Indiana Palladium, Volume 3, Number 44, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 10 November 1827 — Page 1

EQUALITY OF RIGHTS IS NATURE'S PLAN AND FOLLOWING NATURE IS THE 31 ARCH OF MAN. Barlow. Volume III. LAWRENCEBURG11, INDIANA; SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1827. Number 44

From the Frankfurt Argus, letter I. Secretary of State of (he United States.

Sin: When you took from the Argus tne publication of the Laws of the Unit ed States and gave it to the Commenta tor, I took cccasion to express the grati ficalion I felt at that mark of your person al displeasure. Although I had never been your debtor in acts of friendship; yet, such had been the relation in which J stood to your family, and 6uch the kind ness I have received at their hands, that! needed this display of intolerance and proscription on your part, to reconcile me to the attitude in which I was placed, and e- able me to run the path of .duty with perfect alacrity. Permit me, therefore, again to thank you for your kind proscription, which has empowered my heart to follow the dictates of my understanding, without exciting the painful reflecti on, that I wound h bosom which retains the least fiiendly feeling towards myself. Do not think, sir, that I am about to discuss any subject in relation to which there exists between us any obligation to secrecy, express or implied. There may be 8om-:.j things known to me, the disclosure of which would produce unpleasant sensations in your present attitude; but I should despise myself, were I capable of voluntarily disclosing, for the purpose of giving you pain, any particular which you may have committed to my confidence. To cut oil the possibility of misconstruction, I feel it my duty further to declare, that in relation toj the subject of this letter, )ou never held any tornmunicaiion with me, confidently or otherwise. The Spirit of '76, the Editor of which has been deemed of suflicient importance by your friends here to supplant the Argus in the patronage of the State, contains the following charges: "Kendall was a friend of Mr, Clay, and of the venal kind too for his conduct made it apparent he was such. He wrote a letter to our Representative, advising him "to give his vote where its weight would be most felt and acknowledged," Legislative instructions to the contrary notwithstanding. No man in Frankfort was more anxious to get Mr. Adam9 elected over Gen. Jackson than Kendall." That I wao anxious for the election of Mr. Adams over Gen. Jackson, is not true; that I wrote to our Representa tive in relation to his vote for President, is true. I shall proceed to detail the circumstances under which that letter was written, and if in the sequel, you find yourself placed in an uncomfortable atti tude, you may thank those ofheious friends who cannot carry on this Contest without assailing the integrity and honor of allthose who dn not support the drag on of their idolatry. In your reply to Gen. Jackson's letter to Carter Beverly, you say: "All allegations, intimations or inuen does, that my vole on the election of! rresidentj was ottered to be given, or was in fact given, in consideration of any stipulation or understanding, express or implied, direct or indirect, written or verbal, that I was, or that any other per-ja son was not to be appointed Secretary ,

of State, or that I was in any manner, tojviction that he was the second choice of ... . . . . -i it .1 n . . it .. .

be personally benefited, are devoid oti all truth, and destitute of any tion whatever." You further say, "the letter of General Jackson insinuates, rather than directly makes, the further charge, that an arrangement was proposed and made

between Mr Adams' friends and mine, 'advised the giving of the vote to Mr.j ..... . . .'.i i.i i ..i

by which, in the event of his election, iv as to be appointed Secretary of State. i pronounce that charge also, as far as I k;-ow or believe, to be untrue and without the least foundation." I read these declarations with wonder and astonishment; because I knew, here in Frankfort, near three weeks before tin- election took place, that in the event of Mr. Adams's election, you were to be appointed Secretary of State. I say Jcriew it. 1 knew it as well and apcertain-jl ly as I could know of any event before it happens, w hich does not depend entirely on my own agency. I knew it by information which I did not then doubt, and the correctness of which was verified by the event. I knew it, because I was repeatedly applied to for the purpose procuring my aid in carrying that under with which your friends now taunt me, was the fruit of those applications. I cannot, therefore, be mistaken. 1 cannot mistake as to the manner in which nn event was brought about which I had some slight agency in producing. Permit me here to remark, that I see

