Indianapolis News, Indianapolis, Marion County, 19 August 1919 — Page 3

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THE INDIANAPOLIS NEWS, TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1919 ISnIIWILSON offers plan to END THE PACT WRANGLE

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e fe^rue, of all trade

> of any to the forces the its of

further that they will mutually support and economic measures which are taken under the lorn and inconvenience resulting from they will mutually support one another in retimed at one of their number by the covenantwill take the necessary steps to afford passage i forces of any of the members of the league protect the covenant* of the league. violated any covenant of the league of the league by a vote of the representatives of all the other members of the

Continued from Page One. me say this: There is a little island which I must admit 1 bad not heard of

The island of Yap.

Senator Williams-Tbe island of Tap. The President—Yap. It is one of the bases and centers of cable and radio communication of the Pacific, and I

ALL ABOUT YAP.

Senator Pittman that any ? ould require resubmission to

tion by change ' Germany.

Views of Mr. LodgeSenator Lodge—Mr. President, in that connection, I take it there ia no question whatever, under international law and practice that an amendment to the text of a treaty must be submitted to

every signatory, and must receive either |

made the point that the disposition, or ^ aMent or thelr Ais ^ nV , had rather the control of that Wand should ;iwppoeed h ^ been the general dlplobe reserved for the general conference made practice with regard to reserve- j which is to be held, in regard to the , tiena—which apply only to the i ssnl rlngi

power, and not to all the signatories. >

ownership and operation of the cab.^ ^ ctmne-thnX with regard to reserve- | That subject is mentioned and disposed > tiona it had been the general practice { of in this treaty and that general cable ithat silence was regarded as accept- j mCu.. -l. k- m fance and acquiescent; that there is that HHsraws* is to ns neio. distinction between textual amendments! Senator Lodge—I had understood, or I iwhich change the treaty for every sigh«^| heard the report that our general natory, and a reservation, which ; hnonf n f ttxm. rmr chief ch * n «« th « treaty for every signatory, board of the navy department, our cmei a reserving power. In that I may

of opesmtfoiis, had reoomrad&ded that be mistaken however.

we Miould have a footing there, pritnar- The Preslden t—The re Is some differ- \ .. . . . .. . cnee of opinion among the authorities, j ily in order to secure cable commum- ; j informed. I have not had time cation. ; to look them up myself about* that; but The President—I think you are right, ff g»««r tn me that In a treaty which !

involves so many signatories, a series of!

... | | IS 0. K. AS IT

DECLARES PRESIDENT

Senator Lodge referred to the secret treaty between Great Britain and Japan regarding Shantung and said that in the correspondence relating to the

i reservations—which would ensue undoubtedly—would very - much obscure | our confident opinion as to how the

treaty was going to work.

Yap, the little island which figured to the White House eoaferewee today, is one of the weoterm grows of the Caroline islands In the Pacific ocean east of the Philippines and north of hew Guinea in latitude • degrees, 25 minutes north, and longitude 138 degree*. 1 minute east. It is a coral fsiaad. of considerable elevation with an equable, moist, hut healthy climate, though the Islauda are subject to heovy storms. The Carotiaeo were owned, at the oathreak. of the world war, hy Germany, which acquired them from 8pain ia 18M hy the derision of Pope Leo Till as arbiter after a dispute lasting four or five year* and which ended by tbe payment of •5,060,00© to Spain hy Germany. The natlvee have comparatively high mentality, are good agriculturists, host builders and sailors. The iolnnd has an area of aeveaty-atae square miles, about SJWO population, and was tbe seat of tbe German government la the western group of tbe Caroline*. The money used la Yap la made of shells sad stone.

|yankees wandered about in MEXICO, THINKING IT OWN LAND Thought They Were Near Valentine, Tex. f Until After Release by Bandits When Ransom Was Paid—Never Blindfolded Nor Mistreated—Leade- of Mexicans_Spoke English.

