Indiana Palladium, Volume 3, Number 45, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 17 November 1827 — Page 1

EQUALITY OF RIGHTS IS NATURE'S PLAN AND FOLLOWING NATURE IS THE MARCH OF MAN. Barlow Volume III LAWRENCEBURGH, INDIANA; SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1327. Number 45.

From the Frankfort Argus. LETTER II. TO HENRY CLAY, ESQ. Secretary of Slate of the United States. Sir: Additional information and other circumstances induce me to continue my

remarks relative your understanding trim Mr. Adam?. I shall give you a catalogue of facts and inferences, taking care to state nothing a9 tact which can not be substantially proved, and nothing as inference which is not authorised by your own conduct and that of your friends. All will remember the attitude in which you were placed in the fall ofj 1824. Yourself and your friends had lost all hope of your election to the Presidency by the electoral colleges, and every effort was made to place you among the three highest candidates, with a hope that your influence and popularity would secure your election by the house of Representatives. But your conduct as proved by your own admissions and tlie declarations of other, proves that you had but faint hopes ofj being returned to the House of Representatives, and before you left Kentucky, in the fall of that year, were already making arrangements to turn the event of your exclusion to the best advantage. The feelings excited towards you in the breast of General Jackson by your conduct towards him in relation to the Seminole War, were doubtless of the most indigaant kind. Of this you had the strongest evidence. You met the General at Lebanon in this state on his return from a visit to Kentucky in company with president Monroe, and ap proached him with a friendly salutation, when he turned on his heel and left you in silent scorn. Yet in the fall of 1824, you wrote n friendly letter to him, inviting him to accompany you on your journey to Washington. I his J know from the mlormation of three gentlemen to whom you so stated. The object of so palpable an advance under such circumstances, could riot be mistaken.. About the same time, your friends stated in conversation, and your Editor Charles Hammond, in his newspaper the differences between you and General Jackson were reconciled; that the friends of both had similar objects and ought to act together. At the same, time, you told some of your confidential friends in Kentucky, as proved by your own admissions and their statements, that in the event of that contest in Congress between Adams and Jackson,' you should vote for the former. This declaration of your intentions was hiade, not publicly to your immediate constituents or the people of Kentucky, whose vote you were to cive, but to two or three confidential friends.. If your determination was final why that secre cy? Had it any other oi ject than to provide yourself with an apology for what you thought -it might become your interest to do? Would the public ever have heard of these declarations, had you finally voted for Jackson? At the same time, you made personal efforts to prevent any movement in the General Assembly of Kentucky on the subject of the presidential election, in case it should come into Congress, the object of which was to leave you wholly untrammelled by any expression of the puolic preference. This was done by direct application tp an individual or in dividuals From the speech made by George Rioertyon upon the resolutions which were subsequently offered, I infer that you you had communicated your views to him also. He was for leaving you untrammelled, and said the resolutions would "cast you upon the electioneering arena in Congress completely handcuff ed' Having attempted to conciliate Jack son, provided an apology for voting for Adams, and taken steps to have yourself! left at liberty to vote for either, you quit ted Kentucky for Washington. It is a fact, that on the arrival of the Kentucky delegation at Washington you personalty waited on some of them and desired them to remain uncommitted, representing that they could vote for Jackson or Adams with perfect proprie ty and safety, and saying that the west em representation ought to act together and with ettget. It has been asserted as susceptible o proof, that on the arrival of Genera Jackson in the city, you met him with the utmost cordiality, congratulated him on his honorable electoral vote, and ex pressed the opinion that he would be elected by the House of Representatives The statement of Major Eaton proves

that your manner was the reverse of cooll understanding between you and IIr. Adtowards the General, until after the de-Jams was complete about the fiM of Jan-

