Indiana Palladium, Volume 4, Number 43, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 1 November 1828 — Page 2

, the national legislature, that that dy was to be a complete barrier against the executive encroachment upon the rights of the people, and to stand firm against him, vhertever corrupt bargains should be offered withiti or without our jurisdiction. The charge existed against Mr. Adami and Clay prior to the 9th of February, 1325, the day the presidential elec

tion took pi ice, and after the 2nd day of March following. Tne nomination of, Mr. Clay to be secretary of state was made by Mr. Adams after he was sworn into ohV.e, and could not have been made sooht to the seaate than the 4th or 5'h. Tne senate was composed of distinguished men, of great talent?. Among them was Messrs. lwan, Van Baren, Dickersan, and Benton, all of whom voted to conrtfm the nomination of Mr. Clay with many others, as well as I recollect; The proof if I be wrong is at hand secrecy being removed by the senate, or I would not venture to violate the rules of that body. G Mitlemjn, as to the direct urderst a iding between M. Adams and Mr. Ctay, specified in your second interrogatory, I have only to say, the leading friends of all parties, Adams, Jackson, Crawford, Clay, and Calhoun, were all present, together with witnesses, a far as I have heard charge, recent, fresh and not stale, ac user and accused pre sent als, with two tribunals ready to hear, receive evidence, decide, and give evidence to the American people, of tri' k, management, bargain and sale of their rights. The two tribunal5?, Hnjse of R;jpre-j sentatives and their committee of seven di stiaguished members on, the oth r,: the senate ot the United b tes, the com plete chack upon and against XfHUlive Corruption, and time in abundance to piove the charge from the 3rd of February, 1 825, to the 5?h of Mirch same year. Ni evidence was offered io the senate of any charge against Clay a-d Adam The third interrogMlory I answer, as to Mr. Adams, in the negative. I' is my duty to state that, in my opinion, the amount paid out of the contingent fund to Thomas L. McKinney, a clerk in the war department,' who has to a great extent the control of the fund, is an evidence of profuseness, and want of attention of the thjn secretary of war, who is an honest man, and should not trust too far. I refer you to page 31,' of the report of the Committee on Retrenchment, iu the Hause of Representative-,-for the whole matter. It will be recollected that that committee differed. A majority decided one way, and a minority another. Tne majority, however, in the page nam d s ays, 4Tms principle was resisted by the Second Comptroller, who referred the subject to the president (meaning M". Adams) and he decided that the principle contended for by the Second Comptroller, was correct in re ference to the case Thos. L. M- Kenney.' Tne shortness of the tim- ! iiave been allowed to answer as you have request ed, is the only exue I have for saying, that if any error on my part may lead to the preju lice of any individual, it shall be rnv dutv to retract it. Respectfully your obedient servant. JAMES NOBLE. To Dmnis Penainnton, J.nn-s B. SUughh-r, John F. Riss, John H. Thompson, Bojamin Adams. Madison, 26lh Sept. 1828. Gentleman: Your letter enclosing the proceedings of the Corydon meetiiig of the 15th of th present month, has been received. The proceedings refer to the presidential election of February, 1825; u the charge of corruption, a-, gai.it M 'ssrs. Adams and Clay in relation to th appointment of Secretary of. State, aad to the charge of waste and prodigality against the President, in the expenditure of he public moneys, Tne meeting suggest my "presence at the 6eat of the gaver-unnt; that I must rea sonably be presumed to be acquainted vith the character and circumstances ofj

that election, and ahle to intorm, whelh-jthe government to selfish and ambitious er such charges are, or are not well! purposes. Upon these considerations.

