Indiana Palladium, Volume 6, Number 51, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 25 December 1830 — Page 3

erhmenf, we have as little right to control them as we have to prescribe laws to foreign nations. With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and Chiakasaw tribes have, with great unanimity, determined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the act of Congress, and have agreed to remove beyond the

iUiS;issippt river. Treatiet nave been made with them, which in due season, will be submitted for consideration. In negotiating these treaties, they were made to understand their true condition; and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the western forests to submitting to the laws of the States in which they now reside. These treaties being probably the la-t which will ever be made with them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of the Government. They give the Indians a liberal sum in con ideration of their removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniencies and vexaiiorn to which they would unavoidably have been subject in Alabama or Mississippi. Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country, and philanthropy ha? been long busily employed in devising means to avert it. But its progress has never fora moment been arrested; and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the earth. To follow to the tomb ths last of his race, and to tread on the graves of extinct dafions, excites melancholy refli'ctioi s. Bui true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes, as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the monument and fortres cs of an unknown people, spread over the t xtensive regions of the Wat, we behold the memorials of a once powerful race, which was exterminated, or has disappeared, to make room for the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this, which, upon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race, is to be regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to lee this continent restored to ihe condition in which it was found by our forefathers. What good mart would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages, to our extensive republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms ; embellished with all the improvements which art can devise, or industry execute; occupied by more than twelve millions of happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion. The present policy of the government ti but a continuation of the same progressive change, by a milder proceaa. The tribes which occupitod the countries new constituting the eastern States wen- annihilated, or have melted away, to nuke room fo- the whites. The urates of population and Civilization ire rolling to tae westward; and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the re 1 men of the south and west by a a:r exchange, and at the expense of the United Siaiea, to 9erid them to a land where their existence mav be prolonged, and perhaps made perpetual. Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of Uieir fathers ; but what do they more than our ancestors d?d, or t an our children are now doing? To bet. 4er their condition in an unknown land, our forefathers le't all that ws der in earthly bjects. Our children, by thousands, yearly leave the land of their birth, to seek new homes mi distant regions. D;es Immunity weep at these painful separations from every thing, animale and inanimate, with which the young bean has become entwined? Far from it. it u rather a source of joy bat iur country affords scope where? our young population may fange unconstrained in body or in mind, developing the power and faculties of man in their highest perfection. These remove hundreds, and almost thousands of miles, at their own expense, purchase the land9 they occupy, and support themselves at their new home from the moment of their arrival Can it be cruel in this Government, when, by events which it cannot Control, the li dian is mads discontented in his ancient home, to purchase his lands, to give bim a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of his removal, and support him a year in his new abode? How many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the op. portunity of removing to the west on such conditions? If the offers made to the Indians were extended to hem, they would be hailed wa gratitude and joy. And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home than the settled civilized christian? Is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers, than it is to our brothers and children? Rightly considered, the policy of the general government towards the red man is not only liberal but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the states, and mingle with their population. To save him from this alternative or perhaps utter annihilation, the General Government kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement. In the consummation of a policy originating at an early period and steadily pursued by every administration withm the present century so just to the states, and sv generous to the Indians, the Executive feels it has a right to expect the co-opsra-tion of Congress, and of all good and disinterested men. The states, moreover, have aright to demand it. It xvas substantially apart of the compnet which made them members oj our confederacy With Georgia, there is an express contract; with the new States, an impnea one, oj equal obli ration. Why, in authorizing Ohio, Indiana Illinois, jwssouri, Mississippi, ana 4 hamtorm constitutions arid become

'separate Stales, did Congriss include kithin their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes ? Was it not understood by both parties that the power of the States was to be co-extensive with their limits, and that, with all convenient despatch, the General Government should extinguish the Indian titles and remove every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction of the State Governments over the soil? Probably not one of those States would have accepted a separate existence certainly it would never have been granted by Congress had it been un

