Indiana Palladium, Volume 4, Number 5, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 9 February 1828 — Page 2

things worth of your produce in return? Can you consent, ever again to present to the world, the humiliating spectacle exhibited during the last war; when the clothing of your troops, was purchased from the enemy ; when the very powder, which generated the thunder of your

cannon, was British manufacture; ana the star-spangled banner woven in the same loom with the cross of St. George, over which it so frequently waved in triumph? But the friends of Gen. Jackson fond M V IW If 4 V sJ v w ly rely on his single vote for the tariff or 1824, as proof conclusive of his attachment to the American system. Let it be remembered however, that his vote on that occasion was not given until the bill was amended by striking out thenfrom the duty" on cotton bagging, an item of essential imDortance to the west, for which amendment he voted . This solitary and equivocal test of the General's support deserves to be scrutinized, and when examined it will be found to be wholly illusory. It was given at a tirw vhen Pennsylvania the great Tariff State, was the tower of the General's strength, on the eve of the Presidential election, when a great and powerful friend surely if ever, merited the extension of courtesy. After all it indicated but a feeble and doubtful support, and even this gentle impulse towards the American System, has since received a violent rebound in the opposite direction. The Representatives and the Legislature of Tennesse have since in a body declared themselves anti-tariff and anti-improvement in sentiment, and to numerous public applications for his opinions on this delicate subject, the General has returned evasive answers, or observed a profound silence. It is worthy of remark as tending to illustrate the discordant materials of the present combination to put down Mr. Adams, that the same vote, which is quoted in the West, as a proof of Gen. Jackson's support of National Industry, is cited in Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, as proof, "strong as holy writ" of his direct hostility to the principles and measures of the present Administration. And we appeal to your candor, to say whether a man who will permit his friends in the South to support him on the ground of bis anti tariff principles, and in Indiana and Ohio, on account of his devotion to the American System, and during the contest maintain a rigid and mysterious silence, is worthy the confidence of an intelligent people. Fellow citizens, among the various means resorted to for the purpose of) prostrating the Administration, there is one which is a pre-eminent favorite with tli3 opposition. To this we will bestow a moment's attention. It is said that the spirit of the Constitution was viola ted in the election of Mr. Adams, and of course that he is an usurper that Congress were bound to vote for th candidate who received a plurality of electoral votes- and that General Jackson received 47,600 more of the people's Votes than Mr. Adams. Without noticing the ill grace which' accompanies this charge of the Southern gentlemen, who voted for Mr Crawford, having less than half the number of votes given to Mr. Adams or commenting on that con struction of the constitution which gives this important election to Congress, and excludes those exercising it from all choice or deliberation; we deny the fact thaf Gen. Jackson had more of the votes of the people than Mr. Adams, and chal lenge our adversaries to the proof oil their assertion, Let us see how this matter stands. The United State according to the last census contained 7,91 8,347 free white inhabitants. The state of New Hampshire, Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New York, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Louisiana, Illinois and Missouri, embracing a free white population of 4,425,776 persons voted for Mr. Adam. The states of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, South Car clina, Tennessee, Indiana, Mississippi and Alabama, embracing a free white population of 2,135,594 voted for Gen. Jackson. The states of Delaware, North r!,irnlina. Virfinia and Georgia, con taining a free white population of 1,257,122 voted lor IVlr. Crawtord. Thus it will be seen that those state which voted for Mr. Adams in Congress represented 2,390,182 more freemen then those who voted for Gen. Jackson and 1,133,205 more freemen than those who voted for Jackson and Crawford together. It is impossible to ascertain with precision what the real vote of the people was. In some states the legislature appointed electors in others they were eiected by a general ticket, and in others by districts. But taking the free white population alone, and excluding the electoral votes to "which the Southern states were entitled, on account of their black population, Mr. Adams would have gone into Con gress with eleven more electoral votes than Gen. Jackson. And though it is difficult to ascertain the whole number of votes given directly by the people, it is believed that Mr. Adams received a much larger number of their votes than Gen. Jackson, aud was elected President in conformity with their expressed wilt