<5 H

MARFA, Tex., August 19.—Completely j following us. After going 1 about fortyconfused In their directions. Lieutenants | gjj» "^e Mexu£n omfer 8 o*f t the t bumja"to

| return to his home. The Moxicaa ob- M j Jected, as we were riding his burros, j The bandits then headed us up the valley to a village where they made the ,

Mexican drink.

“I gave the one-armed bandit leader ■ * 13 and he arranged for food for us and n* I liquor fir himself. The bandits took ' us on to a ranch where they got a

; H. G. Peterson and Paul H. Davis, j American army aviators, released early ! today by payment of ransom to bandits j who held them, believed they were on . the American side of the border the enI tire time from the fall of their plane

j until their release. j us on to a ranch where they Lieutenant Peterson, first to cross the horse and a mule for us to ride.

, i t _ ... mm «»* J border from Merieo made the follow- was about 7 p. m.. Wednesday. We rode ooroer irom Meneo, made the touow- uma niidnli , hu we 8lept untJ , 7;S0 in JU? at £?£ e,, fe * J o'clock Thursday morning. Resuming '•we fell about noon Sunday, August our journey we continued in the mtfun- ’ 1A We thought we were about two j tains all dav Thursday and dept in the

mountains at night.

Leader Speaks English. j "Friday afternoon about 6:30 the

the horses and said v

they wanted to have a little chat with

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implicit in it Ther, w« pro-

in

that there is nothing vague

treaty it was stated that Great Britain should have the German islands south of the equator and Japan those north of

the equator. v

Senator Lodge—If it should seem necessary for safety of communication for

this country that we should have ». - . cable station there. Would that ^ r * 1 1 ^Th^Presldent^Vo ed ? treaty interfere with ft? Senator Borah qtioted Arti

in UnSU I

What Germany Might Do.

Senator Williams—Mr. President, sup- J poee for example that we adopt a reser- j

vation, as the senator from Massachu- questions that Germany was interested

setts calls it, and that Germany did hi?

nothing about it at all,*and afterward i The President—Yes.

contended that so far as that was con- ’ Senator Hitchcock—It has a relationcerned. It was new matter, to which she !ship to the league of nations even bewas never a party. Could her position i fore the time that it may apply for

I miles from Candelaria. Tex. We walked all day Sunday afternoon and | Sunday night until about 2:30 o’clock | Monday morning, when we came to a j

1 ranch where we found a Mexican who . . , j talked English. He told us Pilars was b * nd,t8 stopped

| three miles south. We asked him to { they wanted to ■ take us there but he told ua the Mexi-i U s. The bandits told us to write the * j toms would kill us if we went there.! messages saying ransom must be paid So we got him to take us to a road j for our release. The bandit leader spoke I wh . Sch ’5 V '° walked about an hour. English very well. He had worked on j. ° dock Monday morning we the railroads in Kansas and had lost headed down what we thought was the i an arni and a leg in an accldent , he 'Rio Grande. We started dimbing over j said. -v-wra. the hills, following the course of the! "We stayed over night in the mounIt»v r 'w a Tkm l 1 r 'tn ! talns Saturday night, when the leader - daj, walking an hour and resting half returned from sending th6 messages, an hour Monday n^ht we walked by The bandits foraged for food and we moonlight until 1^-30 p. m., when we J had plenty to eat. We camped all day

sleep and S,ept Untu 6 ^ m - Sunday. The leader left Sunday night

luesaaj. and re turmxi Monday morning. He

membership.

The President—Yes.

Tuesday

Swim for Five Hour*. "Tuesday we walked until 9:30 a. m., when we took to the river and swam for five hours down stream, taking ten minutes rest four different times. When ! we came to the rapids we decided we )must land and walk. We landed, dried

I UUUCVBMWKIIUK lh by anything any one of the conment anywhere else it was thought beat document with the policy in the phrase.