derstood that they were to be confined forever to those small portions of their nominal territory, the Indian title to which had at the time been extinguished. It is, therefore, a duty which this Government owes to the new States, to extinguish, as soon as possible, the Indian title to all lands which Congress themselves have included within their limits. When this is done, the duties of the General Government in relation to the Slates, and Indians within their limits, are at an end, The Indians may leave the state or not as tlfey choose. The purchase of their lands does not alter, in the least, their personal rela tions with the State Gnvcrnmenl. No act of the General Government haa ever been deemed necessary to give the Stales jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians. That they possess, by virtue of their sovereign power within theirown limits, in as full a manner before as after the purchase of ihe Indian lands; nor can this governmeni add to or diminish it. May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, aud none more zealously ihanthose whothink thIndians oppressed by subjection to the laws of the states, will unite in attempting to open tbeeyes of those childreu of the forest to their true condition, aud, by a speedy removal, to relieve thera from the evila, real or imaginary, present or prospective, witb which they may be supposed to be threatened. Among the numerous causes of congraiulation, the condition of our impost revenue deserves special mention, in as much as it promises the means of extinguishing the public debt 6ooner than was anticipated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariffupon our commercial interests. The object of the tariffis objected to by some as unconstitutional; and it is considered by almost all 33 defective in many of its parts. The power to impose duties on imports originally bebnged to the several States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely incidental to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without ihe other. The States have delegated their whole authority over imports to the General Government, without limitation or restric tion, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely parsed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose ot protection does not exist in them; and, consequently, if it be not pu$essed by the General Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present tne anomaly of a people stripped of the right tot foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selfish aud destructive policy winch might be adobted by foreigo nations. This surely cannot be the case: this indispensable power, thus surrendered by the States, must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion, I am confirmed as well by the opiuions of Presidents Washington, Jelierson, iMadison, and M mroe, who have each repeatedly recommended the excercise cf this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence ot the States and the general understanding of the people. The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff, although great, are far from being insurmountable. Some are unwilling to impair any of its parts, because they would destroy the whole: others tear to touch the objectionable parts, lest those they approve should be jeopardied. I am persuaded that the advocates of these conflicting views do injustice to the American people, and to their representatives. The general interest is the interest of each; and my confidence is entire, that, to ensure the adoption of such modifications of the tariff as the general interest requires, it is only necessary that that interest should be understood. l is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudices with the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess, and effects they cannot pro d.ice. The effects of the present tariff are doubtless overrated, both in its evils and in its advantages. By one class of reasoners, the reduced price of cotton and other agricultural products is ascribed wholly to its influence, and ny anomer, tne reuueeu price 01 maimfactured articles. The probability is,

that neither opinion approaches the truth, and that both are induced by that iutluence of interests and prejudices to which I have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout the commercial world, embracing not only the raw material and the manufactured article, but provisions and lands. The cause must, therefore, be deeper and more pervading than the tariffof the United States. It may, in a measure, be attributable to the increased value of the precious metals, produced by a diminution of the supply, and an increase iu the demand; while commerce has rapidly extended itself, and population has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the general medium of exchange, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions in the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of the effect, too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and improvements in machinery. But, on the whole, it is questicna ble whether the reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures, has been greater than the appreciation of the standard of value. While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be so

