Indianapolis Recorder, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 August 2002 — Page 8

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THE INDIANAPOLIS RECORDER

FRIDAY, AUGUST 2,2002

OPINION

♦ Police actions at Black Expo have angered our African-American community

lust open the door By Hugh B. Price One might not think to connect the extraordinary triumphs of the Williams sisters, Venus and Serena, at the legendary Wimbledon Tennis Championships last week with the announcement earlier in the week from Republican Congressman J.C. Watts, of Oklahoma, that he was leaving the Congress at the end of this, his fourth term in office. But, in fact, both events, separately and together, speak volumes about, first, the achievement aspirations of African Americans, and, secondly, the barriers that remain to keep them in what some whites believe should be their place. At one time, just a few decades ago, the “place” of African Americans did not include the world of top-flight national or international tennis—despite the voluminous evidence: Althea Gibson, of course, the great champion of the 1950s; and the crack tennis teams several Historically Black Colleges and Universities continually produced; and, further, the talent that was evident when younger black youth had access to tennis courts. For example, baseball legend Jackie Robinson in high school in California in the 1930s starred in football, basketball and track as well as baseball. He played tennis only sporadically. But in his junior year, with little practice, he captured the junior boys’ singles championship of the highly competitive Pacific Coast Negro Tennis Tournament. After Althea Gibson, Arthur Ashe, and, now the Williams Sisters have proven what exciting play can come from opening up what was once a racially-restrictive sport—just as Jackie Robinson and those African Americans who followed him did for major league baseball in the late 1940s and 1950s. Of course, sports is only one arena where African Americans have shown they possess, as writer Albert Murray has put it, the indelible ancestral imperative “to do something and become something and be somebody.” Nowhere is that more evident than in politics, where blacks’ desire to participate in the civic life of their communities and the nation has produced during the last three decades a remarkable growth in the number of black elected officials. The best evidence of that is gathered in the just-released annual report on black elected officials by the Washington-based think tank, the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The study notes that from just 1,469 officeholders in 1970, by 2000 the lists of African-Americans officials numbered 9,040. That’s still only between two and three percent of all American elected officials; but there is a growing variety within that group: members of Congress as well as state legislators; local school board members and holders of high statewide offices; mayors of large, medium and small cities, and mayors of cities where blacks are not the majority of the electorate. Perhaps most encouraging is the fact that currently six black politicians are waging credible campaigns to be their states’ governors. But, the growth in black political office holding and, more generally, in black political activism, is, still, for all the Republican Party’s rtietoric about inclusiveness, virtually all on the Democratic side. For example, there are 39 black Democrats in the Congress. It’s a fact the decision of Watts, the fourth-ranking House Republican, and the only black Republican in Congress, will only exacerbate. Even the announced intention of Rep. Carrie Meek, a pioneering Florida Democrat, to give up her seat at the end of this term, won’t change the disproportionate ratio, since she certainly will be replaced by another African-American Democrat. It’s long been fashionable in some quarters to blame this political lopsidedness on blacks themselves. But those so inclined need to answer, for one thing, how it was that in the 2000 Election, while Watts himself was winning re-election handily, all of the 23 other black Republicans across the country who were seeking Congressional office lost. The OOP’s sorry record is all the more ironic given that in the 1960s Edward W. Brooke, the Massachusetts Republican, became the first African American elected to the U.S. Senate since the Reconstruction era and served with great distinction for two terms. Yet, today, Republican officials never even whisper Brooke’s name. Perhaps the same “party amnesia” awaits Watts, since his decision tells us that, for all the high-profile appointments of blacks, when it comes to electoral politics, the GOP appears to be not just to standing still but going backward. The story of Jackie Robinson offers a dramatic lesson of what they’re missing. As Robinson biographer Arnold Rampersad writes, had Robinson been signed by major league baseball right out of high school in the late 1930s, when his ball field skills were already unmistakably clear, he “would have joined a group of young and still developing baseball players—such as Ted Williams, Joe DiMaggio, Ralph Kiner, Bob Lemon and Bob Feller—he would meet later either in the majors or in the (baseball) Hall of Fame. But in 1938, the prohibition against blacks in major-league baseball was like iron. The years [of the late 1930s to the late 1940s]... would be in effect the lost baseball youth, never to be recovered, of Jackie Robinson.” In just these last three decades, how many Jackie Robinsons of politics; how many Venus and Serena Williams of politics; how many Edward W. Brookes and J.C. Watts of politics has the Republican Party—and the United States of America—lost? Price, is president of the National Urban League.