fou'idpd," and hold m-' "bound to reply to all respectful application for light and knoivledtje, fmm a .y portion of m constituents. While 1 ).io bu' iv - gret the occasion which calh for an exninii oi my opinion? on in,- question ( great pohtieal x iumeni, 1 .in not let myself at haerty t. dei lin- explicit answers to the interrotja' -ritis put. The meeting, however, is mistaken in the fact of mv presence a' the seat of g vemirvjnt at the timof that t b tion. f took my seat in the Senate of the U. S., tin4h of March, 1825, arriving as tae city the previous day, ad have f.n advantage over any of my iVj w citizens, derived fron personal observation. I am asked if I know or helieve that tli ere wa any direct or indirect understanding between M -s. Adams and Cla), at or before t . last Presi.lential election, in reference to the offire of Secretary of State. I answer in the negative, li is well known that previous to the last Pre-idential clec'inn, I was the friend of Mr. Cla? and wish-d his suc cess, but 1 voted for the confirmation of his appointment as Secretary of Stat-, with a degree of reluctance, believing that by this course his talents and his

prospects would be thrnwen Into the shade. I well recollect my own surprise, that he should consent to h'ave the Speaker's chair of the House of Representatives, for the office of Secretary of State, and have reason to believe, that he accepted it with regret, as one less suited to his taste, and less eligible, than the potion he had long occupied

in the House. The third interrogatory I answer in the negative: and it is here proper to remark, that with the specific annro-i priations, authorized by law, the Presidnt has nothing to do more than any . other individual. Hs cannot divert

such appropriations from the object de- and that Gen. Jackson's majority of the ward offi('e lL h h,s b8lns to actuated by law. It is the contingent 'popular votes, so far as taken through- roulU 'or his own inconsistency, but we fund only ocr which he has control, and out the United States over Mr. Adams,ihold that Farnbam's unbiassed tesfor which he is fairly accountable; and was 47.624, and over both Adams and;l,mon' in vour of Andrew Jackson, without looking for perfection in any, I Clay 961. Of the votes of the electors musl at -least be conclusive against the

have br en, and still am of opinion, that

his vigilance in this branch of the publiciAdams obtained 7 in Vermont, 26 in N.nam nas recently pumisnea in me snape -money wmcn wieseiueror puicnaser oi service, would well compare with thai of York, 1 in Delaware, and 1 in LouisaniaK anaddressof the Admtnistrationstand-j'pubhc lands may have forfeited has hU nrpHprcnr,. and ha hec.n rPiiPml-' sav 36 votes: Gen. Jackson ohtninrd committee of Indiana, against Hhej'been restored to him, and he is now c n-

I .... r.. , 0-

ly in good proportion to the scrutiny his in iNew York 1, in Louisiana 3, and injiavoi,ltt sw,ult:i rtl,u "'" u"'cu l" '' ,ul I,w u.u..c public conduct has uniformly received. iSouth Carolina 1 1, say 15. Of the 99'l" 1825 il ave Mr. Farnham "peculiar's full value in land at congress price. ' I remain, gentleman, with the greatest votes received by Gen. Jackson, 84 Were:satislac,iori" to act as the organ of those This is a gross and daring attempt to derespect, your friend and fdlow-citiz-ns. ele ted by the people. Of the 84 votes who were &siill are fctproudot embracing ceive you, to bribe you to vote tor Mr. WILLIAM HENDRICKS, 'receive! by Mr. Adams owy 48 n-ereY opportunity to exhibit their admi- Adams by falsely representing him as Dennis Pennington, Jam B. Si ueh- 'elected by the people. Yet with all these ratlon alul gratitude for the favorite so-;the champion ot your private interests.

ter, John F. Ros, John H. Thompson3 H. Thompson, Benjamin Adams, inquires. JW DRESS OF THE Jackson Committee, 9 To the People of Indiana, adopted by the '

Central Committee, at n general nveting'W free institutions the natural and un- i1 services and s-urijices, were ever tojlands at the minimum price, in lieu of hr.Hin Snieouon the Zth October. 'deniable right of the majority to decide,lve green in F in-ham's memory, your forfeited money and not the apos-