adjusted as to encourage manufactures. Ii. this adjustment, however, it is the duty of the Government to be guided by the general tood. Objects of national importance alone Gught to be protected: of these, the productions of our soil, our mines, and our workshops, essential to national defence, occupy the first rank. Whatever other species o' domestic industry, having the importance to which 1 have referred, may be expected, sifter temporary protection, to compete with foreign labor on tqual terms, merit the same attention in a subordinate degree. The present tariff taxts acme of the comforts of life unnecessarily high: it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction; and it also attempts to force some kinda of manufactures for which the country is not ripe. Much relief will be derived, in some of these respects, from the measures of your last session. The best as well as fairest mode of determining whether, from any just considerations, a particular interest ought to receive protection, would be to submit ihe question singly for deliberation. If, after due examination of its merits, unconnected with extraneous considerations such as a desire to sustain a general system, or to purchase support lor a differeot interest- it should enlist in its favor a majority of the Representatives of the people, there can be little danger of wrong or ifjury in adjusting the tariff with reference to its protective effect. If this obviously just principle were honestly adhered to, the branches of industry which deserve protection weuhl be saved from the prejudice excited against them, when that protection forms part of a system by which portions ot the country feel, or concfive themselves to be, oppressed. What is incalculably more important, the vital principle cf our system that principle which requires ac quiescence iu the will of the majority wonld be secure from the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of majorities, founded, not on identity of conviction, but on combinations of small minorities, entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance in measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never be carried. I am a w&ra that this is a subject of so muih delicacy, en account of the extended interests it involves, as to require that it should be touched with the utmost cautico that, while an abandonment of the'policy in which itorigi rated a policy coeval with our Government, and pursued through auceeiBive administrations, is neither to be expected or desired, the people have right to dsoos&d, and have damaoded, that it be so modified as to correct abases aod obviate injustice. That our deliberations 00 this interesting subject ebould be uoindueQced by those par tizaa conflicts that are incident to free institutions, is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this great question, whieb unhappily so roach divides and excites the public mind, subservient to the ebort-aigbted views of faction, must destroy all hope of settling it satisfactorily to tbe,great body of the people, and for the general interest. I cannot, therefore, on taking leave of the subject, too earnestly for ojy own feelings or the common good, warn you against the blighting consequences ofsuch a course. According to the estimates at the Treasury Department, the receipts in the Treasury during the present year will amount to twenty-four millions one hundred and sixty-one thousand and eighteen dollars, which will exceed by about three hundred thousand dollars the estimate presented in the last annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The total expenditure during the year, exclusive of public debt, is estimated at thirteen millions seven hundred&forty-two thousand three hundred & eleven dollars; Sl the payment on account of public debt for the same period will have been eleven millions three hundred and fifty-four thousand six hundred and thirty dollars; leaving a balance in the Treasury, on the 1st of January, 1831, offour mil lions eight hundred and ninteen thou land seven hundred and 81 dollar,

In cdnftexion with the condition of

our finances, it affords me pleasure to remark, that judicious and efficient arrangements have been made by the Treasury Department for securing the pecuniary responsibility of the public officers, and the more punctual payment of the public dues. The revenue cutter service has been organized, and placed on a good footing, and aided by an increase of inspectors at exposed points; and the regulations adopted under the act of May, 1830, for the inspection and appraisement of merchandise, have produced much improvement in the execution of the laws, and more security against the commission of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allowances for fishing bounties have also been corrected, and a mater ial saving in that branch of the service thereby effected. In addition to these improvements, the system of expand ilure for the sick seamen belonging to the merchant service haa been revised; and, by being rendered uniform and economical, the benefits of the fund applicable to this object have been usefully extended. The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of public land, as will appear from the report of the commissioner of the Geoeral Land Office, and the documents accompanying it, which are herewith trapsoaitted. 1 beg leave to draw your attention to the report, and to the propriety of making early appropriations for the objects which it specifies. Your attention is again invited to the sub jects connected with that portion of the public iateresta entrusted to the War Department. Some of them were referred to in my former message; and they are presented in detail in the report cf the Secretary of War herewith submitted. I refer you, also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the state of the Army fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs; all of which it will be perceived, have been guarded wi!i zealous attention and care. It is worthy of your consideration, whether tbe armaments necessary for the forfiikations on our maratime frontier, which arc now, or shortly will be, completed should not ba in readiness sooner than the customary impropriations will enable the Department to provide them. This precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortification which has been sanctioned by congress, and is recommended by that maxim of wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war. I refer you to the report of tbe Secretary of the Navy for a highly satisfactory account of tbe manner in which the concerns of that Department have been conducted during the present year. Our position in relation to the most powerful nations of the earth, and the present condition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our national defence with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all those Governments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothing to apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attack upon oir commerce, and harassing inroads upon our coast, against which we have to guard A naval force adequate to the protaction of our commerce, always afloat, with an accumulation of the means to give it a rapid enBiou u u i neu. .arm,,, t.ic Fuwc. , : f 1 .u ted or repelled The attention ct the Govern merit has, therefore been recently directed more to preserving the public vessels already built, and providing materials to be placed in depot for future use, than to increasing their number. With the aid of Congress, in a few years the Government will be prepared, in the case of emergency, to put afloat a powerful Navy of new ships almost as soon as old onescouH be repaired. The modifications cf this part of the service suggested not of nut iiciHion. ,.C report 01 e i osunaer urucm, in ..u j manner, exhibits a satisfactory Vievr of the im- i portant branch of the government under his J charge. In addition to the btefits already secured by the operations of the Tost Office Department considerable improvements within the present year have been made by an increase in the accommodation afforded by stage coaches, and in the frequency and celerity of the mail between some of the most important points of the Union. Under the late contracts, improvements have been provided for the southern section of the country, and, at the same tin e, an annual saving made of upwards of seventy-tw thousand dollars. Notwithstanding the excess of evpenditure beyond the current receipts for a Jfew years pst, necessarily incurred in the fulfilment the additional try; yet the satisfactory assurance is given, that the iuture revenue of the department will be sufficient to meet its extensive engagements. The system recently introduce!, that subjects its receipts and disbursements to strict regulation, has entirely fulfilled its designs It gives full aasurance of the punctual transmission, as well as the security, of the funds of the depart ment. The efficiency and industry of its offi cers, and the ability and energy of contractors, justify an increased confidence in its continued prosperity. The attention of Congress was called, on a former occason, to the necessity ofsuch a modification of the office of Attorney General of the United States, as would render it more adequate to the tfants of the public service. This resulted in the establishment of the office of Solicitor ef the Treasury; and the earliest measures were taken to give effect to the provisions of the law which authored the appointment of that officer, aud defined his duties But it is not believed that this provision, however useful in itself, is calculated to supersede the necessity of extendirg the duties and powers of the Attorney General's office. On the contrary, I am convinced that the public interest would be greatly promoted by giving to that officer the general superintendence of the various lawagents of the Government, and of all law proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in which the United States may be interested, allowing to him, at the 6air.e time, such a compensation as would enable him to devote his undivided attention to the public business. I think such a provision is alike due to the public and to the officer. Occasions of reference from the different Executive departments to the Attorney General are of frequent occurrence ; and the ptompt de cision cf the questions so referred Unda much

