Indiana Palladium, Volume 4, Number 25, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 28 June 1828 — Page 2

: SPEECH OF THE HDN. HSHRY BALDWIN, t .. .-.I . Pnhlifi Dinner aiven in honor

of his public sprvices, by a large number ol jmterested in this pursuu, astweu iui un, citizen- of Cincinnati, Ohio, on the 31st of; application of the same principle which Mar. 18J3 The 9h regular toast "The had been adopted as to commeice; they

health of our distinguished guest Henry JIalvw:s. or Fitisourgv tiavmg oen drank, Mr. Baldwin rose and addressed the cornpioy as follows: Gentlemen Tnough accustomed to public speaking for almost the whole of

my life, and that not a short one, there local and appropriate manufactures were has never been an occasion on which I already protected ; they refused to exhave found it sa difficult to express myltendtothe products and manufactures

sentiments and feeling?, as on this. There is none, when we feel the evidence of (he confidence of our fellow citizens, that

do-s not inspire us with gratitude and'interest. The middle and western states

pride; but there is something in the time, place, and circumstances attending this . .... i i . . . meeting, which is calculated to excite " mine in the highest degree. Accustomed in my political course to meet with more opposition than kindness, I am better prepared fur the one than the other; having been for more thana twelvemonth denounced through the Union as an apostate from the great cause which we ihis day hail, ! find here a refuge, a home, and a welcome, here, among stranger?. You do me more than justice. There is no place, in which such a mark of public confidence and approbation, as is evinced b) such an assembly as this, could be more cheering than in this noble city, which is the offspring of your enterprise, and has grown up by your industry; where, a year ago, the true principles of the American System were publicly announced by a meeting, in resolutions emanating from my old townsman, neighbor and friend, who, while residing among us, was the uniform advocate of protection to national indus try, and, in trying times, the defender of the Tariff and its supporters. lo so myself thus received by such an assembly , around me all kindness and confidence, in suchn place as this, fills me with emo tions which I cannot express. It makethis day one of the happiest of my life: one to which 1 shall often cast back m thoughts with a pleasure never exceed ed, & with gratified recollections, which cannot be expressed. 1 must leave you to imagine what my feelings are, by what they ought to be on such an occa sion, and in such a scene as is now be fore me. I am not vain enough to think that such an assembly would convene merely to express their personal respect to me, for my services as an humble instrument tc promote a great cause; it hthc great cause itself which you have met to hail This enhances my gratification; for while you award to me more than I could have desired, you express your devotion to that system w 'rich is the foundation of alt our prosperity; a system: once op posed with all the bitterness of infuriate zeal, but on which the mass of the nation is now so happily united, that in the

i i ii r i - r foremost in its favor. IN one, in this part of the county, express any opposi tion to the American system; and yet we differ radically as to the means by which it is to be best promoted. We must, then, inquire what is this system, and .what are its great objects, and what interest it embraces? According to my views of it, the great object of the American system is the: supply of national want from notional means. It embraces not merely agriculture. which produces; manufactures, which fabricate; or commerce, which distributes the articles of private consumption and public defence; but all alike. Applying the principle of protection to every branch of national industry, not

contest ana mroes oi an e.ecnon, ine consumer an article improved in aualgreat struggle seems to be who shall be , -nAHiminishrA in nrrr?.. Thivfv vnnr.

only by a system of duties on foreign im-the

ports, but by the construction of roads and canals, to dimiuish time, distance and expense in transporting the supply of our wants and surplus of our productions; and thus by its combined action in all the great interests of the country, to accomplish the desired, the only true object of sound legislation, economy to the consumer to you, to me, to every man in the nation, who consumes the varied products of every part of the Union. This is the American system, a great and noble one. If I have not truly defined it, let any one do it better; and if such are not its leading;fcatures, pray tell me what they are. The principle of protection is not new in the history of our government; it is coeval with its first organization; it was liberally extended to Navigation, to Co nmerc, Agriculture and the Fisheries: objects worthy of all protection. What manufacture so noble as a ship? what occupation more honorable or useful than Commerce consumes more materials and provisions and more facili-i.-.U l f xaies in? suppiy oi our wants, or furnishes better means of national defence? Agriculture needs no eulogy; and class Fisheries under what head you will, who will not cherish and protect the men who make the seas their home, and from the oyster 'o th whale, draw forth all the varied productions, to supply our demands? Reverence, then, the great sources of our wealth, the ereat items of Morg&a Neville, esq.