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During Indiana Black Expo’s final three days, over 100,000 people packed downtown. There were only 42 arrests, including six at that fight at the fight. There were no murders, slashings or rapes. But instead of savoring a peaceful three day weekend, Indianapolis’ African-American community is exceedingly angry at the worst case of racist, rogue police behavior in nearly three years. An unprecedented 1,556 tickets were written, including 376 parking tickets, in the downtown area from 4 p.m. to 4 a.m. each night July 19th to 21st. Besides the tickets, 375 cars were towed. Police were writing $110 tickets for the slightest, most trivial infractions, even jaywalking — which police rarely enforce. Indy’s cops used their ticket books against Black Expo attendees the way L. A. cops used batons against Rodney King. The reason for the cops’ renegade behavior is simple; they don’t want to work downtown during Black Expo. In an e-mail sent to WTLC(FM), IPD Detective Anthony Finnell wrote, “The general consensus among white officers is that Expo and Classic are a nuisance. They cannot appreciate what either event has to offer since they have no interest in them." Afterthe 1999Circle City Classic, many complaints were lodged against police behavior. Behavior I described in an Oct. 15, 1999, column as “sadistic and racist.” But a former top official of former Mayor Steve Goldsmith’s admin-

Just

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By AMOS

BROWN

istration was stunned when told how many tickets were written during Expo. "We never wrote that many,” he exclaimed. The rogue cops’ actions generated a big payday as the ticket orgy conservatively cost Expo attendees over $125,000. Local towing companies made over $20,000 hooking African-Americans’ cars. There were far more complaints than in 1999. Indiana Black Expo, The Indianapolis Recorder and three of Radio One’s five stations, WHHH/96.3FM, WTLCFM 106.7 and WTLC-AM1310 received scores of complaint calls, emails and letters. Many complaints were aired on radio which fueled community anger. Here’s a summary of the most frequent and serious complaints: • Prominent African Americans, including elected officials and highly visible Blacks were subjected to verbal hostility, abuse and disrespect by insensitive, unfeeling, uncaring, racist, rogue officers. • Hundreds complained of being diverted from downtown west onto unfamiliar streets and neighborhoods. Many traveled virtually to the airport, before finding familiar routes home. • Motorists staying in downtown

hotels weren’t allowed through police lines, even though they had hotel keys and official placards distributed by the hotels and Indianapolis Downtown. • People arriving at local towing services to retrieve their cars were subjected to ridicule and humiliation. An Atlanta, Ga., resident complained to the Indianapolis Star that she was subjected to “racial epithets” at the towing service. Many others said towing company employees and police laughed at their misfortune. A former top state official related a story that one towing company threw a picnic for police, days before Expo, where officers bragged about the prospect of towing plenty of cars. • Police turned away official Black Expo limousines and vehicles from downtown hotels. Limos couldn’t drop off Expo VIPs to escort their passengers inside their hotels, as is normal limo driver courtesy. • In a First Amendment violation, an arrogant IPD motorcycle officer tried to tow WHHH(FM)’s marked van, in broad daylight, from the entrance to Union Station, even though Union Station officials had given permission to park there for a broadcast. • Late at night, a Black woman driving with her young children was refused permission by IPD to return to her downtown hotel. Instead she was sent west, through darkened unfamiliar streets. She had to flag down an officer, who gave her an escort back to her hotel. • Officers walked past cars stuck in traffic and gave out tickets, not warnings, for seatbelt violations, in violation of department policy. Others reported getting tickets for “driving too slow” in traffic jams; others got tickets for minor violations that are usually ignored in heavy traffic situations. • Black promoters and entrepreneurs suffered thousands in financial damages because IPD repeatedly closed downtown streets. People couldn’t attend legitimate Expo events because police wouldn ’ t allow them to reach available parking lots. Mayor Bart Peterson and his

administration were humiliated by the outrageous police conduct. Our community expects the Mayor and members of his administration on Wednesday, Aug. 7, at the Omega Conference Center, 3110 Sutherland, from 5 to 7 p.m., when there will be a community meeting on this issue. It will be broadcast live on WTLC-AM 1310. This column and the many complaints have articulated the problems. It’s now time for permanent solutions. They should include: • Elimination of those metal sidewalk barricades. They’ve become the symbol to Blacks of Indianapolis’ insensitivity and double standard in the treatment of Black downtown events. • Provide extensive sensitivity training for IPD’s motorcycle patrol. Many of the complaints directed against IPD during Expo involve motorcycle officers who many Blacks feel are arrogant, tactless, callous, unfriendly, verbally abusive; quick not to cut AfricanAmericans any slack. • End re-routing downtown traffic to the Westside on Washington Street. To move traffic out of downtown, six-lane West Street should be used to quickly funnel traffic, northbound and southbound, to the interstates. • Allow officers to “volunteer” for Expo and Classic duty, instead of their regular assignments, from Detective Finnell, who adds, “The answer is for all of us, white, Black, Hispanic, police and civilian to band together to put the small percentage of racist police officers in Indianapolis out of business.” I agree with Finnell in rejecting calls for boycotting downtown. “We need to show up in force to make them think twice about mistreating us,” Finnell says, “Overwhelm them with our numbers at Expo and the Classic.” It’s time police (and sheriffs officers) in Indianapolis behave like they should in 2002, not like police in Birmingham 1963 or Johannesburg 1968. Amos Brown's opinions are not necessarily those ofThe Indianapolis Recorder. You can contact him at (317) 221-0915 or e-mail him at ACBROWN@AOLCOM.

