Indiana Palladium, Volume 4, Number 1, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 12 January 1828 — Page 1

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EQUALITY OF RIGHTS IS NATURE'S PLAN AND FOLLOWING NATURE IS THE MARCH OF MAN. Barlow. Volume IV. LAWRENCEBURGH, INDIANA; SATURDAY, JANUARY 12, 1828. Number 1.

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Prepared and delivered, by the committee appointed for that purpose, at a meet- 7aie Pum" J a "euai crs?' . An(r F ing of the citizens of Dearborn county, on the 1st inst. friendly the re-election advlce , . , Jeflerson declaring the

of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS to the Presidency of the U. States. FELLOW CITIZENS:

led a series of numbers shewing the propriety of the Government of the United! ministration of Mr. Adams, and through

We consider the present a very important crisis in the history of ,ast of General Washington's administration was, to appoint him minister

The proclamation of Gen. Washington, with

neutrality of the United states soon

followed which was an evidence of the correctness of Mr. Adams' views upon

that important subject. In the year 1 794, when but 27 years old, he was appointed by General Washington minister resident to the Netherlands; and one of the

American politics. We think the time has now arrived, when every American

citiZ2n, who feels an interest in the welfare of his country, ought to exert himselfj

for the maintainance ol those republican principles, upon which is foundea the great fabric of our national independence. We hold it to be correct in civil govii ii li ii . -i ii

cmmenr,as wen as m euncs, generally, mac communities, iikc individuals, nave an Unalienable right to establish, maintain and secure their own happiness, by everv

'fair and honorable means in their power. That as a member of the federal Union, situated far in the interior of a vast continent; just emerging from territorial

restrictions, and in some measure still laboring under their consequent embarrass

ments, particularly as respects the soil of the country; we have a deeper interest

at stake than any of the elder states, and being weaker in numerical strength, it becomes the more important for us to be united in the effort we shall make to

secure those deep interests. The whole Union indeed Las but one essential inter

est, but the charms of novelty, and the. natural pronenessof mankind to listen to

their prejudices, in preference to principle, often lead their minds astray from the pursuit of those essential interests, in chase of the splendor or a name or the glitter of visionary theories. But however the interests of others may differ from

.ours, we, as Indianians, can have no separate national interest; indeed we do not differ concerning our interest; we only differ about the means of promoting them, and even in that, we profess to differ only in one single point, that is, whether the election of John Quincy Adams, or Andrew Jackson, to the presidency, would be best calculated to attain the end at which we all profess to be aiming. We have arrived at a point in our national history which presents us with a state of affairs very different from any we have ever before witnessed. When we proposed to throw offtlie yoke of Great Britain and established the old confederation, our motto was, "measures not men." When we proposed to change the old confederation for the present, our motto was "measures not men" and when more recently, we proposed to change the old dynasty for the new, by placing the executive functions in the hands of Thomas Jefferson, our motto was still, "measures net men;" but now, to effect the proposed change, we must change our motto and say "measures not men" This is reversing the whole order of that sublime arrangement, by which we not only effected our liberty and independence, but which has brought us forward to that glorious point of national honor and greatness at which surrounding nations see us at present repose. "When therefore, it becomes necessary thus to reverse the whole of that glorious order of things by which we have attained, through the blessings of a kind Providence, our high

standing as a nation; when it becomes necessary to dash at our feet, the sublime motto adopted by our fathers, and to trample upon principles which they adopted in the achievement of all that is dear to us as communities and individuals, merely for the porpose of putting down one distinguished fellow citizen, that another, admitted by all, to posres no better qualifications, may be elevated upon his ruin; against such a proposition, we say we must be permitted, nay, we feel it an imperative duty, to enter our solemn psotest. It is admitted, even by those in favor of a change in the present executive officers,-that' it is only to exchange

one good officer for another, for they cannot, they will not pretend, that ami one

will serve us better or more laitniuuy. indeed the most zealous oi their parti zans in Indiana, will not, dare not, openly attack the measures of the present in cumbent. But however we, as western people, unite in the support of those mea

sures, there is a portion of the community who do oppose them, and that too,

most strenuously, although on a comprehensive view of tnem, we think it must be apparent to every enlightened mind, that in doing so, they oppose their own best interests. There is however a redeeming spirit among the people, even in

those ol opposing districts, which seems to be arousing itself up, and strengthen

ing me unii ui icmsiuilc uuiuai me uuuuulil jufasuius uuunieu oy uieir leaders

and rulers. We do not wish to make invidious distinctions among our fellew citizens, or wound the feelings of a single individual, but we feel it our imperious duty on this important occasion, fearlessly to speak our sentiments, and maintain

