Indiana Palladium, Volume 1, Number 10, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 11 March 1825 — Page 2

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FOR THE PALLADIUM. To James Koblc: Sir. In some countries the office is considered as giving dignity to the inivirlnaL hmvpvpr worthless that individual

mav be. As we believe this principle to be,

nnfi.rpnnhlican and unfounded in truth

mct thprofnpft be excused from addies

in. n fv tho title of Honourable. Yet, i

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is entirely owing to your oilice, mat you are favoured with this notice, tor when we .cuipr thn character ol the man, we feel

fully assured, that nothing you can say will ever injure us, in the estimation of those who

know you. But as your ollice may be Known xchore vour character is not, we have deem

ed it proper to make some remarks upon vour letter to the editors of the Palladium, of the 16th Feb'y last; in which you take

the liberty of abusing the Indiana uracie. The ostensible ob ject of your letter, is, to

refute some objections made oy Messrs. Spencer and Ray, to your vote upon the 'bill

to abolisn imprisonment iui utuu. controversy between those gentlemen and yourself, it is not our intention to interfere. Suffice it to sav, if you were right on that

occasion, we are inclined to believe, it was more through accident than design. But vour real intention seems to have been, to

abuse certain citizens of this town, and more particularly ourselves. And as you have gone considerably out of your way to do

this, you will not be surprised n we pursue the same course towards yourself.

A writer must rise or fall, according as his subiect is dignified or base : therefore, sir, we

find it difficult to address you, without a sa

crifice of that respect which we owe to ourselves. Few men dare to become openly vici

ous, without having some good quality to act

as a relief to the rest ol tneir character: or without possessing a genius sufficient by its

brilliancy to dazzle the eye oi me oenoiuer:

We do you the justice to Deneve, urai youi self-conceit, (overweening as it is,) has never permitted you to suppose you possessed any of the first; and your present communication will convince the v orld, ou are d tute of the latter.

It is now almost one year, since the last

number of the Indiana Oracle was publish ed: and this is the first time, you have ven

tnrpH tn s.iv on "lit aerainst it. Had candour

formed any part of your character, you would have stated the particularobjections you had to that press; and not thus have condemned it in the abstract. As you did not see proper to do so, we must be permitted to draw our own conclusions: and no doubt one

o-ood ' reason was, that to have been more ex

plicit would have rendered you liable to refutation. But what, sir, is the cause of your enmity? Your censure of that paper, follows immediately after your notice of Brutus. Can it be, sir, that you are angry at our having admitted that communication to a place in

our columns? The connection must be evi

dent to everyone who reads your letter. Yet in the same breath, you express your willingness to be judged by the people, and assert your respect for the liberty of the press. This is the language of every demagogue nor can it be believed when coming from you, especially when so flatly contradicted hv vour conduct. If these are your senti

ments, why so restive under the remarks of

the Spectator? Why so angry and abusive when called by them before the bar of the people? Why so angry at us for having done the same? You state, that you never have asked an editor to cover your public conduct; as if there was any merit, in your not having done so. No doubt, could you have found one base enough to suit your purpose, you would have made that request long ago. But pray, sir, where is the difference between requesting an editor to skreen your ' 1 I i' 1 i '

Conduct from public inspection, ana geuing angry and abusing him, if he does not do so? we can see none; the one is equally as vile as the other; and your conduct shows, you are capable of either. You say our press was corrupt. Is it not gtrange, if such was your opinion, that you should have supported it, from first to last? If so corrupt, why not tell it before? If so scurrilous, why not separate yourself from it? We fear, sir, these, questions may embarrass

you had sold yourself, body and sou, to Mr. Crawford, and, therefore, could not act otherwise than you did. But no; you promised to explain. You have not done so yet nor do we believe you ever will. Your letter follows so close upon the heels

of Mr. Crawford's defeat, that we are strong

ly inclined to believe, the one had some effect upon the other. In no other way can we account for your indifference to public

opinion at one time, and your sensitiveness now. What cared you for the scribblers at

home, when all those delightful fancies, of!