Fellow Citizens An "A idrM of the I adaiinistration s'a ading committee to ;nf,jr fallow ci

tiz .-in of l.,d,a ,a, ,viC,nt.tionai Legislature! Can an intelligent' ,h,ssamf farnham to tup the name otjpuwic win. ... , . n . 'nonnlA hJnrnnnrnit fft flr,i. Jnckiun " Not content with securintrt con 1 1 p u a t loo oi the Cumberland

. jaed (but

variety of statements, designed, if notciPle tl)US vitally important? Are we

. ...

calculated, to deceive tnose who are .aireaay so rar -degenerated Irom our not conversant with thn political histo- oriSi:ial frec principles" as to be preparry of the country. The writer of that ed to submit to the rule of a corrupt and address sets oui with professions as fair ambitious minority? as his objects are foul; his ostensible ob- So hug as the public will shall continject is, "to aid in iliffusing correct infor-xle to control your elections, the soveremntion among the iod' of t!i- pMpierl'S" power will abide with the majority; and speaking for the whole committee J bllt whenever a minority, heth-r byhe remarks: "We shall advance no as- artifice, by dint of patronage or by force,

sertinns hut what are ffmyidpd nn TiW, mJshall be able to retain the command of

rli cnnfi Ai ctn h) oh fi Of the alleged tacts, said by this wri ter to be' "indisputably established.,, it

will-hereafter become our business to!'n,d ,nt' transition from such a state to

?peakB-

Our first dutv is, to remind you, fellow ritizorm- of thf- naramnnnt. vital. nrlnri-!lhe

pie, involved in the present struggle be 7. ' ' I : tween the republican party and the supporters of the administration of Messrs. Adam and Clay. In the election of Mr. Adams, the will of a majority of the American people .

was disregarded and defied. After he u"; F't;ui uw,Iiemuus &u uggie. had received a lean minority of the votes T d,f4W our attention fnm these imof the people, the election devolved on Portat truth?, and from this great tiisi Congress, by which body Mr. Adams principle of Republican government,! was appointed president. This appoint ,iOW lnt "di.-u object of the opponent ment was effected by an unexpected!' ln'' rWtiol.can candidate, A id rev and unnatural coalition between Mr. Ad--',ar kson- divert your attention frorr ams and Mr. Clay and their friends. Un !!Ie , ('al chaiacterof this momentous con

expected, because Mr. Clay and bis!''

friends were partis ul riy hor lile to Mr.! 'm rabb , have been laid before you. Adam, and to cabinet sucressmrvz nnriin .'Have not the friends ef Adams and Clay

r ih because, as you all know, the supporters of Mr. 01a were exceedingly clamorous, previous to the last election. . .., ... - - . - . . ...... v i for a nrafern president! it was by this sin-if mi In r rn:i U i inn . wliirh mt-r:ir? n.ili minority of he members of Congress, that Mr. Adams was elevated to the presidency, in opposition to the sovereign will of a majority' of the American people. The motives which actuated the parties could not be misunderstood. M' Adams1 popularity was supposed to be overwhelming in the north that of Mr. Clay was considered sufficient to sway the west. These supposition seemed to authorze the opinion, that, by the union of their strength in opposite sections of the confederacy, followed by an interchange of officer, Messrs. Adams and Clay would, after placing tliemsel es in power, be aide to perpetuate that power, by prostituting the patronage of! Mr. Clay, by his influence and exertions. conferred on Mr. Adams the office of president. and Mr. Adams in turn, imme ;diatel - . conferred on Mr. Clay the office of secretary of state. We thus see that the election was corrupt that the parlies were actuated oy selnn ana ambi tious motives. Mr. Clay has himself acknowledged, in his letter to Mr. Blair of Kentucky, that the western members of Congress were induced to vote for Mr Adams by their kkind wishes to wards him," (Mr. Clav.) In the summer of 1825, three of the membe rs of Con gress from Kcntuckv, who voted wi'h Mr. Clay for Mr. Adam , ; :i emp ed to justify their conduct, by acknowledging that an understanding did take place between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, that the former would make the latter secretary of state in event of his election. It has indeed been asserted, that Mr. Adams received a majority of votes over jen. Jackson, but you will not find this assertion among the "facts indisputably established" in the coalition address to which we have called your attention. I he writer of that address knew tha the evidence to disprove sikIi a declara tion could easily be adduced. He kne J

