Indiana Palladium, Volume 2, Number 22, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 10 June 1826 — Page 1

EQUALITY OF RIGHTS IS NATURE'S PLAN AND FOLLOWING NATURE IS THE MARCH OF MAN. Barlow. Volume II. LAWRENCEBURGII, INDIANA ; SATURDAY, JUNE 10, 1826. Number 22.

1

COjYGRESSIOXAL. House of Representatives, April, 1 82G. The resolution of the Committee on

Foreign Affairs, and the amendment of Mr. McLANE, of Delaware, as modified by Mr. BUCHANAN, being under consideration, with a view to amend the same, in the words following: "The House, however, in expressing this opinion, do not intend to sanction any departure from the settled policy of this government, that, in extending our commercial relations with foreign nations, we should have with them as little political connexion as possible, and that we should preserve peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, and form 'entangling alliances with none. It is therefore, the opinion of this House, that the Government of the U. States ought not to be represented at the Congress of Panama, except in a diplomatic character, nor ought they to form any alliance offensive or defensive, or negotiate respecting such alliance with nil, or any of the Spanish American Republics; nor ought they to become parties with them or either of them, to any joint declaration for the purpose of preventing the interference of any of the European powers with their independence or form of government, or to any compact for the purpose of preventing colonization upon the continent of America; but that the 0people of the United States should be left free to act, in any crisisv in such a manner as their feelings of friendship towards these republics, and as their own honor may at that time, dictate'" Mr. Test, of Indiana, arose and said that he was well aware that the patience of the II ouse was exhausted with a protracted debate of more than a month. I intended, said Mr. Test, to have given a silent vote on the question ; but circumstances have recently occurred which seem to call on me to say something in regard to the vote I am .about to give. It would, indeed, be a reluctant and un gracious. tak, at this time, to occupy the attention of the House forany considerable length of time, in explaining mv reasons and motives for the course I shall take; arid although I have given to this subject every consideration, of which my means and the limited faculties with which nature has endowed me, I never came to the resolution until last evening of expressing my sentiments upon it, in any other manner than by my vote. The only time, therefore, I have had to arrange an argument, was that which intervened between the adjournment, last evening, at six o'clock, and this mor ning, prior to the meeting of the House: which is a guarantee i offer for the brcvity of mv remarks. It is not without re luctance and great embarrassment that I attempt, at any time, to offer my views .of a subject; indeed I have sometimes suffered them to influence my mind to an extent which I have afterwards had ' occasion to regret. My general silence on almost every other subject of discussion, would seem, however, to give me some claim on the indulgence of the House not to make a speech, but to give the reasons, at some length, by which my mind has been brought to the conclusion at which it has arrived. And when I make this claim, let me assure vou, sir, that nothing but a high sense of duty alone, could ever have induced me to do so, as it draws me into a combat with that almost insuperable repugnance I have to speaking in this Hall. I shall endeavor to confine myself strictly to the amendment of the resolution of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, as connected with the general subject, without going into the expediency of the measure, as I am perfectly satisfied the measure is right, while I am equally certain the amendment to the resolution is not only wrong in principle, but repugnant to the very grounds upon which the measure rests, and calculated in its effects and operations to defeat the very object it pretends to have in view. I shall confine myself to a very few points in the case, and more particularly to those which have occurred to me, and which have not been especially noticed by these on the same ide of the question with me. But, in doing so, I shall not release my claim to the support which the case has received from the very able discussions of those who have preceded me. I have said the amendment to the resolution was wrong in principle; and although not called upon by the nature of the case to proVfe a negative, yet, sir, it is obvious, that I sjiall take upon myself to do so. And,- indeed, I need hardly say more than that it is unprecedented, that a proposition of the same kind was never sanctioned in this House before. Gen'lemcrihave been called upon to prc-

duceone: but. sir, such an one cannot!