our industry. But in time another great interest presented its call on the government for protection. Manufactures the country. Those

r " ""o " r ; . advocated no new one, and asked for nnthinir in vrhision of Others. But a violent opposition arose. The protected refused protection to the unprotected; the heaviest opposition was from the Eastern States. Their navigation and of the middle and western states the same principle which had cherished theirs. Thev wrere governed by their acted on the more national rule, to protect whatever the general welfare re quired to be protected, without regard to the place where produced or manufactured. The south opposed the whole system, and however erroneous their views were they were at any rate consistent. fn such a diversity of opinion, it was a task of extreme difficulty and delicacy in any committee, to settle the principle and recommend a sy-tem which would overcome inveterate prejudices, and reconcile the various interests of twentyfour states; 1 may say distinct and independent nations, occupying almost every habitable clime, and raising most ofj of the productions of all foreign countries. Time was taken, and no pains omitted to ascertain what course was best calculated 10 bring about the desired result. We thought a general tariff, which would extend to every article comprehended within the great ob ject of the system, to the raw material as well as the manufactured, was better than a partial one. Experience had taught us that if we cor.rmed ourselveto any particular article, or local interests, we should give them a premium for being selfish ; for we found oppoitios, come from protected merchants and pro tected manufacturers; and from none more bitter than those of Boston, who if 1816 had been protected by a duty of 80 per cent, on coarse cottons; and we found that unless we made it the interest of every section of the country, to sup port our measure, it must fail. Ouri great object was to build up and protect manufactories, m t to enable their proprietors to exact or speculate on the community, not to give them, in the shape of protecting duties, a bounty, and thus impose a general tax on the people; but by counteracting foreign legislation, keeping down foreign competition, or to use a figure you will all understand, keep off the flies till the child can go alone and then so to apportion the pro tection to the capacity of the country to produce the raw material, or manufac ture the- article, as to bring into active operation tne aomcsrc competition, which never yet failed to produce fo ily and d iminished in price. Thi rty years of experience had taught us this lesson; there was then, and there is now, no exception to the rule. Our opponents cannot point out one domestic item of consumption, which has superceded the the imported article, which is not cheaper and better than the foreign; and we could not blindly disregard such evi denee. We disregarded the clamor of merchants, who from 1816 on every pro position to amend the lanfi, have pre dicted the ruin of Agriculture, Cornmerce and Revenue; for all history, all; experience in other nations, and our own a a " a - ' have falsified such predictions. No man can point out a spot in this Union! where manufactures flourish, in which! ! the farmer has not an improved market, ' ii 1 1. , . . merchant increased custom, and the

people greater means topny taxes' tolfne soil which gave us birlh, is more government; while all the predictions of: congenial to our nature than any which the bad effects of manufactures hs.vejis imported. Why not, then, protect

proved idle dreams, and all the good fects which have been anticipated have been more than fully realized. The whole country has long felt these effects, but have not inquired into the cause. You buy coarse cot tonst nails, windowglass, gun-powder, spirits, and most articles of common consumption cheaper

than tormeny. uur southern friends neen sent out oi the country: nori of purchase window-glass at five dollars ayou are the poorer for it. This pitcher

uwjv, wjjini ium.cu; tun inieeu; UUi; neither vou or thev tnk-e nnv nain in j j j ivuvMr inv tujv,. 1 in ten UU. J I 15 1 r t 01 t rw .li 1 n:i tn 1 i. i.h iu: .. Tii. y 1 1 1 i i t mis. i iie luieiLiii etiiieie is exciuueu oy''

high duties; the country has the capaci-jsee

ty to supply, and domestic competition; j i.i i' ii i i t i 1 produces the good eflects which the whole country feels. Much has been written on political economy, by men who affect to make it

a science involved in great mystery ; but! Western country, or your State, owes the practical information to be derived (England. Her laws present a rigid sysr ii i r i i' i l.f . r . i .... . J