Fellow citizens, a few remarks will be offered in relation to several aspersions cast on the present incumbent, and we shall close our address. It is with regret that we observe so many unworthy artifices resorted to for the purpose ofdestroying the character of a faithful nublic servant, and under-

mmHinfr vnnr confidence in your Chief Magistrate. John Adams, the lather of John Quincy, was one ot tne nevoiuuou, and one of the signers ana araeni supporters of the Declaration oflndepeni l: r. I. - - - 11 I dence. In the course ot a long lite he may have been guilty of political errors; which, however, in consioerauou ui ui former services, ought to be viewed at this period of time with some grains of charity. But we protest against the doctrine, that the son is to be held res ponsible for the errors and imperfections of his father. The character of an individual must be pure indeed, which cannot be traduced, but by going through the line of his genealogy, and visiting upon his head the collective sins of his fathers. Although we find thouands of our respectable citizens, proud ly claiming as kinsmeri the humblest soldier that shouldered a gun or wore a knapsack in the glorious cause of '76, yet it is counted by the friends of Andrew Jackson a disgrace to be the son of John Adams! You are told in the "Address" lately issued by the Jackson Convention at this place, that Mr. Adams in early life favored the Democratic Republicans of America with "Publicola" in which he wrote against the principles ot Tom Paine. Paine was at that time a citiz.-a of France, an open and avowed Atheist; md it is true, that as early as the year 1792 or 3, Mr. adams wrote sever.:! Essays over the signature of Publicola, the object of which was to warn and guard his countr)men from the contagious dangers of the French Revolution, tosheild us from French Fraternity and Atheism, and to recommend the observance of neutrality by our Government, in reference to the War then subsisting between r ranee and bngiand. it was the publication of these very assays that gained him the confidence of Washington, that contributed to sustain the neutral policy afterwards recommended by the Father of his country a measure which brightened the escutcheon of his fame, and produced a golden harvest of prosperity to this nation. A sense f the services rendered at that time by Mr. Adams to his country induced President Washington to confer on him the tirst public appointment he ever received. But it seems now that the writings which five and thirty years ago received the sanction and approbation of George Washington, are by tho friends of Andrew Jackson denounced as anti-republican. You are told in the same "Address" by way of criminal imputation on Mr. Adams, "that when acting as a Commissioner at Ghent, he tendered the grant of the navigation of the Mississippi to the English, to secure the fisheries to New England." This too is a gross misrepresentation, and like the preceding, intended to deceive the people. What Mr. Adams did on this occasion received the sanction of a majority of the Commissioners, and would, had it been accepted by our enemy, have been signally advantageous to the country But the British Commissioners thought the proposition so valueless that they refused to accede to it, and Mr. Adams is traduced for offering to surrender! privileges so trifling, that our enemy re UUU.g, nidi utu cttuitj fused to accept them, The records of! our country snow mar ine i reaiy oi ; ., . . rr . r Ghent received the unanimous signature of the Jive Commissioners, and a similar ratification from Mr. Madison and the Senate of the United States. To the charge of negotiating the cession of the Texas to Spain, in the same AAArftaa ' a nimllnr nnsivnr mnv be'

eiven. lnis cession was sanctioned nv; mi . l i Senate of the United States, and we have never heard their motives or patri otism impeached

Mr. Monroe and a large majority of .l,e;;'"d '"tercstcd m the perpetnatioo of .U

Other delinquencies charged against! be irnnutrd to us. We ar satisfied with Mr. Adams in said Address, scarcely the present ord;:rof things: we think our merit a sericu3 answer. The clumsy jgoverment well administered. Wc dis-

attempt to fix on him the charge of

tility to Internal Improvement, when theicoalition to cheat the people of their'of Senators for censoring his illegal proauthors of the same must have weJljrights. We wish to see no revolution ofceedings in the Seminole war? I refer

known that he was the man, who more

than twenty years ago moved the first that power and otlifp, sought and obtainresolution ever introduced into Con- ed on party principles but more espegress, for a general system of fnternaljCially onthe principle of devotion to

Improvement, converts indignation into ridicule. We do not wish to waste time or insult your understandings, by refuting the stale charge of corruption against Messrs. Adam9 and Clay we simply state the following facts that Mr. Clay has boldly met the charge with dehance in and out of Congress ; that at a time and place, when and where proof, if it existed, wasabundant & convenient none could be found, nor has since been found that the first author of this calumny, the notorious Kremer, shrunk from the investigation of its truth, by denying the jurisdiction of the House of Representa tives, after he had formally admitted it that Gen. Jackson himself was arrrflng the first to tender hU hand and offer hi congratulations to President Adams after

his election when, according to what has since transpired, he knew all the corruption that existed -and finally, that the witness named and specified by Jackson himself, as being privy to the corruption and the bearer of a corrupt proposition, (we mean Mr. Buchanan,) has wholly failed in supporting its existence, and positively denies all knowledge of the least impropriety.