Article XVI of the covenant dispute arising between la claimed by one of the arise out of a matter which domestic jurisdiction of that *h»n make n. recommendation

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interand there is no doubt law that are inconbody could of domesit, even by example, those not men-

had been taken for to making it explicit Indeed, so the White House conference were laid eonceded that it wa. beat not to lestion to inference. No proposal pass judgment upon the question in fact fulfilled “all its international under the covenant.” It was recogleft to be resolved by the conscience of iw; and I must say that it did not seem that the article be made more explicit would never itself propose to jue if its conscience was not entirely clear as its international obligations. It has never failed 1

r will.

NO DOUBTFUL MEANING,

no respect of doubtful meaning when read in the as a whole. The council of the league can only which the obligations of that great article are the United States is a party to the policy own affirmative vote in the council is necescan be given for a unanimous vote of the counis a party, the trouble is hers anyhow, and the council is only advice in any case. Each govject it if it pleases. Nothing could have been the conference than the right of our congress uni to exercise its independent judgment in all matters i attempt was made to question or limit that right, will, indeed, undertake Article X to “respect external aggression the territorial integrity independence of all members of the league,” and constitutes a very grave and solemn moral obligation. 1, not a legal obligation, and leaves our congress absointerpretation upon it in all cases that call

in conscience only, not in law. BACKBONE OF COVENANT.

i to me to constitute the very backbone of the whole it the league would be hardly more than an in-

been suggested, in public debate and in priof the sense in which the United of the covenant should be embodied in There can be no reasonable objection to the act of ratification provided formal ratification itself, which have been suggested to me emplain meaning of the instrument itself. But t should constitute a part of the formal resolution would be the inevitable consequence, inasconcerned would have to accept, as the language of the treaty beat Weimar would have to be l I must frankly say that I could only with that assembly for permission to read it and as those who framed it quite cer-

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WILL FOLLOW. to qualify the document in any way, what I know of the many conferences the formulation of the treaty that our be followed in many quarters, in some inreservations, and that the meaning and operwould presently be clouded from one end nf * *“ if I have been entirely unreserved and matters we all have so much that the critical situation of af- . The issues that manifestly hang regard to peace and on the so clearly insusceptible of being ; I have felt it necessary in the and to make it as simple and

.

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yesterday to take the

»f a juror who had resigned beef illness, failed to appear. It l that he was out of the city, not expected home until some

*>moon. If he returns this will be sworn in and the resume its Investigation

morn inf.

The President—I think not, sir, view of the stipulation that I made with regard to the question of construction by this cable convention. That note of the British ambassador (regarding the German islands) was a part of the diplomatic correspondence, cover-

ing that subject. , ;

Senator Lodge—That was what I un-

derstood.

Senator Moses—Was the stipulation that that should be reserved for the consideration of the cable convention a formally signed protocol? The President—No, It was not a formally signed protocol, but we had a prolonged and Interesting discussion on the subject and nobody has any doubt as to what was agreed upon. Senator Lodge mid that it seemed that the treaty “would give the five principal allied and associated powers the authority to make such dispositions as they saw fit of those islands." Nobody to Pass on Withdrawal. Senator Borah then asked who would pass on the question under the /withdrawal clause of the league covenant, whether a nation had fulfilled Its International obligations. The President—Nobody. Senator Borah—Does the council have anything to say about it? The President—Nothing whatever. Senator Borah—Then if a country should give notice of withdrawal, it would be the sole judge of whether or not it had fulfilled its international obligations, its covenants to the league. The President—This Is as I understand It. The only restraining influence would be the public opinion of the world. Senator Borah then asked whether, when notice had been given, the right to withdraw would be unconditional. The President—Well, when the notice is "“given, it is conditional on the face of the conscience of the withdrawing nation at the close of the two-year

period.

Senator Borah—Precisely, but it is unconditional so far as the legal right or the moral right Is concerned. The President—That is my interpreta-

tion.