that Gen. Jackson received in the states,cwarmest affection?. General, the

of Ohio, Kentucky, Alabama, Indiana, Tennessee, Mississippi Illinois and Missouri 68,067 votes; Adams 21,553; Clay 43,876; Crawford 2,330: that in those eight western states Gen. Jackson's ma jority over Mr. Adams was 46,512; he knew that in Maine, Massachuset's, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Virginia, NewJersev. Pennsylvania, North Carolina votes polled in the United Stales, Gen.; Jackson received 152,951 ; Adams 105, ,392; Clay 46,668; Crawford 47,205;

appointed by the state Legislatures, Mr.jIour cnarges wnicn mb same .ur. r arn-

II -' C ' - - , facts before them, eighty seven out of two hundred and thirteen members of congress

appointed Mr. Adams president over Gen. I tion" to exalt General Jackson above Jacks n, and the people are now called ihidison, Monroe and Jefferson, as the unon to rati fv the usurnation to Mp.ifavorte patriot of America, who was ever

Ll - r Kir fhj;r vnfps th.nt (l.nr n nm. rPti to surrender the vital nriririnlp nf sha11 be the President, as well as to iDtliie xe and control the acts ot the INa : . 1 . . .i : i x the general government, the character of that government will be radically changed the few will rule the many iinonarcnj win Do easy, natural and rap;m' 11 ,s mereiore, to te decided hs approaching lction, whether the I. .. f il. T7 c people of the U. S. are now uillii gto perpetuate the authority of a minority president, and to surrender their power and sovereignty into the hands of a minority. This is the real question at issut. ",s is the vital principle involved ii 9 falsehood and forgei ies, almost h--j n derrated our intelligei.ee, and pre--umed tot much upon yur supposed igoorance and lave of scandal? They an V if,(H,ll at tij g lJP0h l,e presumption, it. . t . i ihai you are ignorant of historical fact? uhirh stamp all the charges which have ueen made against General Jatkson, as base and infamous. At the close of the I te war, the American Congress voted Gen. Jackson a crdd medal and the hanks of ibe nation for his pati iotic and jadicious conduct, and unprecedented victories the legislature of Pennsylvania, N. - York, Kentucky, and olhei State? added their solemn and unani-non-erimoruaU to that of Congress, hi 1819 G neral Jackson's conduct again pa?s.d the ordetd d congiess. A large majority of the Representatives of the American pei pie then dec lared, that his aieer had been i.is, patriotic and gloi ais. He was then defended by Mi. Adams, who solemnly asserted, "that his ithole career had been signaliz d by the purest intentions and most elevated purposes." In 1822 Mr. J. din Q. Adams renewed his declaration in favor of the ouiity and talents tl Gen. Jackson; and

as laieas tne winter ot lbJ4, a splendid fathom his sinister and unholy designs, party was given by Mr. Adams, at his;jrr. Adams too, to whom the husiness of residence in Washington in honor of thedefendint: Gen. Jackson's conduct duglormus victory of the 8th of January ; ring and after the late war imparted and the General who had achieved it. '"peculiar satisfaction" who repeatedly Even the identical gn'l man who wrote' declared that General Jackson's 4-whofe (be address of the Administration stand- career had been signalized hv the nn-

irg t.-mmittee, John H. Farnham, Esq. made the fallowii g dei laration in the -filing oi io.o in a puntic and solemn address to U.-veialJar-ksoD.