them by tacts and arguments, drawn irom truth and reason, reckless of the consequences which may flow from such a course. We claim to be a part of the sovereign people, and as such hold it our right rigidly to investigate the public character and conduct of those who offer themselves to serve us as public functionaries, taking truth and candour invaiiably for our guide. From the view above sketched it will be readily seen that we arc decidedly in favor of the re-election, to the presidency, of the distinguished individual who now holds that high and honorable post We are in favor of his re-election, for reasons which we will here attempt to offer. 1st. Because of his firm and steady adherence to republican principles. As evidence of this fact, we find him in the first development of his political character, although reared and taught in the shool of federal doctrines, combatting the Current of popular opinion even in his own native state, and ranging himselfwith the phalanx of republican worthies under the immortal Jefferson, while Timothy Pickering and others then at the head of affairs, were exerting their most potent energies to blast and forever destroy his political reputation. Indeed such was his devotion to 'these doctrines, that when elected to the senate of the U. State? from Massachusetts!, and being required by his constituents to oppose certain measures adopted by the republicans, in opposition to federal views, he refused to do so, resigned his seat in the Senate, and withdrew from public office, rather than be found acting contrary to the settled convictions of his own mind, and against what he considered the true interest tof the whole Union.

2ndly. V e are tnendly to his re-election, because of his tried abilities, untir

plenipotentiary to Portugal. He was afterwards elected to the senate of the

United States from which he retired as before mentioned, in consequence of differing with his constituents in relation to measures of policy effecting the great interests of the Union. In 1 809 he was appointed minister to Russia by Mr.

Madison, where he remained until called to negotiate the treaty of peace with

England in 1814. as before mentioned. In 1817, he was appointed by Mr.

Monroe secretarv of state, where he remained until he was elected to the presi

dency, which he now occupies. As a further corroboration of the integrity oi Mr.

Adams, we beg leave to notice what has been said of him by Gen. Washington,

the "Father of his country," and by Ihomas Jelierson his co-laborer, both ol

whom now sleep with their fathers; and even by Gen. Jackson himself, whose motives will not now be impugned. Gen. Washington, in a letter of his, dated 20th February 1797. speaking of John Q. Adams says, "I give it as my decided

opinion that Mr. Adams is the most valuable public character we have abroad, and there remains no doubt in my mind that he will prove himself to be the ablest

of all our diplomatic corps." And such were the feelings of Mr. Jefferson toward

Mr. Adams, that so early as the year before he retired from the olhee ol secretary of state, "he recommended him as a suitable person to be introduced into the

ervice of his country." The aid and assistance he lent Mr. Jeherson in the

conflict between this Government and Great Britain, concerning their orders in

in council, and other encroachments upon our maratime rights, excited for him

an esteem which continued to increase with Mr. Jefferson until the hour of his

dissolution. We hope we shall not be considered as encroaching upon the pa

tience ofoilr fellow citizens, and especially the friends of Gen. Jackson, if we attempt to introduce one more evidence of the integrity of Mr. Adams, and more

particularly as that piece of evidence is furnished by Gen. Jackson himself. The General in a letter, to Mr. Monroe, of March 1817, on being informed that Mr. Monroe intended to appoint Mr. Adams secretary of state, remarks, "I have no hesitation in saying you have made the best selection to fill the department ol

state that could be made Mr. Adams in the hour of difficulty, will be found an

able helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will allord general satistac-

tion." With such evidence before us, of the abilities and integrity of Mr. Adams,

we must be sceptical indeed, to withhold from him our unlimited conhdence, nnd

if we should, after all, labor under a delusion in that respect, we t an say to Gen.

Jackson, you sir, have been instrumental in leading us into the delusion.

4thly. We are friendly to the re-election ot ilr. Adams, because he is in lavor, of and supports the "American System," or in other words, the system of Internal

Improvement and Domestic Manufactures. Situated as we are, far in the interior

of the country, without a market or a read to one, our surplus labour must rot on our hands; business must languish, our farms remain unimproved, and ourselves

remain destitute ot many ol the comlorts of hie, unless we can accomplish the one

or the other. It is by this means, and this onl) $ that we can be placed on an equal footing with our sister states, on the seaboard; hence it become? of the

most serious importance to us, to elect a chief magistrate, who shall be favorable to our views in relation lo those great interests. We shall find little difficulty in marshalling the evidence of Mr. Adams' predictions in favour of those principles. It is a fact undeniable, that he submitted to Congress, the fust resolution, contemplating a general system of Internal Improvement: The Journals of the Senate show the fact. He has ever been the friend and supporter of that system; whilst others oppose it, some on the ground of policy, others in consequence of constitutional scruples. The important surveys of roads and canals, which

have been in progress and completed during his administration, being matters of

public notoriety, as well as record, attest the fact beyond all controversy. We are equally interested in the establishment of our own domestic manufactures. !t is folly to talk of independence, while we are beholden to foreign countries for

the clothes we wear. What was the situation of our armies during the late w ar? We have the evidence of the commanding generals of the northern armies, that more perished from cold, for the want of necessary clothing, than were slain with the sword. Such was our miserable condition in 1811, that we could not fulfil our treaties with some Indian tiibes, because of our inability to furnish them about six thousand dollars worth of blankets. Such are the results cf that mistaken miserable Southern policy, which opposes on constitutional scruples, the establishment of a system, without which we can never be said to be independent.