Senator Borah—There is no moral obligation on the part of the United States to observe any suggestion made by the council. The President-Oh, no. • Senator Borah—With reference to withdrawing! The President—There might be a moral obligation If that suggestion had weight, senator, but there is no other obligation. Senator Borah—Any moral obligation which the United State* would feel would be one arising from its own sense of obligation. ( The President—Oh. certainly. Senator Borah asked whether the suggestion that the council would pass on such an obligation was erroneous and the President replied: "Yes, certainly.” Senator Borah' asked whether the President was expressing the view held by the > commission that drafted the league. The Presldenb—I am confident that that was the view. That view was not formulated, you understand, tout I am confident that that was the view. As to Interpretation*. In reply to Senator McCumber, the President repeated that he felt It would be a mistake to embody interpretations in the resolution of ratification, saying: "We can Interpret only a moral obligation. The legal obligation can be enforced by such machinery as there is to enforce it. We are therefore at liberty to Interpret the sense in which we undertake a moral obligation.’’ Senator McCumber asked whether the other nations could not accept interpretations by the senate “by acquiescence." The President—My experience as a lawyer was not very long; but that experience would teach me that the language of a contract is always part of the debatable matter, and I can testify that in our discussions in the commission on the league of nations we did not discuss ideas half as much as we discussed phraseology. The President said it reservations were embodied in the ratification “there would have to be either explicit acquiescence or the elapsing of a long enough time for us to know whether they (other governments) were 1mplleity acquiescing or not.” Senator Harding—Mr. President, assuming that your construction of the withdrawal clause is the understanding of the formulating commission, why is the language making the proviso for the fulfillment of covenants put into the article? The President—Merely as an argument to the conscience of the nations. In other words, it is a notice served on them that their colleagues will expect that at the time they withdraw they will have fulfilled their obligations. Senator Harding said if that were true the language seemed "rather a farfetched provision.” Senator Pittman asked whether Germany put the same construction on articles of the treaty as did the allied governments. S*: ,1 'iv The President—I have no means of knowing. . :; , Senator PHtman—Germany then has not expressed herself to the commission with regard to these moot questions. The President—No. we have no expression from Germany about the league except the expression of her very strong desire to be admitted to it. The President acquiesced in a sugges-

v un _ Senator Borah quoted article XI, de-' clothes and started over the moun-

’ * thwxiof rtf ” ft I tAinS.

wr■ sail kgUIvUriA »VJULIV-• ****— t — — — » - , , der which the league members under- J eianng "tmy war of threat of war,’ a ! tarns.

-v.** »* * V4 iH-rixuca.) inaep^nu-I ***«►.*

ence of all members of the league.” and effectual to safeguard the peace or nasaid he had heard it suggested that this! tiona.” He asked whether the President

was simply a moral obligation. The President—Yes, sir, inasmuch as there is no sanction in the treaty. Senator Borah—But there would be a

legal obligation so far as the United States is concerned, if it should enter

into; would it not°

The President—I would not interpret that way, senator, because there is invqived the element at judgment as to whether the territorial integrity or existing political independence is invaded or impaired. In other words. It is an attitude of comradeship and protection among the members of the league which in its very nature is moral and not

egal.

Senator

l ■

Borah — If, however, the

actual fact of invasion were b«yond dispute then the legal obligation, It seems to me—I am simply throwing it out in order to get a full expression of views—the legal obligations would immediately arise if the fact of actual

invasion were undisputed.

Ufie of Force.

The President—The legal obligation to apply the automatic punishment of the covenant, undoubtedly, but not the legal obligation to go to arms and actually to make war—not the legal obligation. Thera might be a very

strong moral obligation.

Replying to Senator McCumber, the President said: "We would have complete freedom of choice as to appli-

cation of force.”

Asked whether there would be the same freedom as to the application of a boycott, the President replied: "Only in regard to certain articles. The breacH of certain articles of the covenant does bring on what I have designated as an automatic boycott, and in that we would! iVon*

have no choice.”

Senator Knox—Mr. President, allow me to ask this question: Suppose that,

it is perfectly obvious and a< there is external aggress

ohT* “ 5 ® ^ 1 hot * thiu^Fnvoives the * circumstances of

obvious and accepted that it can not bej particular case.

