Indianapolis Recorder, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 September 2000 — Page 6

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THE INPIANAPOUf RECORDER

FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 2000

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“Riii/ Crowe's team only lost 20 games in 7 year$." -author Kerry Marshall “\Nc iichicved something that had never been done before." -Altucks player Albert Maxey “Wc were denied the traditional celebration for state champions and that's something I'll never forget." -Attacks player Oscar Robertson ARE YOU A CRIfPUf ATTUCKf ALUMNH (1940-1960) Were you a Crispus Attucks High School basketball fan in the 1950’s? Local lllmmakar is producing a documentary Him about the legendary Crispus Attacks basketball teams from the 1950s. The film focuses on the teams coached by Mr. Ray Crowe and features interviews with Crispus Attucks players including Hallig Bryant, Oscar Robertson, Albert Maxey, Edgar Searcy, John Gibson, Henry Robeftson, Stan Patton, Bill Brown, Willie Merrlwearthar, Sam Milton, Benny Cook, John Moon Oavtd, Bill Hampton, Cleveland Harp, Or. Stanley Warren, Or. William Swatts and Willie Gardner.

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We are searching for photos and 8mm film from that era. We will pay for the right to use your material In the film For more information contact us before

Sept. 5:

Betsy Blankenbaker 513*3374 T. Julian Gibson 418-3214 We need the following: Lockefield Gardens, the Dust Bowls, Indiana Avenue, Criepus Attucks, Butler Fieldhouse, family photos from the 80s, School 17, basketball games, downtown Indy.

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ELECTIONS Continued from A1 vidual and political action committee, contributions made to political parties, congressional and presidential candidates. Blacks received slightly more than 15,000 contributions, about 1.5 percent of

the total.

• Only six of the 30 zip codes that gave 20 contributions or more to Black candidates were majority Black, according to a review of FEC and census data. Residents of zip code 30311 in Georgia, which had the highest percent Black population, gave $20,700. • Political parties’ political action committees provided a tiny portion of the funding to Black candidates, just $29,006. Despite its outreach to African Americans, the National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee had given just $477 in total to the three Black candidates running for office, according to the latest data from the FEC. Thirty-eight Black Democrats did somewhat better, getting $28,529 from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee A • Labor unions provided the bulk of the contributions from Political Action Committees. Under growing public pressure, the nation’s political leaders have embraced campaign finance reforms, ranging from strict limits on contributions to raising the limits and demanding more disclosure about those who give. The pressure is mounting for good reason. Fund-raising scandals that surfaced after the 1996 elections continue to plague Vice President A1 Gore. This year, Gore and Republican George W. Bush are expected to spend a combined $200 million or more in the money race for the White House. When candidate spending, and contributions from the political parties, Political Action Committees and lesser-known advocacy groups are totaled, the 2000 Congressional elections are likely to surpass the record $2.7 billion spent in 19%. For Black officeholders, challengers, and voters, changing the way political money is raised may, in fact, be the most critical issue of modem day politics^ Some experts predict that the average House race in this election will cost $5 million, effectively driving many Black candidates out of the race for political office. “The implications are vast for most African-American candidates,” said Hillary Shelton, the NAACP’s Washington lobbyist and a longtime observer of national politics. “Most (Black candidates) don ’ t get the big contributions from major corporations and the wealthy individuals. That perfectly, illustrates why we need reform, and why reform has to take into account the impact on minority can-

didates.”

To begin to understand the effects of campaign finance reforms on Black voters and candidates.

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Walls, J.C. Jr. 670,611 . 568,748 ■■HHHHHHMHHHBHHHR BUkv, Saaford O. Jr. 498.619

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Jackson, Jaasa Louts Jr. 328,407 McMnnay, Cynthia 307,749 HMMMHBBHHBHHRHHHI Ctybura, Jamaa E. .302,371 MMMMHHMNMBHHHMMi Brown, Corriaa 289,525

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Payaa, Donald M.

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Pavla, Danny K.

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Joaaa, Stapbanla lUMts

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Dteon, Julian C.

106,144

Chriatian-Graan, Doaaa Maria 12,700

"Contributions does not include kinds nisad by camSdates leadership MCs SOURCE: Federal flection Comma*on. Center for RespoosK e Pol***, anaiyzed ty NNPA

largest amount to Black candidates so far in the 2000 election is zip code 30327 in Georgia. Contributors here gave 62 contributions for a total of $50,650. Blacks made up only 1 percent of the population in the area. What’s more, a review of Black candidates’ financial disclosure forms show that few are capable of funding their own campaigns. Most are only slightly better off than their constituents. For example, on her financial report to the FEC, North Carolina Rep. Eva Clayton listed assets between $65,000 and $150,000, hardly enough to finance a campaign for Congress. An NNPA computer-analysis of Federal Election Commission data shows, among other things, that in a dozen of the most competitive congressional campaigns this election cycle, incumbents and leading challengers have raised a minimum of$l million each. Both the Democratic and the Republican Congressional Committees, with an eye on controlling the U.S. Congress, have sunk millions into these congressional races. Both party PACs together have raised $65.8 million as of June

2000.