from the book of nature and active life, dissipates all the speculations of theorists. They will telLyou, that the duty cn an imported article is so much addition to the price of the domestic. Let us test this by a little experience. Nails pay a duty of five cents a pound, They sell for six cents: then, according to the theory of political economists, take off the duty, and nails would sell for one cent per pound. The average duty on foreign spirits is forty-five cents

a gallon, domestic spirits sell for twenty: take off the duty, and we come to the wonderful discovery, that whiskey would sell for twentv-five cents a gallon less than nothing! Need I take up your time in refuting such trash as this? Look to the growth of the two great cities of the West, Cincinnati and Pittsburgh; trace their progress from mere military posts, to what they now are. You see them exemplifying the intimate connexion between the three great sources of national industry, Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures, each dependent on each other, supplying and supporting each other. Is there any

man here, or there, or any where, farmer or merchant, who can say he has been injured by the prosperity of a mechanic or manufacturer? Call them by what name you please, the only difference is "in the size of the shop." They are the sources of wealth here, and elsewhere. They give value to your lots and houses; pay your rents and taxes; consume your n w material; afford a market to the farmer, ahd are the best customers to the merchant. It is but a few years since this place was the second, perhaps the third or fourth in the state. Now you are proudly pre-eminent; you are growing, while Chilicothe is declining. What is the caue? The soil of its vicinity is not less fertile than vours; but the earth wants the salt, mechanical industry, and they want the line road and canal which Provider.ce has furnished you to reach a market. Trace the effects of the same causes throughout fhe Union, you find 'iiem as simple and as convincing as the laws of nature herself. Gv looking around you, a.d confiding in the results of vour own observation's, vou will see of t' tr:at this great system is divested of all mystery; it is founded on the development of f ;cts, ai:d the lessors of experi'.nee. Such w?as the "American Sys'f ,vr in 1S20& '2i; such were the principles on which i-: was based and defended. Then it met the unqualified approb ttion of the country. The rep'-esenta-hves of every commercial city, from NorCdk to Boston, r. elusive from the sevvn middle and western states of iS'ewYork, New-Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania. O'lio, Indiana and Illinois, with one exception, I am sorry to say from t ennsylvant.i, (now a prominent Jnena of the patent administration.) voted for the Tariff, and without the benefit of the representation under the new census and while the revenue was less than our expenses, carried it in the popular branch of Congress by a majority greater than has since been obtained . It was a cheering, interesting sight, to see such a national movement such a march towards the final completion of the great system. Would to God we had witnes sed its reiiewal in late years. The prin ciples of these days stood the test of tal ents arrayed against them; they have been sanctioned by public opinion, bv time and experience. If they were not correct, let us be directed to sounder ones. Till that is done, they need no further examination. They certainly will not be questioned in Ohio, or the West. You have no interest in Europe. It is certainly not wrong to ask Congress to secure you your own. Look to the items of your produce, and calculate how much of it finds a market in Europe. I am certain that its aggregate amount will not pay for the pins and needles you import. I can point out ohe at least, if not more, of your commercial houses in this place, which consumes more raw materia!, furnishes a market for more ofj . . . k the agricultural products of your state, ana employs more of your labor, than all Europe. Why, then, consume her

manufactures, and not protect your own?;'Spense to the nation as the building of rn i - i i . . . g . i iL .O I. -

This liquor, which is the product of the ef-j'he farmer who raises the grain 'which t fo made? The glass w from hich contains it, and this fine specimen of; the mechanic arts showing a decanter; which does honor to your city, was; made from American sand stone, andjs a high value given toil by American labor. For these aiticle;., not a cent has u.m?n n, wrmr-u uy , British fuel; every rent tt if talup is' sent out of the country, and surely none . . ... . , Miit 11111 ii ii i riiiinrrir . ,4 I ..... . rrt.i -jr-a fii hn..- 4 ni - " .'-.-! iur u. i nus we in every family, foreign clay, baked and importea at a great price; and find ... ... . i . 1. i men among us who would almost tram ple under foot the vessel, if made from jur own so'I would be glad to know what the (em of restriction, prohibiting the con sumption of your produce, There can be no national reason why we should consume hers. This is what I call sound tariff doctrine, and this continued to be the ground-work of the American System, till the haleful effects of the election were found to enter into it, till the tariff became a political hobby and the American 6ystem the watchword of party That you may duly appreciate the