be found, even in the time of the most violent party collisions. I undertake to say, sir, such an one cannot be found in parliamentary annals. , What is it in principle and character? It is an attempt to control the constitutional ope-! rations, and cast obloquy upon the Government. What is it in terms? Sir, it tells the two co-ordinate branches of this government, "you shall not exercise your constitutional functions, unless you do so according to our dictation;" it tells them, in terms, "you shall not send representatives to the Congress at Panama, unless you send them in a particular character, such as we shall designate." It tells them, in substance, "True it is, we know that yon, like ourselves, have your duties to perform, and that, too. under the same solemn sanctions of an appeal to heaven; but we distrust you; we have no confidence in you; we are fearful you will perjure yourselves and betray the people." Sir, I am not prepared to sanction such a doctrine, but on the contrary, I am prepared to stamp upon it my most solemn veto. I say, sir, should the resolution, with the proposed amendment, pass, you strike a fatal blow at the politi cal institutions of the country, which no subsequent proceedings can rectify, and which length of time can never heal. No one, I believe, ever disputed the right of this House to express its views and sentiments upon abstract propositions it has a constitutional right to do so, as the representative organ of the people; nay it may, in particular instances, be its duty to do so; but is this such a proposition? Is it confined to principles in the abstract? The abstract propoiton is this is it expedient and and proper that the Government of the United States should be represented in the Congress at Panama? The resolution admits the abstract proposition in terms, while the amendment substantially denies it, except it be conformable to certain re strictions and modifications: and these restrictions and modifications are not confined to the institution and organization of the mission itself, but extend to its quality and subsequent conduct. It declares it shall notonlv consist of members of a particular character, to the entire exclusion of all others, but that it shall do certain things, and shall not do certain other things. It says to the President and Senate of the United States, you may send representatives to the Congress of Panama, but they shall be ofj a character such as we designate, and they shall do certain things which we approve, and shall not do certain things we disapprove. To prove the correct ness of these proceedings, several resolution, said to be similar in character, have been mentioned as having been introduned into the House. One in particular, introduced bv the present Secre tary of State, in relation to the indepen dence of the Spanish provinces, which arc the subject of the present mission: Another by a gentleman from Massachusetts, in relation to the Greeks. Eacli of these resolutions contain but a single abstract question, suggesting the proprietyof adopting a great political mea sure, upon which the Government had never decided, without attempting to

trammel, orcontrol the constituted a u'thorities, in relation to their procced-iso ings in such measure when adopted.

Those resolutions were correct in prm - ciple, and the House did right in enter - taining their discussion; because, from the very nature of its institution and organization, as being composed of members representing the people of the different States, it is always its privilege, and of ten its duty, as the guardian of the peo

pies' rights, to express its view and sen-jlarity of sufferings in acquiring theinan adverse movement within its own jutiments in the abstract, upon generaljliberties, excite in our bosoms, sympa- risdictton, to do us an irreparable injury.

questions of policy to be adopted, with out interfering with other Departments of the Government; but when it stoops to particulars, and attempts to dictate! to the other Departments the manner in which they shall discharge their duties, it steps aside from the Constitution; usurps authority never delegated 10 n by the people; interferes with the rights, not only of the co-ordinate branches of the Government, but the people themselves. It adopts a rule no less vicious in principle that it is dangerous in practice. A rule, to be good, must operate correctly every way. Suppose, then, the Senate were to say to this House you have exercised your functions in a particular manner long enough, you must now conform to our views and notions of exercising them you may pass bills, but they must be of a particular grade; you may appoint your officers, but they must be of a particular character. 1

ask you, sir, how would it view such

transaction with reverence, or contempt? Thecasesare precisely similar. The President is required by the Constition "to recommend such measures to Congress as he shall deem necessary and expedient. Suppose he were to attempt to dictate to them the terms upon which they should adopt such measures; or point out to them certain restrictions and conditions, by which they should be governed, in deciding upon them; what would Congress say to him on such an occasion? They would say sir, it is your business to recommend the measures, and ours to determine the manner in which we shall decide upon them, as well the restrictions and conditions by which we will he governed in our decision, as the terms upon which we will adopt them. I ask you, sir, how would Congress view such a dictation? Not with reverence, not with contempt, nay, but with disgust. Are the cases similar, or not? If they be, and we adopt the amendment to the resolution, vour constitution is a dead letter, and the oath of a representative in Congress a mere nullity. This is but one view of the subject there are some others which 1 shall briefly notice. I have said, sir, that this amendment to the resolution of the com mittee of Foreign Affairs was not only wrong in principle, but repugnant to the very ground upon which the measure rests. Let us, sir, examine its features a little more minutely. It is said we are not to sanction any departure from our settled policy that in extending our commercial relations with foreign nations, we should have with them as little political connection as possible. Tiii, sir, is one of the sage maxims of the Father of our Republic, General Washington, and ought to be held inviolable bv everv statesman. It is one of the fundamental principles of diplomatic economy, and never ought to he departed from, in merely extending our commercial relations. Gentlemen seem to forger that, circumstances alter cases, that there is a wide difference between morel v extending our commercial relations, and providing for our future safety. Though the maxim would be equally correct, that in providing for our future safety, we should have, with foreign nations, as little connection as possible, so we did uot omit any thing necessary to such, provision. He must be blind indeed, who does not discover the distinction in the two cases. "When General Washington wrote his valedictory address, he had a direct reference to our political connections with Eu rope, countries far distant from us, in whose destinies we had no interest, ex cept that which we feel in common for all the world, tor our fellow-man, con nected with the benefits resulting from a a commercial intercourse. Countries whoso Government had little or no resemblance to ours, who were jealous of our growing greatness, and envious of our happy condition. To have had po litical connection with such nations, further than was necessary for the due extension of our commercial relations, would have been the height of madness. j What could we expect from such connections with countries so distant, with government, manners, habits, interests dissimilar to our own, but diseord, ; embarrass nent, and perpetual contsni tions? We had all to lose and nothing to gain, by them. The American Re publics present a very different aspect. 1 hey are m our own hemisphere, and