in my last annual message, which are ed . h h j . A . m f f

iced in detail m the report ot the Secretary :.u ' i. u .1

. . T . ii. ; iui"K -"G iulsi rawer turmitv (.uruukMl lucit" the Navy, arc again recommended to your se-; own bank,. whivthe Rank ot L United st.tM.

01 eiisiine- coniraris. ana in

expenses, belueeij the periods of contract- lnt ha3 thas fap been signall2ed in lhe prosing, to meet the demands created by the rap d ty and gQTy ofow oved country May growth and extension ot our flourishing coun- it. (nfilie-r. u -.tprnal Avm.i'w unif'.OM.

- 1 Aim uir 1 i.ii'ii mtwviiLr:iii.r . i i ir wrni is f 11 1111m.

to facilitate the despatch of burners IK those Departments. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, hereto appended, shows aba a branch of the public service not specifBcally entrusted to any officer, which might be advarttageously committed to the Attorney General. But independently of those considerations this office is now one of daily duty. It was originally organized, and it. compensation fixed with a view to occasional service, leaving to the incumbent time fur the exercise of h, a profusion in private pract.ee. The state of things which warranted such an organization no IonP f .t- 1ef,euen1t,cla!uPon the services of this officer would render hi. absence trom the seat of government, in professional attendance upon the courts, injurious to the pubhe service ; and the interests of the government could not fail to be promoted by charging him with the general superintendence of all iu legal concerns. Under a strong conviction of the justness of these suggestions, I recommend it to Congress to make the necessary provisions far giving effect to them, and to place the Attorney General, i regard to compensation, on the same footing with the heads of the several Executive De