fecfjefthe election, let me call your at-' tendon to the votes of the great agricultural, commercial and manufacturing State of the east .Massachusetts, In 1820, that State voted for a general tariff, with only two exceptions. In 1824, her votes were all but cne,.agiinst a general tariff, (that one a name which ought to be known and honored in the west, Mr. Dwight.) In 1827 she voted unanimously for the woollen bill, with only one exception; and in 1828 against the present tariff, with the exception of only two votes; while Virginia gave

three votes for it. The principles of the American system did not certainly change with the votes of Eastern statesmen. Tiie system remained the same, but politicians changed. In 1827 a bill was reported, called a tariff bill, confining protection to woollen manufactures. All propositions to amend the bill by the protection of wool, hemp and spirits, were ignominiousiy kicked out of the house, by calling the previous question. The. majority would not consider, much less discuss them; and thus the American system, which once embraced the whole industry of the nation, had dwindled down to a solitary item of one branch woollens; the most important perhaps, in the whole system, but surely not the only one deserving the protection of the government. When the general system had been abandoned, and a local partial measure had become dignified with the name of a tariff, it found a ready support in the old enemies of the system. They rallied in lis support, and some pretended to be converts to the great cause, though the) publicly pledged themselves not to touch any branchof manufactures but woollens, totally denying the policy of a general tariff, as boldly advocating the protection of one item, and basing that not upon economy lo the consumer, but on the condition of the woollen manufacturer. While they contended for the application of the principle of protection to woollens, they as strenuously denied it fo any other article, retained in full forct all (heir anti-tariff doctrine, and asserted that a duty on iron, hemp, flax, wool and ?pirits, was a bounty to the producer, and a tax on the Country. They made the woollen bill the rallying point of party, and in Congress and thioughout ihc nation denounced every man who would not advocate it, and abandon a great system, as an apostate lo the cause; as as being sold to the south, and as prefering the success of the English manufacturer to our own. The same spirit raged in 1828. No men in the nation were ever so much abused and vilified as the committee who reported the present tariff, and our whole party were included in the proscription. You know what was a tariff in 1 SIC, '20 and '21; what were then the principles of the American .Sj&U-m? I fearlessly appeal to vou and the country to say, if there were apostates, in whose ranks were they lo be found? proudly assert they were not among the friends of Jackson. These adhered lo the old doctrines and land-maiks of the cause, and advocated the tariff of 1823, as they had done that of 1820. Our opponents set np a thing they named a tariff and the American system, though it retained only out feature of resemblance. Before this image we were called onto bow dowu and worship. We were called on to renounce our old opinions,' and look to old enemies ;:nd pretended cowris. as the oracles of our faith; to follow men who, in 1820 not only denied the policy of a tariff, but the constitutional power of Congress to pass one; who, in 1824 declared the Ame i lean system a .4 foreign system; that the protection of iron manufacturers was as useless an another Capitol: and who in 1828, pro posed to pay out of the public treasury a bounty of twenty dollars per ton for domestic hemp, so that the burthen of protection should fall equally on the whole Ve would not worship such gods as this We were called cn to go in a path to support onlv an item. We j

supported a System. The candidate of; foreign materials, and constructed by our opponents ws announced as the foreign workman. 1 sec in your streetg champion of the tariff; ours as its enemy, 'coils of cordage, made in some eastern

We were called on lo support theirs a city, of hemp from the South Sen and man whose sentiments on the AmericanUm certain that none of you can be pleas-

o stem are c nveiopca in liic mystery of atTJ t..,..- ..... 'i... I

IU,U, ui. oiiA.it.a c ui.vju noiiais. mawe. uur cioiii irom lorcin

i - i .t where; he thinks we know not how. Ifi another storm should prostrate our es tablishment?, and another dark hour ob scure the bright prospects of our pros perity, and we should invoke his aid, we

know not where to find him. Perhapsjure the farmers of the Ohio and Miami

he might he found amongst his eastern friends. His opinions may be known in his cabinet, or by his friend?, but the nation has a right to have some public pledge; and that he has never given, up to this moment, in 1824, he or his friends did not risk the loss of southern voles, by an avowal of Tariff principles: and if to this day any one has seen such an avowal, 1 woujd like to knoyv it. The Constitution makes it hh duty to recommend to Congress the adoption of such measures as he may deem expedient and necessary to the general welfare. lie has never recommended a Tariff. ef-jHs has left his Secretary to r;ive his own