The President thought

repelled except by force of arms, would we be under any legal obligation to-

ps rticinate?

W-L vr L * v ment less inteiy to involve me coumrj , participation on trlftlna mat

be

a) obligation.

In reply to Senator Williams the President said again that the applicability of the principles contemplated In the covenant would rest entirely on national

decision. ■ ^

Wilson Statement Quoted.

Senator Knox referred to the White House statement of May 10, which, he said, had quoted the President as saying that the French defensive treaty would merely bind the United States to do immediately what she would otherwise be bound to do under the league

covenant.

The President—I did not use the word"bound,” but "morally bound.” Let me say that you are repeating what I said

to the other representativ

uivwi liu*l iL was an un ment of aggression,' e acquiesced In that, ther the question of res

, _ BL _„ves. I said:

Of course, it is understood we would have to be convinced that it was an un-

provoked \ movement

and they at once

Discussing further the question of reservations with Senator McCumber, the

President said:

“We differ only as to the form of action, I think it would be a very serious practical mistake to put it In the resolution of ratlflcatioin; but I do hope that we are at liberty, contemporaneously with our, acceptance of the treaty, to interpret our moral obligation under

that article.”

Senator Knox—Mr. President, is it not true that such matters are ordinarily covered by a mere exchange of notes between powers, stating that thev understand in this or that sense, or do not so understand. The President—Yes, sir, ordinarily. Senator Knox—That would be a matter that would require very little time to communicate it If these constructions have already been placed upon it in their conversations with you. The President—But an exchange of notes is quite a different matter from having it embodied in the resolution of

ratification.

applied the interpretation of a moral obligation also to that article. He replied his construction of Article XI was the same as for Article X. 1 Senator Harding—If there is nothing more than a moral obligation on the part of any member of the league, what avails Articles X and XI? fl The President—Why, senator, it is surprising that that question should be j asked. If we undertake an obligation we are bound in the most solemn way

to carry it out

Senator Handing—Is It a moral obligation? The point I am trying to get at is. suppose something arises affecting the peace of the world and the coun-

committee accepted

tended informally by Mr. Wilson soon

ell takes steps as provided here to conserve or preserve, and announces its decision, and every nation in the league takes advantage of the construction that you place upon those articles and says: "WeU, this is only a moral ob-

ligation and we assume that the na-1 certain Information was cl tion involved does not deserve our par- that members preferred tha

ticipation or protection.” and the whole thing amounts to nothing but an ex-

pression of the league council.

”1 had a little fever. We lay down on a mountain path and slept until 6 a. m, Wednesdav. We saw smoke from a village and headed in that direction. We thought the village was just around the 'corner from Candelaria. We reached the village and got lots of food. “Then we hired a Mexican with three burros to take us to Candelaria. We were ready to start when an armed Mexican came up and addressed the Mexican ws had employed. The armed man spoke in Spanish. Then he left

hurriedly.

Bandits Appear on Scene. “We began our Journey on burros with our Mexican guide. We soon were overtaken by six armed bandits and many townspeople. All but two of the bandits left us, hut these two continued

said the money for oiir release would

be paid.

**We left there at noon Monday and then camped until 9 o’-clock Monday *_ night when we started to meet Captain Matlack. W* met him at approximately 1:15 a. m. today. After bringing ~ me over the border he returned for r Lieutenant Dav is, ^ Were Well Treated. "We were well treated. We had plenty /; of food. There were three bandits with / us most of the time. We did not learn * the name of the bandits but believe we ^ could identify them. We thought all the "* time we were near Valentine, Tex. “We met Captain Matlack at a ranch which ia about twenty-five minutes walk from Candelaria upstream. Ws were never blindfolded nor mistreated

: fried would

in any way*, except once when we tried

eld they ■■

to escape,

kill us if we

The bandits '* tried again.

after he submitted the senate. The committee’s

invitation

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treaty to the

“Conscience’' to Decide.

