Indianapolis Recorder, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 October 1995 — Page 2

PAGE A2

THE INDIANAPOLIS RECORDER

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 14,1«9S

The Indianapolis

A

EDITORIALS

Criminal justice officials watch too many movies In Hollywood movies, white males and females are often stereotyped as cocaine-snorting, fast-living affluent people who never get arrested for using cocaine. Selling huge quantities gets you in trouble in the movies, but using almost never gets anyone in trouble, according to this frequently used plot line. Hollywood also frequently gives us the stereotypical plot line that shows the poor, pitiful, but dangerous, African-American cocaine user getting arrested for using cocaine. The only difference in these two movie themes is that the white drug users snort powder cocaine while the African Americans smoke crystallized cocaine. Apparently, many prosecutors, judges and legislators have gone to many of these movies because public policy seems to be based on these Hollywood stereotypes. In response to what has become a national trend, the National Bar Association, comprised of leading AfricanAmerican lawyers in the United States, has joined in an amicus brief in the United States Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit which challenges the arbitrary enforcement of cocaine laws. Says the NBA: “The cocaine base laws have had the most racially discriminatory impact of any federal laws since the end of de jiire segregation. They are almost exclusively responsible for the statistically significant differences between Blacks and whites in federal sentences.” The NBA is strongly opposed to the 100-1 sentencing disparity between those convicted of using “crack” cocaine, which is more prevalent in Black communities, and the lenient sentences for those involved with powdered cocaine, the drug form used more often in white communities. ‘ In this area, a similar arrest and sentencing pattern exists. In our opinion, this is like the criminal justice system treating people who drive after getting drunk on cheap wine differently than those who drive after drinking expensive bourbon or scotch. If we extend this logic, then you could get a lesser penalty for murder if you used an expensive gun as opposed to a cheap one. If you participated in a hit-and-run accident, and you used an expensive car rather than a cheap one, then you would get a lesser penalty. It doesn’t make legal or ethical sense to do this, whether we’re discussing cocaine, alcohol, guns or automobiles. Yet it is the way we enforce narcotics laws. Laws written and enforced like this seem to have, at least, one bad intention. Such laws pick out one class of people and treat its members differently than all others. This is the only true quota system ever embraced by the political system and not one white conservative has complained about this quota system. Cocaine, in any form, is illegal to possess and to use. The penalties attached to its use or possession should be the same, no matter what form the substance is in. As it now stands, the law creates a zone of privilege that allows more affluent drug users leniency while exacting harsh and nonnegotiable sentences for the typically lowincome user of the cheap form of the same drug. This is a Hollywood movie-fantasy law. Since we choose to base justice on what we see in the movies, maybe we should watch more things on the Public Broadcasting System. “Sesame Street” is certainly much more just and logical than Meridian Street. If we were cynical, we might think that this type of lawmaking and its subsequent enforcement form one more way to put Black people in prison while excusing whites .who indulge in the same behavior. We’re not condoning or defending the behavior. But, if we are to be harsh on one segment of the community, then we should equalize the harshness. Let’s make everybody pay. This kind of justice clearly does nothing of the kind. It is race law. It is class law. It is bad law.

Qaorga P. Stawart

Marcus C. Stewart Sr. Eunice Trotter

William Q. Mays

Foundar-Edltor-

EdHor-Publlsiter

Editor-In-Chief

Publisher

Publlahar

1925-1003

Publisher

1990-present

1895-1024

1988-1990

Pres /General Manager Charles Blair

Art/Production

Terran James

General Sales Manager

Mike Harden

Classified Advertising

Sharon L Maxey

Managing Editor Connie Gaines Hayes

Religious Advertising

Senovia Robinson

Art Director

John L . Hurst Jr

Local Display Advertising

Louis Brown

Circulation Manager

Doug Robinson

Karen Russell

Controller

EricMullin

Terri Suggs

Copy Editor

Stephen Thomas

Business Office

Sundra Tate

Business

Armette L Anderson

Crystal Dalton

Sports

Stephen B Johnson

Jo Ann Hunter

Assistant Art Director

Jeffery Sellers

Vivian Waddell

Creative Director

Martin Rasheem X

Recorder Chances

Jim Nelson

Farrakhan makes call but March belongs to us all

This slogan (paraphrased in the headline), advanced by the All African Women’s Revolutionary Union of the All African People’s Revolutionary Party, founded by Kwame Ture aka Stokely Carmichael, captures the essence of the evolution of the Million Man March and Day of Absepce. A vision in the mind of Minister Louis Farrakhan, which was initially promoted by the Nation of Islam, has been embraced by millions of Africans in America and thus has emerged as an evolving mass action of major proportions. Minister Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam clearly remain the principle guiding forces and institutional anchors for the MMM. Minister Farrakhan has consistently pressed to have have the March become more than a Nation of Islam event. In that regard, the leadership of Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis has played an instrumental role in building the MMM. Indeed, the meetings of NAALS have a critical sounding board where various proposals on the character of the March and criticism/recommendations have been heard. In addition, key leaders from the Nationalist and Pan-Africanist community, most notably Dr. Conrad Worrill, chairman of the National Black United Front, have played important roles in planning the March from its inception. Bob Law, Haki Madhubuti, Dr. Maulana Karenga and I mart Obadele are also at the center of the planning/organizing process, and Bob Brown of the All African People’s Revolutionary Party is the director of logistics for March. Adding to the ecumenical character of the MMM, prominent African-Centered and progressive Christian ministers are actively involved in the mobilization for Oct. 16, including the Rev. Frank Reid, Baltimore; the Rev. Willie Wilson and Archbishop George Augustus Stalling, Washington; the Rev. Calvin O. Butts and the Rev. Johnny Youngblood, New York; the Rev. Wendall Anthony, Detroit, and the Rev. A1 Sampson, Chicago. it is understandable that an event of this magnitude would evoke strong debate about its character and direction. The role of women, concerns about the “atonement” focus, and questions about the “political” direction and follow-up have been among the issues most hotly debated and discussed across the country. Though it is not likely that the ultimate shape and form of the MMM will satisfy everyone, the March has been significantly impacted and changed as a result of the discussion/debate, criticisms within the community and the input/recommendations from various leaders and constituencies. What began as a male march, with women staying at home with the kids, has evolved into an event with a two-pronged programmatic focus: The Million Man March and the Day of Absence, the latter of which is being organized and led by women. Those who are unable to go to Washington for the March are being urged to take off work on Qct. 16 to engage in various actions as defined by the women’s leadership within the local organizing committees across the tryBlack people are also requested not to spend any money on the Day of Absence as a concrete demonstration of Black consumer power