Whence, we would ask, originates me

unrelenting and unprecedented prrsecu-iUnited tinnnfthft Secretarv of State? A man,

who in the course of the last twenty years, has done more for Internal Improvements, Domestic Manufactures and Western Interests, than any other politician in the United States! Has he deserted and abandoned these great interests which, with untiring zeal and matchless eloquence, he has so long advocated and defended? Is Henry Clay enlisted with the South, against Ken tucky, Indiana, and the West Oh no, fellow-citizens, his crime is, that he has deliberately preferred Mr. Adams, the tnend of his measures and Western Interests, to Gen. Jackson in alliance with the South. Think you, that love of country and the public good, actuates the defames of Mr. Clay? Or, has base envy poisoned every generous and noble sentimnet in the bosoms of disappointed competitors? Fellow citizens, we have thus in a desultory manner, exhibited to you some of the reasons, which operate on our minds, and determine us in the course we shall adopt in relation to the Presidential Election. Manv more reasons nwht have bt'tn advanced; many documents referred to sustain us in the positions we hav taken, but the limits of an Address, jlike the present, preclude their insertion. lv garuieg as wo no tne contra, as involving pri-.u iples and measures, in the succe.-ilul prosecution of which our prosperity, individual and national, is imHiated, considering the present coinbie ition to ut down the men now at the ik im of atfiirs, as onnatural and discor;dant, tha , o far a it is founded on prin ciple, it is directly opposed to our inter ests, and s far as it is founded on personal ambition and aspiration for powe-, it is sinister and unwarrantable, we d? not hesitate to recommend to you, a firm and undeviating support of the piesent Administration. We have referred to fje's of fneral notoriety, and to public documents, to show you that there i a party in the United States, formidable for numbers and concert, but still a minority of the people, who conceive it to be their interest to have the Government administered upon principles directly opposed to your own sense of your interests. Wre have made it apparent that this party despair of mounting the ladder of power, in any other way, than by political finesse and legerdemain, that if we are true to our interests, they cannot succeed for we have numbers on our side that on the other hand, their only chance for success, is by dividing the sentiments and distracting the efforts of the grain-growing States, which they well know to be vitally interested in the encouragement of Domestic Manufactures, and the general protection of American Industry. To effect this division, and to paralize out efforts, they have called to their aid a popular name, with a view, through your generous emotions and spontaneous gratitude towards the Hero of New Orleans, insidiously to achieve a victory over your nest interests. t e wish you 'sprinHS!v tn rpflprt nn thn rnnnonroc f . , ' , ..1 Kil t iiiuiif um MI put I hi a HI III Ullli brought forward and thus supported; and to nause, before it be too late to retrieve the consequences of an injudicious vote. If wc know ourselves, we have no other interest in the event, than what belongs to every good citizen, to every Roi ir.'in rppmtMt f pvnlpn In ;i rntinfrr " . ; : . . . 1. liberties. The thirst foromVe, power, or rmolumont, cannot, wo nre persuaded, iustlv

hos-jbeliev'Mn the stale charge of a corrupt

men, still less of measures. We b dieve men, to be always more or less corrupt. At the same time, fellow-citizens, that we earnestly recommend the support ofj the Administration by all fur and honorable means, we deprecate the rancor and intolerance that too often characterize political contests. We conceive it whol ly unnecessary and improper in support ing the cause we have espoused, to resort to any other auxiliaries than truth and reason. Let every man anxiously endeavor to obtain a correct knowledge of the facts which are necessary to enable him to pronounce a just judgment on public men and measures. Let every citizen feel it his duty to enlighten, as For a complete illustration and refutation of this vile calumny, see the Address of Henry Clay, to the Public, dated Washington, Dec. 1823 together with the Documents

far as it is in his power, the public mind. Let our citizens understand their interests let them observe union and concert, and the cause oflnternal Improvement and National Industry, IS SAFE. Preamble and Resolutions. Whereas, this Conrention has assembled

and been organized for the purposa of recom i- . rt il.:. fa PMf. i fr;.nrt!v rt ,h election of John Quincy Adams to the Presidency of the States; and whereas, from the number of Counties represented ia Convention, it is thought expedient and proper that we should express our opinions on a subjects so interesting to ourselves and the Nation at large Therefore, Resolved, That we have entire confidence in the present Administration of the General Gov ernment, end that hat the pol.cy tecoa.a.dfJj and pursued by Wr. A1T' .T nJ " u' in reterence to our foreign ana uooimisc ri-r: l00"'0!':"?"' .:'' '; . ... i i . l i i est degree to promote tbt best interests of our; beloved country.