even upon our borders; a similarity ofjan additional interest in the affairs of the government gives us an interest in theirj government of that country: it is in the success, which we never could feel for! nature of things that it should because

the despotisms of Europe; while a simithies and feelings dillerent from others: and, for its practical operation, I need only refer to the celebrated declaration of the late President ol the United States, Mr? Monroe, contained in his message at the opening of Congress in December, 1823, wherein he says, in substance, thai this government cannot view the interference of any other power in Europe, than Spain, with the form of government of any of the Spanish re publics, but in the light of an attack upon the principles of free Governments. Sir, it was like a voice from Heaven, it electrified and united all hearts, while it marked, emphatically marked, the policy of this country toward our sister republics i rf the South: every tongue confessed its expediency, and responded to its correctness. No dissenting voice was heard from Penobscot to the mouth of the Sabine; and even the Holy Alliance felt its influence in a manner little ex

aipected bv the world. The result is well!

known: the French fleet, destined for the reduction and subjugation of those provinces was diverted from its object. Indeed, it may be said of that illustrious declaration, that if it did not give, it at least secured and continued to the Spanish republics their freedom and independence. The policy marked by that declaration, seems to he at present the settled policy of this government to wards those Southern republics; nor, sir, have I ever heard it objected to, until I heard it called in question by this amendment to the resolution offered by the gentleman from Delaware. (Mr. M'Lean,) and by the present modifica tion of it by the gentleman from t enn sylvania,(Mr. Buchanan,) and sir, what ever gentlemen may think of it, it will continue to be the settled policy of this country towards those Southern nations, so long as they shall love justice, and continue to cherish their free institutions, notwithstanding all the little opposition which it may meet with in this Hall. Sir, it is our true policy to cultivate a good understanding, and extend to them the aid of our moral and even our physical influer.ee, so far as may be consistent with our neutral position toward other nations; our commercial intercourse with them is of more importance to us, than all our other commercial relations in the world. They furnish us with a near and beneficial market for our surplus manufactures, and a consid erable portion of our agricultural pro ductions. Our trade at present, with them and the island of Cuba, amounts to very little short of thirty millions annu ally. I think I may venture to say the chief of the six millions of our sur plus manufactures exported the last vear, were disposed of to them; the de mand for them is rapidly increasing. perhaps more than the increase of that branch of our industry. Pursuing this liberal policy towards them, has, secured to us their most friendly feelings; and bv continuing that same liberal course, we shall at least remain upon the footing of the most favored nations: while changing our policy would naturally give umbrage, and tend very materially to change the aspect of our commercial relations with them. It would seem to me a very strange determination in this government, that after having given to those republics its countenance and moral support or influence during the whole of their struggle, and at a time too, when their oppressors might with some reason complain of our complaisance toward them, we should now, when they have fairly achieved their independence, and secured themselves against the future domination of Spain, change its policy, and thereby defeat the object of its heretofore honourable and hazardous exertions; at this very time, too, when we are about to reap our reward for them break up those friendly relations which have resulted from an interchange of good offices, when there was really a danger of forfeiting our claims to a neutral character annihilate those friendly feelings connected by every tie that can bind man to man, and man to God. So much for our policy in regard to our commercial relations. Sir, I have noti ced a distinction between extending our commercial relations merely, and providing for our future safety. I beg leave briefly to notice another point in this branch of the subject. It has been said by an honorable gentleman from Massa chusetts, that vicinity of territory gives owing to its proximity, it is enabled, by Hence it becomes bur duty, while on am icable terms, to secure ourselves, by mutual stipulations or otherwise, against the elfects of those adverse movements. So far indeed has this principle been carried, that an act of an adjacent power withinitsown jurisdiction, hasbeen made the pretext of a long bloody war. And such too is the case at this day in Europe that the building of a garrison bv an ad joining power, is followed by a corres ponding precaution in the other; and this is one of the means by which the balance of power is maintained through out that densely populated region. It is frequently necessary to the public safety, and in fact nothing is more common than for powers to stipulate, that forts shall not be erected, that armies shall not be maintained, in certain places, or that fleets shall not be sent into certain -eas. Hence it is evident, the circum stance of proximity alone alters the na-l