nothing of corruption or impropriety ii

the exertions of a man's friends, by legitimate means, to secure him the office of Secretary of State or anv other. It the delegation from Kentucky knew that tlieirconstituents wished you to be made Secretary of State by the election of AJ. Adams, there was no impropriety in re quiring from him a direct pledge to ap point you, before they gave him the vote of the state. The composition of the cabinet is often as interesting to the peo pie as the measures of an administration, and in England it is considered the security of liberty, that the King, in the selection of his ministers, is obliged to govern himself by public opinion. There cannot, therefore, be any intrinsic impropriety in requiring a candidate for the Presidency to declare whom he will select as his Secretary of State. The impropriety arises solely from the motive with which the pledge may be sought and given. If that motive be personal advancement without regard to the interests and will of the people, then does it become a corrupt bargain, deserving of the severest reprobation. With these views, I have been surprised at the char acter)ou and your presses give to your understanding or that of your friend with Mr. Adams. I am sure, that in my slight and reluctant agency, I thought 1 was promoting the interest of the country by aiding in your elevation, and under the circumstances here related, was willing you should be Secretary of State, for the same reasons that I was more than willing you should be President. W ith these preliminary remarks, I shall proceed to relate in what manner I cam? to the knowledge, near three weeks before the election, that if Mr. Adams was made President you would be Secretary of State. About the 20th of January, 1C25, a confidential friend and correspondent ot yours in this place, called on me, and introducing the subject of the Presidential election, inquired whether I would not prefer Mr. Adam3 as President with yourself as Secretary of State, to Gen. Jackson as President with your exclusion from the cabinet? He told me, that Mr. Adams, if elected, would make you Secretary of State, and solicited me, if I ap proved of that arrangement, to write to our member of Congress, requesting him to vote for Mr. Adams. 1 expressed my dislike of Mr. Adams, as well as my preference for Gen. Jackson, and declined writing. He called a second time, urging upon me the same result. He cal led a third time, and told me, that if General Jackson were elected, he would make Mr. Adams Secretary of State, and urged, that Mr. Adiiri3 President and Mr. Clay Secretary, would be more acceptable, to Kentucky than Gen. Jackson President and Mr. Adams Secretary. I thought so too, and finally consented to write. I have endeavored to procure a copy of my letter, for the purpose of laying it before you and the public; and am in formed that it is mislaid or lost. I cannot pretend, at this distance of time, to repeat its contents with entire precision. My impression is, that I expressed decided preference for the election of General Jackson, and declared my con Kentucky, cut, ai me same time, m

founda-ialusion to the information 1 had receiv

ed, I gave it as my opinion, that circumstances might exist which would justify the giving ot her vote to another, with the entire approbation of the great mass) of the people.. I do not think I directly raoams; out i was clearly ot opinion,)

and intended to be so understood that inj Washington City. 1 was simply incase Gen. Jackson was determined to! formed that such understanding exist-

make Mr. Adams Secretary of Stateed, and I wrote becausel preferredj here to show out; if guilty, brag or be and Mr. Adams was wiiling to put Mr.Jyou to General Jackson, having beenisilent. In either alternative the ccun-

Clay in that otiice, then, upon a knowl-jtold,

eage oi mose iacts,tne vole oi Kentucky; probably have Mr. Adams in the ought to be given to Mr. Adams. I'cabinet, either as President or Secretary

then hoped, as did the people of Kentuc ky generally, to see you, at no distant i'day, occupy the presidential chair, and thought the union of Adams and Jackson would be fatal to all those hopes. At that time I have no doubt that four fifths of the people of Kentucky, with the same information on the subject, would have felt and acted as I did. They would have preferred Adams President ofjnd Clay Secretary of State, to Jackson President and Adams Secretary; be cause the weight of their state would have been lost and the prospects of yourself utterly obscured and destroyed. But it seems, that an essential part of the representations on which I acted, were without real foundation. Although the rumor prevailed also at Washington and in the eastern states, that JacksoD