the slightest evidence for impeaching: the char- ito a man; nut u is a -juuii.ii.ua y.. ... acterof our distinguished fellow cit.zen MsN-jtheir own sense of the term, as a scheme ry Clay That the course pursued by bim in jof revenue not protection of our own inthe last Presidential Ebction, was prompted dustrv: They would resort to it as a by the same pure and patriotic motives, which substitute for direct taxation, which they have atone uniformly governed his conduct, jnow to be odious and would not be suband that nothing but the" foul spirit of calumny lotted to in time of peace. But is Gen. would ever have attempted to taint in the:T f.tvor 0f all extended and plenary

air5U((ti, t hoi i4i vu vp'.ou" - i

slightest degree the character of on" who is sti,19Jgtern 0f protecting duties, such as we the pride and ornament of the West and the( f . r nnrnf from time to

btojftctor of h.. country Itaofcrf. Ibat the poUcj of lh. piW AJmiDisiration, in fostermu' Internal ImproTe - men.s d Domestic Mf.eturn. i. lh. true Hiey of the. country, called 8ecnre U9 inai ran bluuu iuc uijuuua vi rank amoos the nations of the earth

which our free institutions and the. intelligence! the natural state ot man: war is a lorceu of our citizens uust command, to prevent aUtate, one of fever and deleriurn, and is dissracrful dependence on foreign power for jof short duration. To nurture a state of the comforts and conveniences of !ifs to pro-1 peace is to prepare for war. He speaks mote the Industry, qniekon the. energies and 0f a jUr3riOU3 Tariff," SO do his fellows advance the bst interests of the Nation; and jn tiie South; the term is cabalistic audi lhat the aid atforded by our Senators and RP-ihas no certain meaning. Oedipus who

rentatives in Congress, in furthering tbsjsove(3 the riddlec of the Sphyns could not

pohv receives our cordial appronaiion. Resolved. That it is our deliberate opinion in- conscientious brliff that Gjn. Jackson stands virtually committed ami pledged to Southern pi!?cy and Southern measures and that no ciMzn of Indian frWfcdlv to the American System, can consistently support his Election to the Presidency, without an explicit and public liie cUration on bis part, that he will recorotTind and foster Internal improvements and Domestic Manufactures. liesotved That we will endeavor by all fair and honorable exertions, to promote the reelection of John Quiocy Adair to the Presi dency: convinced 83 we are, that in so dning, we shall consult th best interests of Indiana, and the Union at lare. COMMUMCA TIOjVS. To the Editors of the Palladium. Gentlemen: "A friend of General Jackson" in your paper of the 17th ult. charges the writer of the Franklin Ad ministration Address, with slandering Gen. Jackson, and aiming to practice deception on his neighbors and friends. He says the writer slandered General J. when he ascribed to him ignorance, a temper unwilling to brook control, rash, violent nd wilful, unfettered by the law, trampling under his feet, without ie-i inorse, the constitution,Mie writ ofHabi as, Corpus, exercise ing power of office with a latitude libertine and despotic, marked in private life by broils, outrage and bloodshed.1' This is a serious c harge against the writer, and if true h' de-

serves to be severely censured. Let ujriot the committee so peremptorily de ee whether he is ju-ily obnoxion to it.jnied it. On this point, as well as in reThat the General i ignorant as a states-jlation to his early education, they have man we infer from the fact, that he hasjcvidentlv acted strangely. They knew, never done any thing while holding pub- or ought to have known, that John Q. lie stations, or written any essays which! Adams had received a portion of his prove him to be wise. Jlis biographer j education in Europe; and whether it tells u, he resiiined civil utfices, declaring) was in the city of London, Paris, or An himself unequal to the performance ofjsterdum is of no consequence in repeltheir duties. His repeated blunders ofllig the charges the committee have nolate are additional proofs, j t iced in their Address. The fact e stab