termination of yourself and friends to support Mr. Adams. During the month of December 1824, and more than half of January 1825, you, remained perfectly silent as to the man for whom you intended to vote, and apparently nobody knew the secret resolutions of your heart, except a very few confidential friends in Kentucky. I am authorised to state, that during this interval you said in substance to a friend of Mr. Crawford, that when you took up the pretensions of Mr. Adams and weighed them, and then laid them down and took up those of General Jackson, you had never been so puzzled in your life as you woe to decide between them. In your letter to Judge Brooke, written in January, and in your subsequent address to your constituents, you speak of consulting your conscience and weighing the pretensions of the two candidates. Yet, you have attempted to prove, that you had determined to vote for Adams before you left Kentucky; and in your speech at Noble's, you assert, in substance, that you had never hesitated between them! The month of December was passing away. Your advances to General Jackson had been met with cool civility; but you could draw nothing from him indicating what reward might be expected in consideration of your support. I am told, and believe the fact to be, that when last in Kentucky, you said you re collected one conversation between Mr. Buchanan and yourself, on the subject of me presidential election, which took place i the room of Mr. Letcher. Mr. Buchanan remarked, as you stated, that if General Jackson were elected, he would not . go out of that room for his Secretary of State; that you replied in substance, "you must mean yodrself. Buck," that he negatived your reply, and indicated distinctly that he meant you. As Mr. Buchanan was known to be the warm and active friend of Jackson, it was natural that you should mistake his remark for an advance on the part of the General. That you did so understand him, I believe to be a fact, from the remarks made by yourself and friends in Lexington, before you saw Mr. Buchanan's statement ; and I have reason to believe, that preparations were made to attack Mr. Buchanan on account of that conversation, had he sustained General Jackson's inference. Perhaps this hint from Mr. Buchanan explains the movement which has been made the subject of the Beverly letters, and the consequent documents. Taking it as an advance from General Jackson, you may have wanted only a direct, or at least an intelligible confirmation from him, to decide your vote and influence in his favor., Mr. Markley now appears upon the stage. fhat he was consider ed your friend, is substantially asserted by Mr. Buchanan, and that he was so in act, is proved by his receiving an office rom your administration, said to . be worth 3,000 per year, when ail enemies and neutrals are alike proscribed. He tells Mr. Isaacs, that General Jack son ought to make you his Secretary of

btate, and wishes Mr. Isaacs or Mr. La-iof

on to obtain such a promise. Meeting

with a refusal, he talks with Mr. Buchnn-jtain

an aud urged him to see General Jack-j son, and get him to promise, at least,'

nai uewiu noi maive iur. Aaams aecre-,a state, after having declared for Jackary of State, which you and your friends s'm. wnnt over to Adams, and ve the

might understand-as an indication thatjf0(Uvjn: circumstance as his reason: he

hr won In annnint vnu tn that rHmn 1 What is the inference? Why, that when rr j you caught the hint thrown out by Mr. Buchanan and mistook it for an advance on the part of Jackson, you set means on foot to get the thing confirmed by an as surance from Jackson himself,and Markey s conversation with oucnanan s inerview were the result. These blasted all your hopes from that quarter. In the mean time, ideas were held out by some of the friends of Mr. Adams, that if he were elected you might ex pect the office of Secretary ot State, while the rumor was industriously dis scminated, that Jackson, if elected, would continue Mr. Adams in that Office. Here was hope, if no assurance, on the one side, and discouragement on the oth er. Bv the result of Mr. Buchanan's interview with Jackson on the 30th De cember, it was distinctly ascertained that he would promise nothing, directly or in directly. From that moment, it wa& apparent that your only certain chance "t placingyourself in the line of 'safe pre cedent,' was to vote for Mr. Adams and carry over to him the support of the west. Facts now disclosed, prove that the

uary; hutyou still preserved a mysterious silence. Arraignments were to be made for the transfer of the necessary number of States. Many members were committed in favor of Jackson, and it would take time and management to bring them wholly into your views. It has been supposed by most persons,