'General The citizens of J fierson-'conduct on the Sth of January 1S1;, is ville hail y- u wuh a cordial t v me to now among thee who hate ai d revile 'heir village, and it is w it b peculiar satis- him. It is thus "mad ambition overleaps faction that lad as the orgvn of their feel- itself." But fellow citizens are you to mgs on this occasion. They are proud.be driven to and fro. like chaff before

of embracing v ry opportunity to ex-the wind, hymen who are so palpably ibit their admiration ai d giatitude for inconsistent and reckless. We are "befat'jrile soldier and patriot af America, dwelling too long, however, cn the in4I f ttie wishes of Indiana have not beenisincertty and duplicity of our opponents, 'realized, her citizens have at least dis- Let us examine some of the statements tinctly indicated their preference, aid and charges which their undated address 'whether crowned with the insignia of contains. 4 fin e, or enjoying the sacred retire- Your prosperity as a people has been 4 pent of domestic life, the Hero of New referred to, as evidence that your nub

- Qi leans will ever claim and possess their

'recollection of your eminent services 'and sacrifices, is the cause or our

'country, shall ever live green in our 'memories, and our children's children be lought to lisp the name of Jackson.1' Such are the declarations of John H. Franham, Eq. in the spring of 1825. What crime has General Jackson committed since that period? What mislHw citizens No not one then has changed Mr. Farnham. We will not say it has been the hope of re i i .i I I i J i r 1 - 4 :...n aier am Pwt oj stmerica. n men : gave Mr. Farnham "peculiar satisfacto claim and oossess our warmest atlVc-

'ps, and the recollections of whose cmjJackson congress that has granted you

and our children's children were io be

taught, with 4ipeculiar sati-factioir' byjtion of President in oppobition to the

ti Ir.MiPinl .l;rlr to Geneial Jackson, the "gratitude," 'al feet ion," and "admiration" of the voters ofludiana, Mr. Farnham, was in 1825, anxious to teach even the innocent lisping offspring of his fellow citizens to ioin him in fervently proclaiming: the worth, the talents and purity of theyavorife patriot of America. Then G n. Jackson, was unequalled by M.tdison, Monroe or J etTe rson! Now Mi. Farnham assures the people, that Gen. Jackson, is an ignoramous, a tyrant, a murderer, a Burrite, and an enemy to the people of Indiana! Again, we call on this champin of the coalition to pkint to a single misdeed committer! by i tie "favorite patriot and soldier of America1' since he was so pronounced I y Mi. Farnham himself. He cannot do it, though tie has had the hardihood to a-sert, that Gen. Jackson's character "has been probed and found tainted to the core." In what sort of an attitude does Mr. Farnham, the writer of the addressoi the administration standing committee now stand? His own testimony given at a time, and under circum-tances that held out no inducement to him to misrepresent General Jackson, stands recorded, as a triumphant refutation of the foul char ges he has dared to make, on the eve of the election, against the "favorite soldier am patriot of America,'"' for the purpose of misleading and deceiving the people. The writer of the administration address stands scl -convicted. His calumnies are refuted by his on public declarations. Thus situated, the people cannot o otherwise than set him down as an impotent brawler, unworthy of confidence. The time was when Mr. Clay sung the praise of Jackson that was before he imagined Gen. Jackson would ever be brought forward tor ihe Presidency, but alter all the crimes now imputed to Gen. Jackson and alleged to have been committed. Then Mr. Clay could boast of the national glory acquired by our Jacksonsand Deeaturs then he could de'erd the character of Gen. Jackson and claim it as the moral property of the nation; but his ambition ever on the alert, soon taught him to fear the "Mili tary chieftain" to see in him a dangerous rival; and then he falsities hini-el , and proclaims Gen. Jae;on unworthy of public confidence; imputes to lain crimes he never committed, apparently under an impression, that the people have so far lost their leccdiections and their intelligence, as not to be able to de tect his hypocritical sinuosities, and to intei tions and the nmst-el. vntoH purposes;" who gave a snlerdid enterjtainnicnt at his own house, ;n honor of 'General Jackson's patiiotic and brilliant lie affairs "are conducted by men of ex-