had determined, in case of his eleciieiy

to make Mr. Adams Secretary of S ate, it now appears from lite disclosure of Mr. Buchanan, that it i-ever was cnn -tenanced in the least bv any thing w hie; came from the General himself. I ptbahly originated with your fiieods ; i those . ( Mr. Ad tms foi the purpose f detachi! g from the General all thoe w ho desired your tutun- el vu'i: . Certain it is, that it ua u?ed with licet ji Washii g;..n city ard elsewhere. I did noi think that your friend cc-m-mitled any crinrv, moral or political, ii; givii gmetb- inf mation I hve repeated, or that I c ommitted any in u ruing that letter. There were thirty or forty individuals of the highest sta ding in soi iety and in both of our local parties, who were induced to write by similar in formation, and I am sure that most of them, if not all were actuated by a firm conviction, that in thus endeavoring to secure to you a proffered elevation, they were? promoting the true iuleresttj of Kentucky, of the western country and of the Union. But you will not admit, that this thing coild be innocent in yourself or your friends. You declare, that no understanding exi-ted by which you were to receive the oflice of Secretary of State, and you say, that if such were the fact, "there is no punishment which tould exceed the measure of my of fence." V W you may acknowledge yourself as ; uil as you please; but I protest against your attempting to fix turpitude upon the acts of your friends:. who thought that in elevating you, they promoted the interests of the country. I admit that they were mistaken, and that a worse cabinet for the peace and interest of the country, could scarcely have been formed; but the honest effort of y our friendi to secure you the oflice f Secretary of State before the election, ught not now to be visited with your reproaches. Perhaps you are conscious that the arrangement of hich we in Kentucky wore so early informed, was based on private interest and personal ambition, without the least regard to the will or the interests of the people. Then indeed was it corrupt Then are you right boldly to deny tb- whole transaction and cast down the gau .let to the w holtworld. A bold face may awe some, into silence, and convince others of your innocence. It is onlv hv a desperate leap, that a man who stands upon a crumbling precipice, can save himself! from destruction. Your conduct in this affair partakes of such desperation. As if conscious of guilt ai d impending punishment you utterly cle.ny that which might have been innocently done, and with desperate resolution, rely upon the plea of not guilty,, when you might w ith more safety have plead justification. Perhaps you think the evidence does not exist or cannot be procured which would lead to your conviction. Every week brings forth additional facts, and your own conduct induces multiplied

disclosures. The exultation of yourselfjcall out your friends; exhibit your usu.il

and friends because Buchanan did not directly prove your guilt was precisely that which the Criminal feels, when, from the unexpected weakness of the testimony, he is acquitted. His exultation is as high as his guilt is deep, and he rejoices, not conscious of innocence, but in his escape from merited puuishment. In what manner the understanding! with Mr. Adams was brought about, or! who received the direct assurance from him, I was never informed. Nor did I; ask your confidential friend, who J ...... . veyed to him this intelligence from

that in any event, we shouldjtry wilt know how to understand you.

of State. But it is notorious from the facts already related, that Mr. Adamsj must have told somebodv, that in case of his election, he would appoint you his Secretary of State; for nobody else could tell what he would do. That somebody conveyed this important piece of information to Frankfort, is alike obvious; for otherwise it would not have got here. That it was true, is equally obvious; because the result proved it to be so. The proof is therefore conclu sive, that Mr. Adams did promise before the election, to make you Secretary of State if he should be elected President. Were you and all your friends totally ignorant of this promise? Who conveyed it to Frankfort? Was it Buchanan or some other friend of Jackson T No no neither Buchanan nor Marklcv,nor

anv other friend or pretended friend of

Jackson had any thing to do with it. as it Mr. Adams or his friends? This is not pr. bable; for they had no friends . r correspondents in Kentucky. Was it Mr. Clay or his friends? Unquestion ably ii was one or the other. The object was to secure you office and power a. d who ehonld be active in this effort but yourself and your friends? Shall 1 be candid? I do believe that -jougave this information yourself. I Jo believe so, because the two men sei in motion by it, one prominent in the old eourt party and the other in the new, are well known to have been your own confidential friends and correspondents. Had you been disposed to commit your secret thoughts and hidden dans to any person in Kentucky, it would nave been to one or both of these two. I believe it, because 1 know of but one other man who was at all likely to nave given this information, and I know he did not. I believe it, because I know you did write to them about that time. I believe it, because it is precisely like those acts of adroit management for which the last two and a half years of your life, have been distinguished. 1 may be mistaken in supposing that it was your own hand which penned and committed to the mail the despatch w hich gave notice of your prospects de pendent on the election of Mr. Adams. If so, you can correct the error; but I cannot go to them and demand whether i hey received this intelligence from you. But you have a right to absolve them from all injunctions of secrecy and call ut your own communications. You know these men well without further specification by me. They are men of nonor and will tell the truth. It you are so very innocent, call on them to publish any letter or parts of letters which relate to the presidential election, received by them from v ou during the month of January 1825. Or if they had such letters and have them no longer, eall on them to state their contents. If thus authorized, thev declare- on their honor that they never received or sawany such letter or letters from you, then will I acknow ledge my mistake and state o the world that you were not the man who gave this information. But, sir, this is not ail w hich is neces sary for your vindication. Your denial of the existence of an understanding comprehends your friends at Washing ton as well as yourself. If it w as not you, it is therefore necessary for you to require those friends to disclose the name of him who gave them the information which they here disseminated. Who was it that gave us intelligence which was so ztroyig and yet so right? Who was if that dared to say, it was un derstood that you would be Secretary if Mr. Adams was President, when there was in truth no understanding? Who was it, that communicated to your friends here an arrant lie for your bene fit, and yet told the truth? "Masks off;" bold front; and let us have this affair probed to the bottom. Your friends here will not hear of an investigation by Congress. They fear the veil of confidence which cannot be withdrawn may then be rent. "Let every man state to ;the public what he knows," say they, well knowing that no man of honor will voluntarily betray the confidence you and your friends have reposed in him. With this subterfuge, and Buchanan's letter in relation to which, it must be confessed vou have played an adroit game