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The President—There Is a national i good conscience in-such a matter. I should think that was one of the most serious things that could possibly happen. My understanding when I speak of a legal obligation I mean one that

binds you to do a particunder certain sanctions.

That is a legal obligation. Now a

‘ of course,

specifically mar thing

moral obligation is, wurw,

to a legal obligation and if I may say so. has a greater binding force. In every moral obligation there is an ele-

' ' “ it. In a legal obliga _ element of

Senator Johnson—But, Mr. _ . when the moral obligation Is undoubted

, . it will Impel, action more readily than a

, ®k al obligation.

ilon against The president—Tf it is undoubted, yes,

superior

■MPJHJMBIBPBBPVBVfc moral obli Ration, because of the element of judgment less likely to involve the country

ters.

Answers Harding’s Question. Senator Harding—Suppose the alloted territory which comas under the control of Italy should in some way be assailed from the Balkan states and the council of the league should Immediately look upon that as a threat of war Involving other nations and should say that the nations of the league should Immediately contribute an armed force to stop that war or to bring the attacking nations to terms; would we be a perfidious people, if I may use that term, would we violate our obligation, if we failed to participate in the defense of Italy? The President—We would be our own judges as to whether we were obliged in those circumstances to act in that way or not. Senator Hitchcock—In such a case the council would only act unanimously and our representative on the council, of course, would have to concur in any advice given. The senators got into a discussion over whether the congress would decide what course the United States would take. Senator Hitchcock suggesting that after the American representatives on the council had concurred in the council's recommendation "It would then be up to congress to decide.” Quite Right Says President The, President—You are quite right The men who were discussing these very important matters were all the time aware that it would depend on the approving or disapproving state of opinion of their countries how their representatives in the council would vote in matters of this sort. It is inconceivable to me that, unless the opinion of the United States, the moral and practical judgments of the people of the United States approved, the representatives of the United States on the council should vote any such advice as would lead us

into war.

Replying to Senator Borah the President said the defensive treaty with France rested on' the same basis as Articles X and XI—moral obligations. Senator Pittman suggested that even If the council unanimously advised, it was still "up to congress either to ac-

cept or reject that advice.”

To this the President gave his assent. Senator Johnson reverting to the ex

Senator Knox’s Idea.

Senator Knox—If we embody .in our resolution of ratification a statement that we understand Section X or Section XVI or section something else in a particular sense, and this government through its foreign department trans-

"SiSfSrH tg^SSsSH.«? interpretations are the same as you whether that cempelteg moral hii-Vf* agTAAri uDon with them in vour !^t>n would require us to use such me&ns would need anything more than a mere l non,3c or moral. Is that not correct. ’Y&'&Sk&S w.»H need co„.| The Real Point, flrmatlon. ' ! The President—Deemed appropriate by Senator Knox—Yes, it would need con- ! w hom? That is really the point,

flrmation in that sense.

The President—My Judgment is

BBRV that

the embodying of that in the terms nf the resolution of ratification would be acquiescence not only~ in the int *rpretation. but in the very phraseology of the Interpretation, because it wouid

form a part of the contract.

Senator Knox—It might with us because we have so much machinery for

Senator Johnson—Deemed appropriate for the purpose of defeating or frustrating the aggression. The President—Deemed by us appro-

priate.

Senator Borah asked whether Great Britain and France insisted on maintaining at the peace conference the secret treaties with Japan regarding

dealing with treaties, but in other j Shantung.

p?e in i ri should he think it would ’noPbe. 5 " 1 ; way*They°felt that they were boumTby A more or less general discussion of j them. But when they involved general the method of dealing with treaties | interests such as they realized were in-

abroad followed at that point, after which Senator Fall suggested that reservations to the league covenant could be met, so far as Germany was concerned. by her decision later on as to whether she would join the league. German Recognition of League. The President—I differ with you there, senator. One of the reasons for putting the league in the treaty was that Germany was not going to be admitted to the league immediately and we felt that it was very necessary that we should get her acknowledgment—acceptance of the league as an international authority—partly because we were excluding her, so that she would thereafter have no ground for questioning such authority as the league might exercise under its covenants. Senator Fall—Germany is out of the league. Any amendment proposed by the other members of the league prior to her coming into the league would not be submitted to her, would it, she not

being a member.