perience, abilities arid virtue.3 The carrer of this young, but Herculean Republic, in prosperity and greatness hits been too rapid, to be visibly and suddenly checked, by the etforts of a few misguided or corrupt men, in a few years. The seeds of our prosperity were sown by other men, and in other times. They have not yet been entirely uprooted. For this we have to thank the American people who have elected to congress a decided majority of men opposed to the present administration. The truth of this remark, we shall proceed to demonstrate. You are told in Mr. Farnbam's undated address that your land debt, "which 4oi ce threatened to involve your families in impovrishmeet and ruin, has by 'the mild operation of a benelicient gov

ernment been extinguished and by the 'present chief magistrate, every cent of U 1 K il ill 1 C u,iJi r.... 1.:, r....r..;,i i ou an Know uiai uie s mcui oi eaienuing relief to the purchasers oi public lands had its origin iu the administration of Mr. Monroe, and that it has since been perpetuated and extended by Congress, and not by the president. It has been a tate Federalist, who now holds the staroad through our state, ai'd the extensive graitts of land for the Michigan road and the Wabash canal are also mentioned in Mr. Franham's address, as acts of ; President Adams! And the credit of ihem is appropriated exclusively to the present ad.ninistratiun I! The faith of the government has been pledged for many eai, for the continuation of the Cumberland road; and it lias been c ntinued by successive acts of congress not by the president. Appropriations for this purpose c ould only be constitutionally made by congress. It is therefore drawing too largely upon the supposed ignorance and credulity of the people of tliis state, when an attempt is made to persuade them, that Mr. Adams caused tin Cumberland road to be continued througn Indiana. The man who urges such an idea, must act upon the hypothesis, that the people are fools, prepared to give credence to any tale, however improbable or preposterous. For the grant of land for the Michigan road and Wabash- canal, y ou are certainI) far from being indebted to Mr.Adams, or to any member of hia cabinet. Nothing like a suggestion, of the propriety of appropriating at y portion id the national domain to such objects can be found in any cne of the messages of Mr. Adams, or any report made. by cither of the heads of the Departments of Government. In Rush's late report, on w hich the supporters ol Mr. Adams rely, for vidence ol Mr. Adam?' devotion to the American System, the polity ol holdeg up the we stern public lands, to discouiage persons fiem purchasing, and emulating from the northern states, is -tiongly uiged, as a measure that would serve to to lender the population of the eastern states dense, lessen the value of labor, and thereby tei d to encourage n aoufactur is! Mr. Rush makes the following rcmaiks in his Report of the lOih D cember last4there is an inducement to increased legislative protection to manuiat tui ei in the actual internal condition of the U. States, which is viewed with an anxiousness belonging to ils peculiar character and intrinsic weight. It is that v hich arises from the great extent of their unsold land." The manner in which the remote lands of the U. Slates are selling and settling, whilst it may probably lend to increase more quickly, the aggregate population of the country, and the mere means of subsistence does not increase capital in the same proportion. It (ihe mode of selling the public lands) has served, and stili serves, to draw in an annual stream, the inhabitants of a majority ofall the states, including amongst them at this day, a portion not small, of the western slates, into the sctl!t7.'i('ni of fresh lands, lying still farther and taither elf. li the population of these states, not y et reduudant in tact, though appearing to be so under i I is legislalize incitement to emigrate, remained fixed in more instances, as it probably would, by extending the motives to manufacturing labor, it is believed the nation at large would gain in two ways: 1st by the more rapid accumulation of capital ; and next by the gradual .'dut tion of the excess of its agriculiural population over tha engaged in other vocations. And as it lsthelaws that have largely, in effect, throughout a long course of time, superinduced disinclinations to manufacturing labor, i;i the iinfle of selling of the public dQinuin, the claim tor further legal protection to the former kind of labor, at this day, seems to wear, an aspect of justice no ts thuu of expe

diency.