We call it a mistaken Southern policy, because the Southern men at the head of

affairs, wc believe w ithout exc eption, arc opposed to what is emphatically called the American Sstem. If this mistaken policy bears hard upon us, in a national point of view, it is equally onerous in its operation upon individual interests. If we be all farmers, who is to purchase our produce, or w ho is to furnish us with the other necessaries of life? The Southern planter and the merchant say, go to England, sell your produce and purchase your manufactured articles. The merchant may well give us that advice, because he is deeply interested in sustaining such a state of things. The Southern planter is no further interested, than as ft tends to place in his hands an extra portion of the circulating medium and political power; and when he recommends such a measure, he forgets that Great Britain, by restrictive duties, entirely prohibits the sale of our produce within her kingdom; and it is a fact susceptible of proof, that a single manufactory in New England consumes more of our flour in a year, than all the kingdom of Great Britain. The Southern planter can sell all the produce of his farm to the English, and obtain the cash for it, whilst the northern and western farmer cannot sell

to them a dollar s worth. It is a fact which the records ofour country establish he-

consisting of abcut two millions of

mg

cautioning

ing perseverence and stern unyielding integrity : as evidence of this we say, thatiyond controversy, that the Southern people, c

iromavjj uiv FiM u u, .,. u, -, uc .m neiu ornces, as a representative ol ai tree white persons, export of the produce of their farms, more than thirty mil-

mhu;, - u u, ' ii i .' ii, V l 'ponsiDimy, involving theilions ot dollars worth annually, while the northern and western farmers, consistmost arduous duties ; all of which he has discharged with an energy, ability and! ing of about eight millions of free whites, are enabled to export onlv about seven

iimuiy uuuun; Dto .Wcttu - au. millions ot dollars worth. Hence it is evident, that while this state of things con

hi j xv.vy v "'""" "iiu me; mcui riuiiiicai concerns oi

this country tnan any otner man now living, and ot course better qualified to dis-

charge the great ana important trusts attached to that elevated station. He is

a practical as well as theoretical statesman: he has crown grey in the

his country; his whole life has been sedulously devoted to study and attention to political science, while his unabated labor and perseverance in the practice of its

duties, has led him to as intimate an acquaintance with them as it is possiple perhaps for the human mind to acquire. It is not our intention by any means to descend to particulars while upon this branch of our address, but such has been the torrent of abuse and misrepresentation thrown out against the distinguished person whose re-election we advocate, for the purpose of destroying public confidence .in his integrity, that we feel it our duty to be somewhat special in endeavoring to repel those falsehoods. It has been said by zealots in the opposition, that he had been reared at the foot of the British throne, and that he had remained so long in England, that he had imbibed their principles and predelictions, and indeed we believe that many honest. citizens putting confidence in those reports, make it an objection against him, when the fact and truth of the matter is, he never resided in England, until he w as sent there by Mr. Madison, in 1814, toaseist Mr. Clay and others in negotiating the treaty of peace at the close of the last war; from whence he returned in 1817, having been appointed by Mr. Monroe, .secretary;of state of the United States. In further corroboration of the correctness of our ojiiruon in relation to the integrity of Mr. Adams, it will not be amiss to sjvew moojp de'tstil, the services he has rendered the country, and the opinions enrtainecof him by the most distinguished men in the United States. In 1781 vtfhen but .fourteen years of age, he was appointed private Secretary by Mr. Dana, .fte inWisJto -Issia. In' 1 793 during our difficulties with France, he rublih-

tinues, we must ever remain dependent upon England for our articles of manufac

ture, and upon the Southern people for the little cash we get; and hence, too, the

solicitude oi tne merchant, and the planter, to sustain this baneful policy, as it

rvice ofi throws into thtir hands all the money, and of course much of the political and in

dividual power ot the Union Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, must

go hand in hand, & when they separate, the consequences are always.fatal to the in terests of the country, and more especially, when commerce shall obtain the as

cendency; for that is no more nor Ices, than the servant taking place of the mas-

ter. bimply the article ol woollens, we imported from England during the lad

year, about eight millions of dollars worth, whilst our own woollen factories are