splendid domes and honours' brignt; oi ioreign missions and executive influence flitted before your astonished vision? But now, when all your pleasing dreams of riches,. honours, and expected preferment, for your devotion to the caucus candidate, have vanished; and no other hope is left you, but again to cajole the good people of this state, out ol

another term in the Senate no wonder you can be humble: no wonder you condescend

to all that electioneering trick all that low

cunning, for which you are so famous. You say our press was corrupt. The lan

Fiiawfi vou maKe use oi 10 tumw v..

tion. is somnwhat better than the rest of your

letter and we are, therefore, convinced it

is not vour own. Indeed me woiu, -uimu

its own wekdit of corruption, struggled, a

onized, and died," so exactly suit the case of

thp late caucus, and sound so much liKe v nai

,

has been said of that monster, by the inae

pendent presses of the country, that hut lit

tle doubt remains of your having filched it

from them. Perhaps, however, the pangs

which you and your colleagues in that nefarious transaction have lately experienced,

and whichabout the time you wrote the a bnvp sentence, vou must have been fully en

joying, suggested the idea, and enabled you

to exDress it so leeiiniin .

You have mentioned lirutus. nai. li

ter appeared in the Oracle near two years

apo. Have vou been all that time, "nursing

your wrain 10 Keep n waim not vet readv to answer him? You say you

"zvill attend to Brutus-;' pardon us for being

ncredulous. Your present communication

contains full proof, that you never will at-

tend to him. JNo, sir: could you nave answered him, you would have done it long

go. Could you have bumea mm, )ou wouiu

ave done it long ago. .but you Knew n w as i vain to attempt either. The first you can

not, the latter you dare not do. 1 rue to your character, you attempt to garble that publi-

cation. You endeavour to comme uie iumarks of Brutus, entirely to your course upon the Tariff Bill. Pitiful evasion Did

you not remember when you penned your

etter, that Brutus had also talked about -the round of dissipation and fashionable a-

musement at the metropolis?" whereby the

embers of congress were prevented lrom

giving more than three or four hours of the

dav, to the business ot tneir constituents.

"in the Senate? all in rapture listingjthe dangerou; precedent to which I allude

in

Did you not remember, that he said some9n HHjit finny

you; for they must be answered at the expense of your veracity. Or was it that you dare not attack that paper when in existence? If so, how mean and cowardly to do it now. No doubt this was the fact; nor vould you have ventured now to do it, had you supposed its editors would have honoured you with an answer. Your affected humility to the people, Comes too late. Two years back, Brutus

made his statements against you. One year aero, we laid your conduct, with respect to

the Caucus, before the people. Where was

your willingness then to be judged by them? Why have you not given some reason for your conduct? If you had no good excuse,

why not say so? Confess your fault and ask forgiveness. Tell the public at once, that

thine about dissipation and excess 't

business ?" "Intrigucing for places and appointments?''' and that you sir, you particularly, had been very careful of the interests of your

friends in that respect? Strange indeed! a

man to be worked up to sucn a iieigui oi

passion, merely because he is accused ol voting wrong, in a matter of little or no interest to the people of his state: Upon a general principle, where his integrity was not

Questioned. Strange indeed ! you could not

wait a moment, until you answered thiscm aspersion, and cast it back indignant. Yet the more gentle charges, of neglect of duty dissipation excess, and intrigue, can be ne

glected two whole years, anu men passed

by, with, an J will attend to it. is it, sir, that these things have become so familiar,

hat you cease to regard them with abhor

rence? We blush for you, we know you can

not blush for yourself.

You think "Brutus must have been mista-

ken." A mud answer truly lor such gentle

charges. But why is it, sir, that you are so humble to Brutus why do you thus fawn upon him? Do you think to disarm him? did you think he could thus be silenced, and that your promise to attend to his communication, would satisfy the people ? Yes, sir, you did. But you are mistaken neither is Brutus nor the public thus to be gulled. These charges will be thundered in your ears, until your utter worthlessness is as well known to all the world, as it is to Brutus. We are not done with you yet. As you have in this letter declared yourself a candidate, (we presume for the same office you now hold,) indulge us for a moment in an inquiry as to your qualifications.. The Senate of the United States, is one of the most enlightened bodies in the world. It is a school, which no man can frequent,and not improve, unless he lacks either capacity or industry. The people of this state, with a liberality fir above your merit; have kept you there for ten years, at an expense of about fifteen thousand dollars. Is it not right they should expect some return for that liberality? yet where, where! we ask are those garlands, that should have decked the brow of our youthful state, in consequence of the glory