lure of our relations, and may render it

necessary for cur safety, to extend our political connexions with those provinces, far beyond that which would be warranted in mere commercial regulations. For it is well known to every gentleman conversant with geography, that our frontier borders upon one pfthem, for a distance of perhaps 'more than two thousand miles, including one of the . fairest portions of the terraqueous globe.. Can any gcntleuan contend, that ouf policy with such a people, must necessarily be the same as with those, situated so remote, that oceans roll between. I think not, sir. It is likewise evident that political connexions with republican governments, are not liable to the same objections w ith those of regal or monarchal character. It is never the interest of republics to acquire territory beyond what is necessary to their physical strength, or to secure them against the encroachments of an enemy. The individual who wields the regal authority, feels a kind of personal interest in the acquisition of domain, which overlooks the public good, and having the power, appropriates to himself that which belongs only to his subjects. Republics are actuated by other views Sc motives, they seek not personal ngrandizement, they act upon more extended & liberal principles. Personal fcelingnever enters into their idea of government. The public domain belongs, in common, to the whole: there is no individual or self interest, to exert a precarious and undue influence over public affairs; no personal pride, avarice, or ambition, to gratify; but the very nature of the government requires that all should enjoy the public acquisitions of all. Hence, as no one person, or integral part of the community, is to acquire an exclusive benefit from the public wealth, it is not their interest, or their desire to accumu late, beyond what is necessary to their public convenience or safety. Ami hence, too, the immunity from danger, on entering into political connexion with them. There are other views which I propose to take f this subject, in as brief a manner as I can. That this amendment to the resolution is repugnant to the ground upon which the measure rests, I think will further appear, from the consideration of its practical operation. In pursuing this branch of the subject, I must beg leave to premise, that as we are to adopt the resolution of the committee on foreign affairs, and that resolution is founded on, and is the conclusion from, a combination of admitted facts and settled principles, contained in their report, we are to admit those facts, and adopt those principles, without qualification. If we do not admit their facts and reasoning, we ought not to sanction their conclusion. If we do sanction their conclusion, it follows, of course, we must admit their facts and reasoning. What are they! W hy, sir, the act3 are, that the American repulics are about to hold a Congress at Panama, to be composed of representatives from the various provinces, two from each: that they are to be clothed with diplomatic powers: that this Congress when met, are to organize themselves in such manner as may seem to them best calculated to promote the end of their in stitution: and which, when so organized, seems to be intended "to constitute a rallying point for the whole of the different republics, in times of common danger, as a faithful interpreter of their treaties when occasion shall occur, and as an umpire and conciliator in their disputes and differences." The objects of their discussion more particularly seem to be "subjects of internal law; the most effectual method of resisting colozination, by European powers, on the continent of America; and the most certain means of abolishing the slave-trade," and gerc rally, "to discuss and determine such matters as shall arise out of their own deliberations; and that each government will be at liberty to propose subjects fot discussion itself." That this government is invited to paticipatein the discussions & deliberations of that Congress. The reasoning of the committee upon these facts is that as the objects to be discussed and decided bv this Congress deeply interest the United States, as a, fair opportunity is now offered of maturing and carrying into effect the propesitions suggested, while, at the same time, we are enabled to discharge a moral obligation due to those Republics, originating and growing out of the friendly relations subsisting between them and us, and dictated by the course of policy we have adopted towards them, we ought to be represented there in some form or other; wherefore, they "resolve, that