going jnto ruin, and their occupants into prison, through inability to pay their debts, merely for the want of due protection by Congress who, we say unhesitatingly, were prevented from rendering that protection, at the last session, bv the

joint opposition of the representatives in the South5 the mercantile interests in the

cities, and the friends cf General Jackson from the East, the North and the West. Sthly . We are in favor of Mr. Adams, because he is friendly to the interests of the western country. As evidence of his friendly disposition towards the interests of the West, we need ordy refer to his public acts during his present admin

istration. He has recommended and urged the propriety of extending the National Road from Cumberland through the western states. It is now nearly com-

pieteu as tarns Zanesville, m the state ol Unio, and from the liberal views of the present administration, we have every reason to hope it will shortly be extended

through our own state. It is under bis administration the survey and location of . . - mm . ... I

it have been continued as lar as the state of Illinois; and unless it shall meet with opposition from some other quarter, than among the friends of Mr. Adams.it will

very soon be located to the seat of government of Mi?oun. It is under the ad-

his recommendation, and the iniluence of

his friends, that such liberal relief has been granted to the debtors for public landsj and we believe he is the first president of

the United States, who has ever recommended specific relief to that unfoilunate class of our fellow citizens, rn his late

message to Congress, he not only recommends the revival of the former acts for.

their relief, but likewise recommends that those whose lands have bsen heretofore for feited thro' inability to make full payment, shall not lose the money they have paid, but shall be at liberty to enter other landi to the amount of those forfeited. He has further recommended aud enforced the propriety of extending the full benefit of the Judicial svstem of the United States, to all the western states, including Indiana a privilege they have never yet enjoyed; and in his latz messege he ha9 reiterated the same proposition. It is du

ring his administration, and by his influ

ence, and that of his friends, that the sur-

ve) s of the contemplated canal nt the Falls

of the Ohio, and those of the White Water

and Wabash, haTe been completed. It is

under his administration, and under hiz

mspices, that the state of Indiana has ac

quired a donation of the public lands, val

ued at near, or quite a million oi dollars, for the purpose of aiding her in making a road through the heart of the state, from the southern bend of Lake Michigan, to tke Ohio river, and to aid iD making a canal to connect the waters of the Wabash with those of Lake Erie, thereby facilitating the communication through, and to? and from the statcj besides furnishing it a source of revenue incalculable in amount and holding out inducements to emigra

tion to an indefinite extent. As early (we

think) as 1808 we find Mr. Adams declaring in substance, "that if there was any thing truly cheering to an American mind it was to see those new states in the west increasing in population and wealth, ris-

into dignity and importance; and

his northern brethren to be

ware of incurring any unfriendly feelings

from that quarter, as the time was fast approaching when the identity of their inter ests, would require them to be indissolubly united. 6th. And last, though not least, we are in favor of the re-election of Mr. Adams, because he is a believer in, and a professor of the doctrines of the Christian religion, as well as a practicer of its sublime precepts. -As evidence of this position we would beg leave to refer to the many liberal dorations he has made for the establishment of churches and seminaries of learning, to various orders and denomina tions of christians; nor indeed is it to his public acts that we confine ourselves His private life is in every respect conformable to the high professions he makes - charitable, munificent and exemplary modest in his deportment towards others, abstemious and economical as it regards himself a stead)' attendant of public worship, and a rigid disciplinarian witli in the circle of his own household. No immoral or oppressive act tarnishes his private reputation; no innocent b!ood spilt in a duel or a private rencounter, cries from the ground for vengeance on his guilty head. His letters to his son during his residence as minister to Petersburg!! in Russia, written at a time and under circumstances which forbid the idea that he could have had any sinister motive in what he did, and which came to the public view without h' knowledge or consent, are volumes of evidence in favor of the opinion that he is not only a professor of the doctrines of our holy religion, but that his pract'cs arc not at war with his professions we beg our fellow citizens who feel an interest ia the matter to read them. We are aware that handbills, under the specious name of extra Indiana Register, purporting to be edited by William JC. Keen, at Vevay, were published and circulated through the eastern part cf this state, declaring that fourteen thousand dollars had been appropriated by congress for furnishing the president's house, and that another sum of twenty five thousand dollars had been requested by Mr. Adams for the same purpose that a portion of the money had been squandered away for "a Billiard table cud other gambling cparaius" Now we undertake to say thai neither of these sums were ever called for by MrAdams, and that no part of the public money was ever expended for such 41 Billiard table and gambling aparatus;" on the con trary, after the twerty five thousand dollars was appropriated, he refused to suifer any part of that sum to be expended about the president's house; and it was left untouched in the treasury fiat justicia,' ruat ceolum is the old latin maximlei iuslrte be done if heaven should &h