partments. 1 o tnis officer must also be en. I lrustfd a cognizance of the cases of insolvency in pubhc debtors, especially if the views whi.ri I submitted on this subject last year should meet the approbation of Congress to which, K agam solicit your attention Your attention is respectfully invited to thd situation of the District of Columbia. Placed, by the Constitution under the exclusive jurisdiction and control of Congress, thi Disinct is certainly entitled to a much greater share of its consideration than it has y$t received. There is a want of uniformity in Its laws, particularly m those of a penal character, which increases the expense of their administration, and subjects the people to all the inconveniences which result trom the operation of different codes in tto. small a territory On d fferent sides of the Potomac, the same offence is punishable m unequal degrees ; and the peculiarities ot many of the eariy taws of Maryland and Virginia remain in force, notwithstanding their repugnanc. in some cases, to the improvement which have superseded them in thohe states. Besides a remedy for theseevil, which is loudly calU d for, it is respectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the election of a De'egate to represent the wants of the c.tizens of this District on the floor of Congress, is not due to them, and to the character of our govw ernment. No portion of our citizens should ba without the practcal enjoyment of the principles of freedom ; and there is none more important than that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors and the governed. Imperfect aa this must be m this case, yet it ia believed that it would be greatly improved by a representation in Congress, with privilege that are allowed to that of the other Territories cf the United States The penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts, and only awaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation . as one object of which, 1 beg leave to recal to your attention the propriety of providing suitable compensation for the officers charged with its inspection. The importance ot the principles Involved in the inquiry, whether it will be proper to recharter the Bank of the United States, requires that t should aga.n call the attention of Congress to the subject. Nothing has occurred to lessen, in any degree, the dangers wi,ich many of our citizens apprthend from that institution, as at present organized. In the spirit of im provement and cmp omise which distinguishes our country and its institutions, it become us to inquire, whether it be not possible ti secure the advantages afforded by th present bank through the agency of a Bank of the United States, so modi ed in its principles & structure as to obviate constitutional and other objections. It is thought practicable to organize such a bank, with the necessary officers, as a branchv of the Treasury Ieprtment, based on the public and individual depositee, without power fo make loans or purchase property, which shall remit the funds of the Government, and the penses which may be paid if thought advissby allowing its officers to sell bills of ex change to private individuals at a moderate premium. Not being a corporate body having no stockbodersj debtors, or property, and but few officers, it would not be obnoxious to the constitutional objections which are urged, against the present bank; and having no mean to operate on the hops, fears, or interests of large masses of the community, it would bo shorn of the influence which makes that bank; formidable. The States would be strengthentho issuing no paper,, would check the issuei of the gute b uk- their notes in de -t Dnri f,.Ph,nM nn tninnff th ontinue to be adeemed with specie. In timea ot public emergency, the capacities 01 such ara institution might be enlarged by legislative pro vision. These suggestions are made, not so much aa a recommendation as with a Yiew of calling the attention of Congress to the possible modifications of a system which cannot continue to exist in its present form without occasional collisions with the local authorities, and perpetual apprehensions and discontent ou the part of the States and the people. In conclusion, fellow-eitizens, allow me to invoke, in behalf of your deliberations, that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness which is the gift ot patriotism. Under au overruling; Friday. December 24. To j-ixe our reader the preside? " menage as early as possible, and to afford an opportunity for the hands in the ojfee to enjoy te amusemmts of ihe season, toe huxe anticipated our usual day of publication - We have barely rz'.m to announce the re elec Hon of the hon ft'. Hendricks ta the U. Statet Senatet by the legislature of this ttute on the 18th inst. .iiid also", that the hon E. K Xane and gen J .1 Jiobinsvn, (both Jackson ) hove beV elected ti the If States' Senate from Illinois. 11 rassH FLOUR. JUST received and for sale 50 BAH" RHLS FXOUB, warranted first quality. Also. Kenhawa SAXiTd rectified WHlS jfJXJY by the barrel; corner of Short and Itigu streets, Lawrenceburh Dec 23, 1830 THOMAS SHAW. SIIERirr'S SAX.E. BY virtue of an execution, to me directed froa) the Clerk's office of the Dearborn Circuit Conrt, I nill expose toaale, at public V8ndue at the court bouse door on tbo 0lh day of January next, between the hour of 10 mid 4 o'cleck. nn said day, aa the law directs, the fuMowing deer ribed property, to witi. East half of S. W. quarter of veCtion Towo 6, Range 2, west, to pay and aatisfy a decree of said court in favor of Aaron Harrington, against Elizabeth Hunter, Man! Hunter, Samuel Jackson, Alpheua P- Tower & wife, Joseph Hunler, ltbamer Hunter Jonathan Hunter, and Lewis Hunter. Dec-18, 1830. JOHN SrEC&It, s. D.