But little of this funding has found its way to the campaigns of minority candidates. Both parties say that while they spread financial support for candidates based on innumerable factors, race is not one of them. They say that such matters as how competitive the race is, how politically

attractive the candidate is, and how

one must understand the place of much money the party has to spend predominantly poor and minority more often determines who gets

communities in the political fundraising landscape. Simply put, the role those communities play isaminorone. People of color have been—and continue to be—largely absent as factors in campaign giving. Except for the landmark 19% study, “The Color of Money,” by the Washingtonbased nonprofit group. Public Campaign, there has been little research on the trends in campaign contributions from minority communi-

ties.

Public Campaign documented what has been known intuitively for years. “A disproportionately small amount of the money that fuels federal elections comes from people of color. In fact, the disparities are shocking ... our system of pri vately-fmancedelections is profoundly unrepresentative and antidemocratic,” the widely cited report found. “Over and over, in city after city we found that the vast majority of contributions came from areas that are primarily white and wealthy.” “The Color of Money” paints a portrait of the people who- give and, by extension, those who do not and are therefore shut out of the political process. “ NNPA’s study of campaign and censfci data show that the disparities pointed out by Public Campaign continue to exist. For example, the zip code that gave the

financial support, and how much. “Our goal is to find and support challengers regardless of race and ethnicity,” said Erik Smith, a spokesman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the party’s fund-raising arm for House and Senate races. In all, the GOP has several Black candidates on its November ticket. But despite the Republican National Committee’s efforts to recruit minority support, the party’s fund-raising has given just $477 to three Black GOP candidates. “We didn ’ t go out to recruit these candidates because of their race or ethnic background. We don’t support these candidates financially (on the basis) of their race or the race of their opponents,” said Marit Babin, spokeswoman for the National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee. Without significant financial backing from parties, the PACs and other special interests groups, African-American candidates face tremendous obstacles in trying to mount credible campaigns. Most Black candidates say in the absences of party and PAC backing they have to rely on small contributions and grassroots support — mainly churches — to get

out the vote.

“The fact is that you just have to raise enough money to get your message out. That is a successful

campaign,” said Gretchen Hitches, a spokeswoman for Rep. Corrine Brown, D-Fla. “As it is, a candidate that has wealth, or has access to wealth, has a tremendous advantage,” said Norman Hill, president of the A. Philip Randolph Institute, Wash-ington-based non-profit civil rights and labor support organization. “Generally speaking, that candidate is not a minority candidate. We have to encourage reforms, or at least encourage discussion about reforms that are in the interest ijf fairness for all candidates and voters.” - After Watergate in the mijt1970s, limits on campaign contributions were put in place. Individual donations were capped at $1,000 for primary election apt) $1,000 for general elections. C<J»porate contributions to candidates and parties were banned. PA£3s can give $5,000 in elections. The restrictions were later ujJheld by the U.S. Supreme Court ih the Buckley v. Valeo case, but lar^fe sums of political money still find their way into candidate’s coffer$, through legal loopholes or moi£ sinister, illegal means. Reform ideas to stem the flow of campaign dollars include plaits that limit so-calleli soft money corjtributions. Soft mbnies are contributions made to political parties and have no limitations at all. The lion’s share of soft money goes to Republicans. Democrats support limits on soft money. The broadest support among Republicans is for lifting limits on individual contributions, while requiring PACs and other special interest groups who give money tpi candidates to reveal more informs: • tion about themselves.- X Public financing of elections -X the proposal most widely accepted as a way to level the playing field for minority candidates—is adVbj-i cated in some quarters, though ft! has less currency on the nation^ level. !•( But not everyone agrees thft; reforms are a good idea. Alvin Williams, executive rector of Black American Politic^ Action Committee, (BAMPAQfc doesn’t believe that there need be limits on the amount of conttfl-; buttons to candidates. ;<* Black conservative Alan Keyes,; who has run twice for president founded BAMPAC. Since 1998,; B AMPAC has raised $511,443 and doled out $ 124,375, mostly to white conservative candidates, according to FEC data. Williams acknowledges that minority candidates are at a disadvantage when it comes to fund raising. But BAMPAC does not endorse campaign finance reforms. “We cannot rig the system for anyone — not the rich, not the poor,” Williams said. “Minorities do not give. This is not to suggest that we should change the law, efr! change the system.” Williams said giving money tp! political candidates is an exercise! in free speech, thus protected by! the Constitution. ‘To tamper with! it is a mistake.” • Those who support campaign! finance reform don’t agree widi! Williams, but do say that the issue! needs to be studied so Blacks are! not disproportionately impacted.!; “When you talk about campaign; finance reform, you have to look at; myriad issues,” said David Bositi^,; a political scientist with the Joirit; Center for Political and Economic Studies, and leading expert on campaign finances and racial politics. “Members of the Congressional Black Caucus — or incumbent members — may have difficulty! under reforms that would forep more money to be raised in their! districts.” Even without a clear future for campaign finance reform, those involved in minority politics agree: on the pressing need to question its: effects in 2000 elections and beyond. “Any time you have people! elected because of the impact oC their message rather than thjc amount of their money, that is post-; live, the way I see it,” said Missii; sippi state Sen. James Evans, wheC has help launch the careers of nu!-; merous state and national polity cians. !j “Whatever my opinion, though somebody has got to start to study* the question (of campaign financir reform) seriously.” !• The series war > vide possible tfc funding from e J. Roderick MacArthur Foundation.