Epiphany for Judge Clarence Thomas?

Lost in the headline news over During his decade on the the U.S. Supreme Court’s two- bench, they have pounded on him landmark decisions to bar ex- for his reflexive retrograde, and ecutionsofthe mentally retarded, at times nonsensical court votes and to give juries, not judges, that torpedoed civil liberties and priority right to impose death criminaljusticereforms.Thomas, sentences, was the vote by Scalia and Rehnquist’s votes in Clarence Thomas, along with the these type cases have been so court’s moderates, to reserve predictable that NAACP Presideath sentences to juries. The dent Kweisi Mfume declared decision effectively overturned Thomas a hopeless case, and pubdozens of death sentences in a licly called for a halt to Thomas handful of states. bashing. If Thomas' death penalty vote The Thomas votes, however, mandatory sentence for drugs, didn’t shock enough, in another probably don’t signal a Hugo and if they claim the defendant decision, Thomas broke ranks with Black, and Earl Warren conver- had a gun, then those charges his strict constructionist judicial sion in the making. Black, a should also be included in the cohorts, William Rehnquist, and former Alabama Klansman, and indictment and not tacked on Antonin Scalia and cast a dissent- Warren was a tough prosecutor, afterwards ing vote against tougher sentences and as California governor While Thomas’ votes don’t for gun crimes. The case allowed cheerled the shameful lock up of signal a judicial conversion in judges to lengthen the prison sen- Japanese-Americans during WW the works, they are a bellwether tencesof those that use guns while II, stunned conservatives by be- of the changing public mood on committing crimes, even if the de- coming staunch champions of crime and punishment. Mandafendant wasn't specifically charged civil rights and civil liberties. In tory sentences, particularly for with a crime involving a gun. fact, there’s less than meets the mostly Black and Latino smallThe significance of Thomas’ eye in Thomas’ two votes. time drug offenders, and the death dissent in this case was that a In the death penalty case, the penalty are two huge tests on this favorable ruling could have po- majority based its ruling on legal issue. tentially thrown open the door to and common sense principle that A decade ago, Thomas’ rightsa wider court challenge to fed- the Sixth Amendment grants de- friendly votes on drugs andcapieral and state minimum manda- fendants the right to a jury of tal punishment would have been tory sentencing laws. Civil rights their peers. If judges are allowed unthinkable. Then there was a groups lambaste mandatory sen- to interfere with ajury’sdecision near universal public clamor for fencing laws as racially warped then why have juries at all? The more and speedier executions, laws that imprison thousands of case did not directly challenge and the Supreme Court routinely mostly Black and Latino offend- the constitutionality of the death rejected the 11th hour pleas of ers for petty crimes, and non- penalty, of which, as far as we death row inmates for stays of violent, non-serious drug of- know, Thomas still remains a their pending execution. But the fens^s. stout defender. parade of death row inmates. The bigger question though is In the gun case, Thomas some coming within a hair’s whether Thomas’two pulse stop- based his dissent again as much breath of execution, that have pingjudicially enlightened votes on common sense as legal been released after DNA tests, in these two cases is the miracle sense. He correctly reasoned perjured testimony, planted evithat civil rights and women’s that if prosecutors and judges dence. recanting witnesses, cast groups thought could never hap- are going to throw the book at a strong doubt on their guilt, the pen with him? defendant and demand a harsher scandal of death row inmates de-

fendants being represented by sleeping and incompetent lawyers, and well-publicized death penalty moratoriums in Illinois and Maryland, have made more Americans than ever rethink the death penalty. The same public rethinking on the death penalty holds true for the mandatory sentencing laws. These laws are a major reason why America’s prisons bulge with nearly 2 million prisoners. More state officials than ever realize that prison warehousing is no cure for crime and drug ills. In states such as California and New York, courts are much more willing to send people to drug treatment programs rather than prison. Eight states have recently rolled back their mandatory sentencing laws in the interest of justice, and because of shrinking budgets. Many judges have also spoken out against the mandatory sentencing laws. Eventually, the Supreme Court will be compelled to deal squarely with the thorny issues of minimum mandatory sentencing, teen executions, DNA testing in capital cases, the search and seizure laws, and racial profiling. Thomas’ votes on the death penalty and gun crimes offer criminal justice reformers at least the glimmer of hope that the change may indeed be coming. Earl Ofari Hutchinson is an author and columnist. Visit his news and opinion Web site; www.thehutchinsonreport.com He is the author of The Crisis in Black and Black (Middle Passage Press).