The President—I will admit that that point had not occurred to me. No. she

would not.

Senator Fail—Then so far aa we are concerned we could make a recommendation in the nature of an amend-

ment

Senator Hitchcock—Did l understand your first reply to Senator Fall to be that Germany under this treaty already had a relationship to the league by reason of its international character and its participation in a number of i

teas

m ^

volved, they were quite willing, and indeed I think desirous, that they should be reconsidered with the consent, so far as they were concerned, of the other

parties.

To a query as to what sovereignty Japan retained in Shantung the Presi-

dent replied:

“She has not retained sovereignty over anything. I mean she has promised not to. Senator Borah has asked whether this understanding was oral or otherwise. I do not like to describe the operation exactly if it is not perfectly discreet. As a matter of fact this was technically oral, but literally written and formulated, and the formulation

agreed upon.”

President Wilson said he disagreed with the opinion given the committee by Secretary Lansing that Japan would have signed the treaty regardless of whether it contained the Shantung pro-

vision.

No Exact Parallel. Although Mr. Wilson himself discussed the first draft of the league covenant, with the committee at the famous White House dinner of last March, senators said there was no exact parallel for today’s formal questioning of a chief executive on a treaty actually before the-committee for ratification The nearest approach, they said, nad been the action of President Washington in going before the senate iteelf in executive seseion to discuss questions involved in treaties with the Indiana In asking today’s appointment, the

request said

not required to hold in confidence anything “dhe President might say. This suggestion led to the President’s decision to have stenographers present

Burden on President

More than one of the witnesses questioned by the committee, including Secretary Lansing had declared the President personally negotiated details of the league of nations covenant and the Shantung provision and that he only of the American delegates could give some of the information desired. As a consequence the members

•amed thei: larly these

prMi

hour for beginning the conference and the committee members went to the

White House separately.

ransom was unpaid.” Lieutnant Davis a i * story differed from that of Lieutenant Peterson only in a few minor details. >g Lieutenaift Davis added ths fact that »-t the plane fell near a bridge over the j river. The place afterward was located > . near Falomir. Chihuahua. »

*<[

tion wtih moderate reservations, tha President laid emphasis on the fact that all the governments signatory to the treaty placed the same interpreta- ( tions on the provisions of the league i covenant. In other words, he said, they were all In accord with the interpreta-.I tions of the delegates from the United States to the peace conference, HeQ

thought that It would be dangerous to attempt to obtain ttie consent of all

that signed made by the

„ a, S5A*

framed their questions to cover partlcufijirly these two features of the treaty. The President set 10 o’clock as the

Meet* Opponent*.

The conference offered the first opportunity for the President to confront some of the most determined opponents of the treaty in its present form and some of the bitterest critics of his course in the peace negotiations. There are seventeen members of the committee as follows: Senators Lodge, of Massachusetts, chairman; McCumber, of

North Dakota; Brandegee, of Coonec- . , a ucut; Borah, °J ( SooM 2y

the naitons reservations

^His * informal talk IS. "to'Tnd W ' ,, no doubt that the

accept any m<

by the senate, but sure of the smaller Attitude of Germany, Members of the committee considerable Interest In ths to whether Germany placed Interpretations on the treaty United States did. The that he had no means of Senator Williams (Oem.) stppl, brought up a point previously been touched c eestion that, if the senate

low the Lod

tions on the

signatory to the

to accept

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JOh "ar'M«{ 0 ”’“ ;

wexlco,

New, °of Indiana, and Moses, of New Hampshire, Republicans, and Hitchcock, of Nebraska: Williams, of Mississippi; Swanson, of Virginia; Pomerene, of Ohio; Smith, of Arizona; Pittman, of Nevada, and Shields, of Tennessee,

Democrats.