That U temper is " rash and violent":' that Mr, Adams "never resided" in refer to Benton's statement: he savs he! England until 1814, only would go to

never went to public places without; having a quarrel with some one; that his. life was a continual scene of outrage; that if he were elected he must resign his seat in the Senate as he could not think of legislating with a pair of pistols in his belt. Further, did he not challenge Gen. Scott for ciiticising his arrangements of the battle of New Orleans?, did he not threaten to 44 cut otTthe ears''

to Gen. Lacock's publication as proof of: inculcate a love of country, and a devothe fact. That he has been guiltv of: tion to her liberal institutions?"' Noono

"bloodshed" did he not kill Charlesjacquainted with the life of Mr. Adams Dickerson in a duel? and did he not at-j would have the hardihood to say, that tempt to kill the two Bentons by attack-Jthere is nothing in his history to warrant ing them in their own quarters with; a belief that 1 is education has been of a loaded pistols and a train of armed menjdiUerent character. At the age of 11 at his heels, leaving one of them on thejhe was taken by his father to reside if tloor shot through with a pistol ball ? not in the midst of the pomp and splenShall I omit to mention the Six Militia-Idor of court in a foreign country; unmen who were murdered under thejder a government as widely different forms of law, when they had faithfully from ours, as is possible to imagine, served out the time for which they had There lie was put under an instructor, been legally drafted ? I might goon to the learned in the manners and ways of the

end of the chapter, but these are enough, for my purpose. Will any one deny his suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus and imprisoning Louallier for publishing an account of his proceedings at New Orleans? How did lie act in Florida? did he not thr ten judge Fromentin for issuing a writ of t i 'i .nriiiiw in t v r i tt l rnt inin i lit- if T l f ; u . i-

gality cf a commitment made by tht'com? ths orrj?.ofevea tn indecorous allusion.

General, telling hirh "you sir have nr right to release any man imprisoned by me." The King of England dare not so act, nor has he the power. These things the writer has seen published of Gen. J. for yearsback, and notbeing contradicted by any one, he believes them to be true Scores of others might be added, but the

task would be endless. lth what justice then can the writer of the Address, be charred with vilifying and slandering Gen. Jackson; with much more propriety could he charge the General friends with slandering him. But it seems that even truth must not be told of General J. that nothing else than downright idolatry will be tolerated by his friends: We must raise up our " chopped hands" o TV ft i) hniim " Had Caesar stab- . , . otIicrs ,hey would have DO YVI,. re Mill this folly end? . General "favor ofa Tariffed quotes an old letter a in. i lrnu is in I to nrov e it. This is not denied by any

there is not;me;and ?o are the Southern politicians

. ,11'iiirnu wi..v.."--"- . hp s,.i(e of our illdustry shall re(1Q 6()fh thing. ,M ' ' ,,, -war' war' is i He talk of a state ol ar- ar ar . "ZjZt aioiiud-u - " - 8 , . explain it so as to give it a specific definition. Both sides have ctaimea mm from it. The letter is also quoted to prove his readiness to answer calls and disclose his principles; in his own State Arnold a candidate for Congress in the district formerly represented b) General Cocke wrote to Gen. J. and desired hira to give him his opinions. On this question and internal improvement: saying to bim that reports had reached him that he the General was not in favor of these measures as had been supposed; he gave him no answer. Editors of p . .'ers and writers have called on him. He is silent. B th parties claim him publicly; be is still silent. With what semblance of truth tht n can the writer of the Address be charged with aming to deceive his neighbors and friends? A Member of the Meeting. FOR THE PALLADIUM. Messrs. Editors. Agreeably to a pro mise made last week, I send you another number containing some further remarks on the Administration Address, delivered at Lawrenceburghcn the 1st January. In my last it will be recollected that I proved the statement of the committee, denying that John Q. Adams ever presided" in England until 1814, to be a mistake in .them. The simple tact, however, of his residing in Englard, or not residing there, is of small importance; ai:d would not have been noticed, had show that he must have resided longer in Holland and France; governments more despotic in principle and practice than then of England. This is what some would call "mending a matter by mak ing it worse.' I he que subject, in w cd, is, "was Fhe question, and only one on this ;hich the people are interesthis earlv instruction of that character which would most likely instil into his youthful mind the principles and precepts of republicanism; that would wna; whose duty it was to team nis pupil a respect for its institutions and laws. The committee must arrogate more pe:fection, more firmness, for Mr. Adams, at 4 pn t u comniunjcuuon weich the author viahtd inserted here, is totally inarimiflsih'.e on account of i's irrelevancy to the subject, nd its inrmodfst character. We tssure that einUm!n, that whatever may be the regard As - . . do not wish to be-