that the understanding between yourself and Mr. Adams was rather implied than express. I believe no such thing. Tlie first advances may have been indefinite and indirect; but in the sequel, I believe yu had personal interviews and consultations, as well in relation to the approaching election as to the neaii3 of sustaining your coalition administration. Mr. Adams was to throw nffhis reserve about tlie Tariff and Internal Improvements, and moui.t the "American System," behind you, as a hobbv. On this vou expected to ride over Jackson 'rough shod,' in Pennsylvania and the middle States. The same hobby, with the aid of your personal influence and the dispensation of public patronage, it was expected, would secure all the western States above Tennessee, while Mr. Adams with the aid of Webster and his other managers, was to bring Nw England into the same combination. I have the authority of the Focus and your speech at Pittsburgh, in proof fhat you understood fully the course Mr. Adams would take in relation to the 'American system,' and the rest F infer from the Harrisburg Convention, the simultaneous attack of all your devoted presses upon Pennsylvania, from the falsehoods circulated relative to Jackson's opinions upon the Taiiffand Internal Improvements, and from other events which attended and succeeded the presidential election. .,- The arrangement having been completed, it was now necessary to carry it into effect by the most efficient means. The public at Washington were entirely ignorant of your intentions, .and as yei every operation was secret. Either your self or some friend, early in January, communicated information ot your pros pects from Mr. Adams to one or two in dividuals in Frankfort, who gave the in formation to others, for the purpose of securing the vote from this congressional district. Probably, similar steps were taken in other districts But the principal scene of operations was at Washington City. Notwithstanding your advice to the Kentucky delegation, to remain uncommitted, a majority of them had expressed their predilection for, Jackson, in accordance . With ; the known will of their constituents. One, if not . more of them had declared that they would vote for the man who would do the most for Kentucky, or would make you secretary of State. By de;qrees a majority was brought to the same conclusion . ,. While this process wa? going on, n member who controlled the vote of a state, and had declared in favor of Jackson, was understood to have gone over to Adams. On being asked by a friend whether it was a fact, he replied that it wat, and gave his reasons, which were in substance, that you were to be becretary.of State, and he believed the friends Adams and Clay united, with the influence of the administration, would sushim at home. T nm authori?: ,! to state, that another member, on whom depended the vote of i i i i it 4 1 said, ne nau wuueu on Mr. Adams in person, and told him that the presidential election was approaching, that the friends of Mr. Clay controlled from 4 to 6 states, and that they wished to know, - 7 before they gave their votes, what would be done for their favorite; or in other words, whether he would be made Se cretary of State. He said Mr. Adams replied, that the West zcas an important part of the Union, and that if elected presi dent, he should feel it his duly to give a citi zen of the 11 e&t a prominent station in his cabinet. On receiving this answer in sub stance, the member alluded to determit ed to support Mr. Adams; because he understood it as a promise to make you secretary of state. This, sir, can be proved, and will be proved, if you seek an investigation by congress; but it was rather the effect than the origin of the understanding between you and Mr. Adams. You understood each other perfectly, well before that dialogue took place, and this interview was but the means of securing the vote of a state. The secret preparations were finally completed; and a meeting of a portion of

the Kentucky delegation was held, to determine in concert upon their final courre. By Major Eaton's statement, and the evidence adduced by him, it appears that this meeting was held on the evening of the 22d of January, 1825, 3 weeks after the understanding must have taken place between you and Mr. Adams! At this meeting y ou were present and assured your friends in substance,

that "in case General Jackson should be elected you believed the administration with its weight would be opposed to you, to prostrate you; that should Mr. Adams be elected you felt satisfied it woulJ not be so, but that you hoped no personal consideration for you would induce them act contrary to their desire." Upon this information they resolved to give the vote of Kentucky to Mr. Adams some, merely to promote 3 our elevation oth ers, because they thought that by placing you in the office of secretary of state,

which they well understood would beMjie whole history of the transaction bet

the result of their vote for Mr. Adams they should best promote the wishes of Kentucky, and the interests of the western states. This meeting was not a preliminary to your understanding with Mr. Adams, but was a consequence of that event. Your own language to your assembled friends proves it. You knew more about it then than they did, and hence they fought information from you. They did not tell you that Gen. Jackson would be hostile to you, and Mr. Adams the reverse; but you communicated this intel ligence to than. How did you know so much more about this matter than they did? You knew what advances you had made to General Jackson, and v ith what coolness they had been received. You knew that his own friend, Mr. Buchanan, rould not obtain from him a hint the least encouraging to your ambitious as pirations. But how did you know, 11 how were you "satisfied" that with Mr. Adams "it would not be so? From all tlie circumstances of the case, I infer that 1 j: .1. r i. Ti ou Knew 11 uirecuy irom niniscii. 11 had 'satisfied' you in private interviews. You do not appear at this meeting in the attitude of receiving information from your friends; but to communicate to them the expectations )ou are authoriz ed to entertain from the election of one and the other. . You appear not as the passive recipient of information; but as the active agent between your friends On the one side, and Mr. Adams on the other. After your friends had met, they sent for you: they sought information from you as to your expectations from the several candidates, and they received it. . This fact satisfies me further) that 33 you were the source of the knowledge possessed by your friends at Washington, of Mr. Adams' friendly disposition toyou, so you were also the source of the intel ligence given, either by yourself or oth ers, to your friends in Frankfort, that if Air, Adams were made president, you would be secretary of state. You were the 'master spirit' and active agent in this whole business, putting your friends in motion instead of waiting to receive the second office in the government from their unczcited and disinterested exertions. t Nearly all the Kentucky delegation declared after their return home, that they voted for Mr. Adams because it was well ascertained he would appoint you secretary of state. David Trimble so asserted in a public speech at Lewis court house, and in his printed circular stated the same thing in substance, tho1 not in language so explicit. How was this 'ascertained ?' From yourself at this meeting, as well as in private conversations. You may not have used the words "Mr. Adams will appoint me secretary of state;" but you used those which were just as we,j understood. How could you have given them this information, unless )ou had it from Mr. Adams? The election approached and the rumor prevailed that you-and your friends were to elect Mr. Adams and he was to make you secretary of state. Through Mr. Kremer's letter it found its way into the newspapers. With characteristic boldness you determined to meet it, and bully it out of countenance. Heia your Card, in which you pronounced tincharge false, and promised to fight the author. But Mr. Kremer was too nlaii a man, to be treated in this gentlemanly manner. Having got his name you demanded an investigation before thf house. The bargain was not then executed; Mr. Adams was not then elected, and you had not received the promised office, the principal evidences of the arrangement were in your own bosom and among your own friend, inaccessible to