in this country. High school and college students are also being encouraged to play major roles in the Day of Absence. The Day of Absence is envisioned as a major exercise of Black power, led by Black women. In another change, four women will speak at the MMM to address Black women’s issues and to articulate the holistic nature of our struggle in terms of the participation and leadership of women and men. Dr. Charshee McIntyre, C. Delores Tucker, Dorothy Height and Rosa Parks are among the women who have endorsed the MMM/DOA. Though the MMM was always conceived as having a threefold emphasis — atonement/ reconciliation, demands on government and demands on corporate America—for a period of time, atonement was projected as the dominant emphasis. Around the country, there was substantial criticism of the implication that we, as African people, are responsible for our plight. Responding to this criticism, in recent weeks there has been much projection of the other areas of emphasis. Though the complete set of internal and external social, economic and political goals have not been finalized, the following is the

MMM/DOA follow-up: a drive to adopt the 25,000 African children who are now in orphanages, a public policy/political agenda which includes the demand for reparations, the release of all political prisoners, the repeal of the Omnibus Crime Bill and the Domestic Marshall Plan, and the targeting of a major U.S. corporation for economic sanctions, a selective boycott. The National African American Leadership Summit is viewed as the principal vehicle to spearhead and monitor the follow-up to the MMM/DOA The MMM/DOA is still not sufficiently clear on gender equity issues and political direction for many social and political activities. Though I share these concerns, my own view is that, even with its flaws, the MMM/ DOA has evolved and is still evolving into an event which will be one of the most significant mass actions of this decade. Therefore, the MMM/DOA deserves the critical support of the broadest range of forces possible. One thing is quite clear. On the street comers, in the barber shops, pool halls and bars, the MMM/DOA has more support than any mass action in recent memory. At the grass roots, there seems to be an understanding that, “Farrakhan made the call, but the March belongs to us all.” For information about the MMM/DOA, call (202) 726-5111.

E/INDIANAPQU5 RECORDER

SONCjf

It’s Colin Powell’s time to politically shine

This is Colin Powell’s time. It is the beginning of the greatest chapter of an incredible saga of a poor, Black son of Jamaican immigrants who grew up in the South Bronx under circumstances of predictable failure. This man who served as National Security Adviser to one Republican president, Ronald Reagan; as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff for another, George Bush; has got 1,100,000 copies of a $35 book hitting the stands, a book some view as his declaration of his quali-

fications and right to become president of these United States. Powell is the consummate Horatio Alger of our time. So the question is whether his remarkable

career will be consummated by his being elected next year as the first African-American president of this diverse and polarized country. Many ask, “Will Powell run as a Republican?” A Newsweek magazine poll says he would defeat President Ginton by 51-41 percent of the vote. I ask, can Powell run as a Republican in a time when conservatives and far rightists control the nominating and campaign machineries of the GOP? My view is that leaders of a party in which Black people are about as welcome as a swarm of African bees would rather lose than nominate Powell. Front-run-ner Bob Dole, secret aspirant Newt Gingrich, and declared candidates Pat Buchanan, Phil Gramm and Pete Wilson would croak at any request of any Black person. Well, why doesn’t Powell run as a Democrat? First, there is the almost impossible obstacle of beating a sitting president, Ginton. More importantly, Powell is now portraying himself as a “centrist,” whatever that is. He is said by some pundits to personally oppose abortion, but rejects a government ban of it; to favor some affirmative action, but not quotas, whatever they are; to be strongly

in favor of “family values,” which makes him look good compared with Dole, Gramm and Gingrich, who have had divorces, and Ginton and Gingrich, who have been accused of marital infidelities. Now everyone waits to hear Powell’s views on welfare reform, including cash for teen-agers and their illegitimate babies; public money for private school vouchers; school prayer and forced dmg tests for high school athletes; new immigration restrictions and making English the national language, and the current panic rush to build more prisons and execute more people. There doesn’t appear to be a natural home for Powell in either the Republican or Democratic parties. So will he run as an independent? Gingrich urges him not to because he thinks Dole would be hurt. That Newsweek poll says that as an independent Powell would get only 21 percent of the votes, compared with 36 percent for Ginton and 33 percent for Dole. I have a hunch that the only thing Gen. Powell willjun for in 1996 is the bank. Yet I know that this isn’t the last time I’ll write about Colin Powell.

IrtkNCEftttTbYlST etfnvpuuwwNno

* M£R£n\\