opinions to Congress. That Secretary now asks the second effice in our gift as the price of his report, leaving the President at liberty to avow or disavow if, as circumstances may render it expedient. We old tariff men will not by our votes, place such a man at the head ci government, and give him a controlling influence over all its measures. Wc will net confide to a man whose opinions we know not, the most important interests of the country; forego the benefilF of legislation; throw ourselves into his arms, and look alone to Providence for the pretcction of our manufactuies. We supported, as our candidate, the man who in every emergency, through

good report and evil report, risked his life in defence of his country, and who, disregarding all considerations of local popularity, took his stand in the south, in favor of the American system; and with the same firmness with which he had often foiled our enemies, boldly announced his devotion to its principles. In him there was no mystery, no diplomacy; every one car. understand his meaning. '.These are the sentiments cf General jJacKson: ''lleavco smiled upon, and gave us liberty and independence . That same Providence has Llf es-d u with the means cf National Ia dependence and National Defence. If we omit, or re fuse to use the gifts which He has extended to us, we drserve Dot the continuation ot Hi? blessings. He has filled our mountains and our plains with minerals with feed, iron, and cop per, and given us climate and soil for tha grow ing- oihemp and wool These being the grand materials for our national defence, they eight to have extended to them adequate and fair pro tection, that our own manufactories and laborers ujay be placed on a fair competition with those ol Europe, and that we may bave, with in our country, a supply of those leading and important uncles, so essential in war " Can we be blamed for supporting the man who avowed such sentiments in 1824, and reiterates them in 1828. Tariff men can safely confide the interests of the country to such a man; yet they are denounced for not desertirg him, and supporting his opponent. If we were capable of doing this, we could scarcely complain ifGod and our friends should desert us. We did not oppose the protection of woollen manufactures: we only opposed their exclusive protection. The great question has been about extending it to western products and raw materials. We asked for the application of the sameprinciple to sheep as to woollens. The staples of the middle . and western states are wool, iron, hemp, flax and spirits. Will the peopte of these states-will Ohio condemn any man, for advocating their protection? You have iicen to greatness by your own industry and resources, unaided by the government ; nor is there in the West nny establishment, which, owe its prosperity to any act of legislation. This great state owned not an acre of soil; her money is drawn to the nublic treasurv ' in inw-nt nf hmrt7jy0u w one tenth of all" the burthens of taxation for the expenses of government, buifdirg navies and erecting fortifications, while scarce a dollar of public money is expended atnoi.g ou. Pro vidence has been I-.it.d to you, imparting every blessii g you can et jo ; 1 ui government has not seconded its beneficence with the boundles capacitv lo produce You want a market yer. Their is hardly an item' of jour staples, which has received its fair protection; and when any attempt has been made to procure if, you have witnessed the power, the exlent? the inveteracy of the opposition. I would think that it could gratify no national feeling to see a navy, built and supported at tlie expense of the nation, and employed in the protection of its commerce, while our merchant ships are built with foreign iron, and equipped with foreign cordage and sails. Iq contemplating our steam boats, every puff from which dissipates the proud pretensions cf Europeans to superiority over U3 in the mechanical arts and sciences, and is a lofty monument of our own over theirs lam sure that every American would feel degraded at the reflection, that the engine was made of cu oy me ideas winch such a sight su" r-io 1V. 1 .1 r r 0 wool, send our flaxseed to Eurone, and i t - - import flax, linen and sail duck for our own consumption. Such things are con sonant neither with sound policy nor na tional feeling. I think it would not in bottoms to s e them covered with luxuri ant crops of hemp and flas; that no farm er would be impoverished by extracting ore from the boyvels,and pasturing sheep on the surface of his hills; or feeding his hog? and cuttle from his distilleries; nor would it retard the prosperity of your towns, to have them filled with ropa walks, work shops and factories, employing labour from the child to the man, machinery in all its variet), from- the spinning wheel to the steam engine, covering your rivers iiiid canals with craft from a canoe to a steam boat, and your whole population actively and protilabJy employed in prcducif.;, fabrics