QUIN FOR MINI Continued from Page One. action. He pointed out that “normal conditions of life and industry wait on the decision of the senate in regard to the terms of the peace,” and he Indicated how, in his opinion, domestic problems in this country wait on the

ratification of the treaty. Sentiment Is Reflected.

That the President in asking for early action reflected the sentiment of the country was generally admitted by members of the senate. It became known today that nearly every senator has within the last two or three days been- receiving numerous communications, some in letter form and some by telegraph, urging that the treaty be ratified so that the senate cant turn its attention to the domestic questions that are pressing for consideration. A Republican senator from a middle west state said today that he was In receipt of telegrams from a large number of influential representatives of his party in his state, all taking the position that the Republicans in the senate had done well to insist on a thorpugh examination of the treaty and to insist on such reservations as would safeguard American principles, but that there was danger of the Republicans spoiling their good work by standing in the way of prompt ratification of the treaty.

Makes No Admission.

The President in the address which he read to the committeg did not admit that any reservations are necessary. It had been generally understood that he would not make any such admission, but, nevertheless, there are excellent reasons for believing that he is willing to meet the objectors to certain provisions of the league covenant half way, and that in due time

he will let this be known.

The conference developed that he will not consent to reservations or textual changes in the treaty that wUl require resubmission to the peace conference. On this point, apparently, his determination is fixed. He believes that a resubmission of the treaty would amount almost to a world calamity in that it would mean the adding of fuel to the fire of unrest which girdles tbe earth today and that the inevitable outcome of such a course would be ‘ Germany would gain advantages in final settlement which she does not

under the existing treaty. Not Enough to Hold IL

It was the view of the President as expressed in his opening address to the committee that doubts with regard the meaning and implications of a tain articles of the covenant of t league of nations are not sufficient con- 1 sequence to stand in the way of pron—" ratification of the treaty. He took the objections to the covenant one one and expressed the view with n to each one that it was without He gave it as his judgment Article X of the covenant, that at which much of the debate in the m has revolved, was the "very of the whole covenant.” He very emphatically that he would yield his opinion that an amendment this section of the covenant would practically destroy the league of nations. He asserted that Article X "is in no respect of doubtful meaning when read in the light of the covenant as a whole;” that the obligations under the section are moral and not legal and leave the congress absolutely free to put its own construction on the section in all cases that come before It for

tion.

All Were in Accord. In answering questions asked by ator McCumber, one of the group of publican senatora that favors

After Senator foreign relation! that it had beei

along that silence on the part natory nation with respect to tions would be tantamount to ing to these reservations, the remarked that that was a about which there was dlffe

opinion.

The President declined to few questions on the ground

answer he might make would reflect on I

other nations. For instance. New, of Indiana, asked him w] was not true that the Ja pa tion of Shantung resemt

ish occupation of Malta in its uiueunike-

ness.

"I shall have to decline to answer,

that,” the President said. The Shantung situation into by various members mittee. It was plam from asked that so far aa the bars of the committee are they are not yet ready to con the Shantung provision of j>aiMi without some kind of t

In which the United States will

Its disapproval of the award. Friendly Spirit PrsvmHs.

The outstanding feature of the confer- * nee was the friendly spirit that prevailed, It was as Informal as a meeting of such a character could possibly ■■ After the President had read his * j prepared address Senator McCumber led off with some questions and then other senators followed as the spirit moved £ them. Everybody was in the beet of humor and there was no trace of politi-

cal acrimony observable. The whole performance was

novel. It was the first time in

tory of the country that a

from the congress or from either bi of the congress had waited on the idem for the purpose of putting que»-j

tions to him.

/ .The

mittee said that they hoped that

marked the Introduc

tant^ommlttees 1 of 8 the congress and

President.

4

Smart Kid.

An Irish

school Inspector mmgmm

rude

* us '%tsssy^

The youngster hesitated a then wlth a merry twinkle^

NATURAL

, tfOut of etry con answer to 1 Poor eyes I < iaWML wiin flCome about ®nd i ly. nished

V