of her son! Who ever heard you thumer-

round! Where was displayed the corusca

tions of your wit; the brilliancy of your fancy; or the depth of your research? Alas! alas! we fear vou know these terms only by name. During so long a period, and when

subjects of such vast import were agitated in the Senate; subjects that concerned the

whole civilized world; when did you ever

take a part, that showed the least expansion

of intellect, the least liberality of sentiment?

Who would ever think you was worthy of

being placed in the same list with those sa-

ges,who there grace the councils oi me nation; and who have givenher a name that will

last Jorever? It has then came to this: w e

have kept you there at an enormous expense,

and vou have done no more than a common

school boy could have done. You say you have done vour dutv. Yes, sir, you have

said ves and no when your name was called,

and you happened to be present. A machine rnnlr lirsvp Hone the same. And is this

all we were to have expected from you? No, sir: a man in your exalted station, ought to shed a lustre round the name of the state he represents, by the strength of his intellect, and the virtues of his heart. But who would ever know the state of Indiana had an existence, from any thing you have said or done? Nay, sir, when you are dead and gone, what can we inscribe upon your tomb, more than that you were and are not! unless it should be your disgraceful connection with Mr. Crawford, and the castigation you received from Mr. Edwards! Are these then the laurels you have won? are these the on-

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ly trophies you lay at our feet t ana ao you on the credit of them, demnhd a re-election

of the people of this state ? O ! sir, better had vou never existed,than thus to have broU dis

grace upon us, & now to glory in the shame.

Thus much lor your public career, is ii

necessary for us now to inquire into the last ten years of your private life at the city of

Washington? JNosir we will Joroear ior

the present; not for your sake, but for the sake of that community, who have been so

cheated and degraded by you.

Perhaps, however, you may point us to

vour writings as evidence of your ability.

We know of but two or three thatryou nave

ever given to the world, during the last ten

years. Shall we take your letter, now un-

der consideration, as a specimen: uoou

GodThow despicable must we appear in the

eves of our sister states, wr.en the tact is

proclaimed, that the Senator from Indiana,

(and he one ol the oldest members too,; nei-

ther knows that two negatives make an ai-

firmative nor the meaning of the common

word dormant.

But sir, it is now time for us to quit you

for the present. This letter has been pro

tracted to a length and penned with a

warmth of feeling we did not intend, lo the public it will be sufficient to say, that we had not only a personal insult to excite us, but that as citizens of this state, we feel

ourselves cheated, abused and degraded by rr 1 HM-,.

you. lO you wu owu uu upunijj. x. nt

worst we could have said, is less than you deserve, and the boldness of your attack upon us forbids any halfway measure. But sir, rest assured, we do not intend to cease until you

. "Dolt that hon'a hule, And bang a calfskin on your recreant limbs." GEO. II. DUNN, JOHN M'PIKE, Editors of the Indiana Oracle. The following letter, addressed by Mr.

Clay to Judge Brooke, of Virginia, is copi

ed from the Richmond Enquirer, to which

print it was communicated, no doubt, by the

atter gentleman: Washington, Jan. 23, 1825. My Dear Sir: My position, in regard to

the Presidential contest, is highly critical,

and such as to leave me no path on which I can move, without censure. I have pursued, in regard to it, the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my public duty. I haye interrogated my conscience as to what I ought to do, and that faithful

guide tells me I ought to vote for Mr. Adams. I shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to the House, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend of liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their existence, by contributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give the strongest guar

antee that this republic will march in the

fatal road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I owe to onr friendship this frank exposition of my intentions. I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partisan zeal, malignity, and rivalry, can invent. I shall view, without emotion, these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a public, man worth if he will not expose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his country? As to the result of the election, I cannot speak with absolute certainty; but there is everv reason to believe that we shall uv.:id

Be pleased to give my respects to Mr.