your accuser. He therefore prudently declined the investigation, leaving yoil to execute your bargvun, and trusting to' time and circumstances to disclose the truth to the people. On your part this was a piece of that bold management of which you are a perfect master. . The charge was measurably put down, and you were left in the quiet enjoyment of the object of your ambition. But time has disclosed many circumstances and a conviction was extending in the country , that the election of Air. Adams had been carried b means apprbachirg to corruption. On your way to Ken-

tuckj, last summer, you found occasion for another piece of management. At W heeling, v ou learnt that a letter was in town from General Jackson, detailing an interview between him and Mr. Burhan an, and drawing the inference that Mr. Buchanan had acted with direct authori ly from you or your friends. You k ew ter than General Jackson did; and vou knew that Mr. Buchanan would not support that inference. . You therefore de termined to make a desperate effort to rret t h n rnnlrnvprev rm Ihnf c I n rr I rn i ri f You took means to procure a copy of General Jackson's letter, without the leave of writer or receivefJirew it be fore the public, asserted that Jackson had charged vou with beino nriv v to tha communication from Buchanan, which he never did, called him your public ac cuser, which he never was, and denied the whole bargain in phrases as comprehensive as ingei uity could frame. You turned public accuser and public abuser of the General, and made him the burden of many dinner speeches, violent enough to shame the most indiscrert act t ver attributed to him. To all this the General rep ied with as much coolness as he would have done to a summons for the surrender ol NewOrleans.. Mr. Buchanan immediaiely rejoined, and though he substantially cerifirmed every material point, w! ich Jackson had asserted as fact, he ncga lived his inference precisely as you anticipated. Instantly, as if by precoi cert, 3 our devoted presses through the Union, shout ycur acquittal, anci declare on the authority of this slight circumstance, that you are proved to be innocent, not only of making a proposition to Gene ral Jackson, but of making a bargain with Mr. Adams! I admit that it provf-yott did not make a direct proposition ttGei eral Jhckson, through Mr. Cuc.hai.an, but it no more excalpates you from n aking a direct bargain with Mr. Adams, than it proves Thomas Jefferson to have been friendly to your administration. Your bold denial, and cunning effort to rest the whole cause on Gen.'Jackson's inference, was, I admit, a piece of adroit management; but, sir, the very boldness of your denial, and your notorious injustice to the General, have excited a spirit of investigation, and kirdled a flame that will consume you. Facts which would forever have slept, have been brought before the public, and thc volume of evidence is daily enlargicr and becoming more conclusive. What was your motive for writhve to Jackson at such a time, after having been treated by him with pointed scorn4 Why did you try to prevent any movement in the Kentucky legislature, which might interfere with your designs at. Washington? Why did you not publicly avow for whom you intended to vote before you left Kei tucky, instead of sayirg to two or three confidential friends, that you should vote for Mr. Adams? Whv rti't vuii ronrenl vnnr dpf prmirt. tion for seven weeks after your arrival at Washington city ? Why did you urge your friends to re main uncommitted, and tell them they could with propriety vote for either candidate, as circumstances might require? How came you to say you were puzzled to decide between the pretensions of Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson? How came your friends in Frankfort to have information about the middle of January, that if Mr. Adams were elected, you' would be cecretarv of state? How came Mr. Adams to give a member of congress,a devoted friend of yours, on whom the vote of a state depended, to understand that if he were elected, ou would receive a prominent station in his cabinet? How came another, having like pow. er and like attachments, to give as a reason for changing his vote, that Mr. Adms, if elected, would make you secretary of state? How happened it that you were able to give your friends in caucus assembled, satisfactory information of Mr. Adasu-