was a conspiracy; it put this doubt in the place of a certainty, in order that it might not excite surprise. As no other information upon the detaili of the events, a judicial inquiry is in progress, and the delay which a conscientious investigation requires must be granted. Moreover, the offences committed in popular tumults do not present themselves as conspiracies. These offences are frequently only the consequence of being misled. Tho real crime remains with the perfidiousinstigators, who seek to take advantages of the misdemeanors of weak-minded men. (Hear.) Documents are alrea dy in the hands of justices. Written documents will prove that the enemies of July mixed themselves with the enemies of December, and that alone they cannot allege as an excuse their excessive lore of liberty. We have these words written with their hands we must have a Republic to drive awav the family of Orleans. The illustrious Chief of the National Guards resigned his post, notwithstanding our persuasions; he wished to imitate the noble example of Washington; he did a little earlier that which he would have done a little later. One of our colleagues, whose virtues have shed so much lustre upon the Administration, had also the intention of resigning his share in the government; he would not do it on the eve of danger, but he did it the day after. One of our officers is at the head of the National Guard, and you know what men have entered into the Ministry. Oar system will not be altered, gentlemen, by these change?. We shall proceed in the paths of regeneration opened in July,-and whenever the law3 may be threatened we will m?ike them respected; The names of the men recently called into the Ministry ought to give confidence to the friends of liberty. An election law, founded upon wide and solid basis, will show we understand the institution that should be given to France. The opinion of the Governments, that each ought to have complete action in public affairs. At t home and abroad, the system of the Government cannot appear doubtful to any one. Abroad, it requires that France should be listened to; at home it requires liberty, but with laws. We feel pleasure in adding however that the late accounts from Pari3 represent the slate of things in a more favorable light. The mobs had dispersed and the public fund, had risen very materially. Sentences upon the Ex Ministers. We have just received from our own Reporter the sentences passed upon the State prisoners, whose trial has excited so much attention in France, and throughout Europe. Our readers will learn with satisfaction that their lives have been spared, and the friends of freedom will rejoice that its finest triumph ha3 thus been spared a stain, which, however, it might be the work of justice, would savor of vengeance. The blood of these men will not be shed, but yet a large oblation has been made upon the altar of orfended justice and outraged national rights. The remainder of their days is doomed to incarceration and incarceration within the limits of France. They are deprived of all property, titles, honors, and attributes of distinction whatever, and degraded to the lowest class of convicts suffered to exist, living monuments of the forbearance of a great, but undy

ing examples of the danger of tramplintr upon the liberties of a free people. The pentenee finds all tho prisoner! guilty of "High Treason," upon the charge of having subscribed the illegal ordinauces; but, because the Charter i silent, cr obscure, ns to punishment for that offence, the Court supplies the omission by adjudging them to transportation, which, being impracticably out of France, is changed to perpetual imprisonment within its boundary. There is a deference between the cases of Prince Polignac and the other three that he is condemned to "civil death," whereas Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and G. Ranville, ore to be held "legally interdicted" only. They are ell lo be subject to the costs ot the prosecution before the Court of Peers. Paris, it will be seen by our Private Correspondence, wa3 tolerably quiet, and, in some degree through the humane interference of the King and Lafayef tc, reconciled to this sentence. MINT U. PTATKS OPERATION, 1833. Mint of the U, S. i' hi la (L I phi a t 1st Jan. 1S31. Sir: I have the honor to submit a report on the general transactions of the mint within the last year. The coinage effected within that period amounts to 3, 1 55, 020, comprising $643,105 in gold coins, 2,495,400 in silver, 17,1 15 in copper, nnd consisting of 8,357,191 pieces of coin, viz: Half eagle. 126-351 making 631,755 Quartfr eajles, 4.540 11,350 Half dollar, 4,751,8 0 2,3S2,460 Dismei, 510 000 51.000 Half dimes, X,?40,0OO 62GC0 Cents, 1.711,500 37,115 8,357.191 S3.155.620 Of the amount of gold coined withirr the last year, about 125,000 were derived from Mexico, South America, and the West Indies; 19,000 from Africa, 406,000 from the gold region of the United States, and about 33,000 from sources not ascertained. Of the gold of the United States above mentioned , 24,000 may he stated to have been received from Virginia, 204,000 from North Carolina, 26,000 from South Carolina, and 212,000 from Georgia. In the last annual report, the progressive development of the gold region of the United Statc3 was illustrated by referring to the increase of the annual receipts from North Carolina, which, previous to 1824, had been inconsider

able, but, from that year to 1 829 inclusive, had advanced from 5,000 to 128,000, and, also, to the then novel occurrence of gold having been received nt the mint from Virginia, and South Carol inn, about 2,500 having been received from the former, and 3,500 from the latter. The past year exhibits, in relation to all those states, a conspicuous increase in the production cf gold, and presents, also, the remarkable fret of 212,000 in gold received from Georgia, from which state no specimen thereof had been presented at the mint in any previous year. The coinage above exhibited exceeds the amount of any former year, Th3 demand remains, nevertheless, unabated; and the mass of bullion now in the vaults of the mint is large beyond any previou3 example. These fact3 confirm the expediency of the provisions for extending, the mint establishment, nnd indicate that the measure has not been premature. In relation to the structure erecting under these provisions, I have the satisfaction to state, that, although its progress has been, during a part of the past season, unexpectedly impeded, the preparations making for a vigorous prosecution of the work at the earliest practicable moment, authorise the hope that the commencement of the operations of coinage in the new edifice will be deferred but for a short period beyond tho time contemplated when the foundation of the building was laid, namely the fourth of July of the present year. Nor i3 a les3 confident hope entertained that the character of the structure, as a public edifice, and its efficiency for the purpose of its destination, will he found to accord with the wishes of the government, ns indicated by the appropriations granted for the object. I have tho honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, SAMUEL MOORE. The, president of the United States. The art of punning At Washington. The Peck Measure has been disposed of. Judge Peck has not been broke, but only marked. Hh Lawless proceedings have made him a "Peck of irouhles.' If his measure of justice be not full, we Uut he has enough to caution him against meteixg it out to ethers by a false standard. Dut we question, whether tha people cf?Iissouri will be content, that justice shall still be measured to them by lhi3 Peck so marked by the Senate. A Lawless spirit will still prevail, and Judge Peck will be pecked at by every peccadillo. But should grievances be heaped upon them by Pecksy Bushels and Barrels, we beg that they will not bring them to this market; for to attempt to break a Judge by impeachment, U bnt a peculation upon the Treasury. Globe.