con-iwith a full view of your adversary's I. . J

hand, they hope to delude the country and escape from an investigation. If you are innocent, call on your friends I cannot close without calling your at tention to this incident in connection w ith Buchanan's interview with Jackson. Some of the letters to our representatives elicited by the information from Wash ington relative to your advancement by Adams, were written before the 20th of January 1825. It is therefore probable that this information was received about the 15th of that month. It then took letters from twelve to fifteen days to travel from Washington to Frankfort. Those which conveyed this intelligence must therefore, have left the city as ear ly as the second or third of January. Buchanan's interview with Jackson, which cut off all hope of your advance ment by him, or at least proved that it was impossible to obtain any pledge from him, took place on the 30th of December. Between that interview and the dale of these letter there could

have been but three or four days3 What is the inference? Why, when you found no pledge could be obtained from Jackson you closed with "the ideas

held out by some of the friends of Mr. Adams," assented to the making of hirn President on his consenting to make ou Secretary of State, and immediately despatched letters to Frankfort, with the bject of securing the vote of our representative and consummating the arrange ment. I am not done with this subject; but I here close for the present, with repeat ing, that you alone, I religiously believe can remove all doubt from the incident I have related, by a prompt end public call upon your friends. And let me tell you sir, there are many who cannot give full credence to your assertions in reply to General Jackson, until they see the history of this transaction in its ori gin at Washington, as well a its ramifi cations iii Frankfort. Probably in my next, I shall touch up on another subject in relation to which your friends are seeking pretences to reproach me. AMOS KENDALL Interesting relaxation. The Worcester (Eng.) Journal states, that no less than forty- three barristers were in attend ance at the late Assizes; and that a large majority entertained their hours of leisure at the classical game of "leap rog" an amusement of such high antiquity as to have been quite in vogue among the Greek Academicians Only think of two score of black robes hopping over each other's heads! and yef, why not they, as weft as others, enjoy the invigorating influence of athletic exercises? Indeed, we regard with pe culiar favor the gymnastic which havo recently become fashionable; and if re gularly practised by gentlemen of sedan tary pursuits, we would record fewer untimely deaths, hear less of pulmonary ravages, and see a much smaller number of pallid cheeks and hollow eyes, than we are wont to do among the literary and learned DIED In Twinsburgh Portage coun ty, Ohio, on the 21st of September, MOSES and AARON U JLCOX, aged about 50. They, as we are informed, were twin, brothers, born in Connecticut; they were married on the same day, their wives being sisters; they hoped to havo ezperienced religion on the same day, and attached themselves to the same church, and on the same day, they engaged in mercantile business together, at Middletovvn, and failed together; from thence they removed and settled themselves, together, in this State, at a ptece which from them derived the nam of Twinsburgh; they were taken sick oq same day, and were buried in the same grave, and have left to their bereaved child ren the same rich inheritance of an unsullied moral and christian character. The singular identity which pervaded the character of these men, and the events of their lives, manifested itself no less in their person. During their youth and middle age, so nearly did they resemble each other as to challenge the most discriminating eye to distinguish them. Employed in the early part ot their lives in the neighborhood of each other, as school teachers, they were wont occasionally to change echools, and always without detection, on the part of the scholars, of the change. What reader of this, as he passes through Twins burgh, will not think of the Twins? Clcavcland Herald A Villian Calling himself Benjamirj D. Franklin, a blacksmith by irade made his appearance at I- ort Ball, Seneca co. Ohio, in Oct. last? married a respectable young lady, contracted various debts, stole money, borrowed a horse, run aw ay, forged an order for more money, sold the horse in Michigan, went to York, (J. C. stole another horse, started for Ohio, sold the horse as he had done before, stole another, got home,, was sent to jail for forgery, broke out, on his way to Sandusky City stole more mone),and eluded his pursuers by tak ing passage for the state of New York.He is about 25 years old, 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high, slender built, light brown hair, blue eyes, downcast look, remark able for gestures when talking, a great egotist, and has the faculty of recom mending himself to the favorable notice of Grangers. E, Dresback and A. Rawson, of fort Ball, would like to hi ar of hmu Geneva Gazette,