, and believe me always Your Cordial Friend, H. CLAY. The Hon. F. Brooke. The language of Mr. Clay, in the preceding letter to Judge Brooke, is that of one who, predetermined to pursue a wrong course, searches in vain lor a pretext to justify his conduct. lie begins the sentence by saying that he is a friend of Liberty and to the permanence of our institutions." But how are our Liberty and our Institutions u be preserved? The foundation of both is the principle of the Sovereignty of the People. As long as they have the controlling voice in the elections, the constitution and our political establishments are safe. Take from them the controul, deprive them of their sovereignty,, and the elections are drawn into the bauds of politicians, who, when unchecked by the People, become selfish, turn adventurers, and run into all 11 !- Ttl l-irrln.l il. T7 .-t-nr

sentatives in Parliament, in many instaixes, obtain their seats by purchase. The same t)Jrirr liiHMinnoil lnr" with onr Pnsiil'nf

a n m ek-ct. He was not, by his own avowal, the choice of the People ; hut, by a combination, of politicians, he procured the office. By t-lio t-lir-w -Tr i rnnliU

lino . iii x v,v'iv v. i w iiv-ttiv-v ii iui v Jti tempt. Their sovereign will was set at naught, and the very foundation of Liberty and of our institutions was overturned. Mr Clav, as the leader of a band which effected thii violation of a fundamental principle.

cannot, therefore, be the friend of public

Liberty, nor regardful of the 'permanence

of our institutions,' and his professions must be viewed as merely intended to gloss the outrage which he was about to commit against popular sentiment. His next position is, that, "in this earlystage of their existence,' he cannot consent to endanger the institutions of our government by voting for a "military chieftain." But surelv. it is in the "early stage' of our national existence that open violence is least likely to be done to republican establishments. History does not furnish an example of the liberties of a nation having been ravished from it in the early stage of its ex istence. It is only after many years have elapsed, after corruption has undermined the principles of freedom, that a warlike

I'lMUltui ciiii linn iiiiuLiiiuj m.jnjin t . destroy the rights of his fellow-citizens; andit is well worthy of remark, that ucha pro

ceeding as that of Mr. Clay is of the very class of actions which, in all ages, has tended to corrupt the community, and to prepare the way for designs of those very military personages vrhc-m Mr. Clay pretends todread. In Greece, in Rome, in modern France, and in Spain, it has been the perfidiousness of popular men, their treachery to the People, that produced the destruction of Liberty and threw those nations into the hands-of usurpers and despots. There is no certain assurance of a continuation of freedom for the great body of the citizenswhen leading men snatch the power out of their hands and employ it for their own per

sonal aggrandisement. And when a people

have been treated in that manner, it they do not hasten to regain their legitimate authority, and to punish the treason against their majesty, they come to be scorned by their rulers, who go on r step by step, to wrest from them their rights, until they reduce them to the condiiion of slaves. Our government is so organized, that, as Mr. Clav well knows, no "military chieftain" could involve the country in war, The constitution has most wisely provided that Congress alone shall have the power of declaring

war. Whatever might be ben. Jackson inclination, lie could not involve the Union, in hostilities with any foreign power.. He could not raise money, troops, nor expend a cent, without the consent of Congress; and, assisted by a wise cabinet, such as Genera Jackson vould easily have been enabled to call into the administration, the U. States would have enjoyed the benefit of his experience and energetic mind, in connexion with the fruits of the w isdom of the most eminent statesmen of the nation. In these considerations are to be found undeniable proofs that Mr. Clay's objections to Gen. Jackson's military character are altogether fallacious. If those objections were allowed to have weight, what would be the conseqence ? In dividuals could not be induced to serve their, country in time of war; no one would Strugs gle for victory: for, taking human nature as it is, what person could be found disinterested enough to foreclose his prospect of ultimate reward in the Presidency, by hazarding his health, his life, and his reputation, amidst the toils and perils of war? We venture to assert that Dot one man in a million would go into the field to defend the nation, when every ictory he gained would only place him at a still greater distance from an object which every worthy citizen mav aspire to without the imputation of an impure ambition. The argument of Mr. Clav would teach a lesson most fatal to patriotism. It would induce the lising general:-:; to seek for preferment,, not by deed.