Indianapolis Journal, Volume 52, Number 337, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 December 1902 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, WEDNESDAY, DECE3IBER 3. lOOS.

THE DAILY JOURNAL WEDNESDAY. DECEMBER 3. 1002.

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C Rlsrsrs House, Ebbett House, Fairfax Hotel. Wlllard HoteL DENVER. COL. Louthaln & Jackson, Fifteenth and Lawrence streets. DAYTON, O. J. V. Wllkle, $3 South Jefferson street. COLUMEU3, a Viaduct News Stand, 3S4 High street. The Lincoln Assassination. The Journal of Sunday, Dec 7, will contain the first Installment of a hitherto unprlnted narrative of the conspiracy that culminated In the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln by J. Wilkes Booth. Samuel Bland Arnold, one of th convicted conspirators, died recently In Maryland, leaving this history of the plot to kidnap Mr. Lincoln, which culminated in his death. It deals with th formation of the plot. the arrest of the conspirators, the execution of some and th Imprisonment of others at th I Dry Tor tu käs, with statements of alleged cruel ties to wh'.ch they were there subjected. The narrative vC! be ein In the Sunday Journal and will be continued from day to day until com pleted, wh'ch will be Dec. 20. The President's message, shows that he does his own thinking and is master of an Individual style. No person need guess any more at the contents of the President's message. The only person who knew has solved the prob lem. ' Any person who attempts to underline every forceful. Incisive and quotable sen tence In President Roosevelt's message will find himself embarrassed by their number. Thos papers which are commenting on the unwarranted silence of Mr. Bryan need not worry. They will hear "the peerless leader" freeing his mind from time to time. By the time the Judiciary committees of the Senate and House have passed upon the proposed amendments to the anti-trust law, aided by Attorney General Knox's ad vice, the subject will have been pretty well threshed out. Representative Griffith, of the Fourth district. Is a duller politician than he has generally been rated If he thinks he can make political capital by presenting a bill In the House providing that all hand-made goods be put upon the free list. The turbulent States of Central and South America will find little comfort in Presi dent Roosevelt's exposition of the Monroe doctrine that. In order to escape outside interference, "it behooves each one to maintain order within Its own borders and to discharge its Just obligations to foreign ers." The New York Commercial Advertiser says "it is well known that In private exPresident Cleveland warmly maintained the President's course In regard to the coal strike, and that Mr. Cleveland sent a cor dial letter of sympathy and approval to the President after the first appearance of the coal operators before him." The annals of ocean adventure has seldom furnished a more interesting story than that of the capture of an American steamer by Icebergs In the North Pacific and her helpless drifting to within 600 miles of the north pole. As this is nearer the pol than any other ship has ever got perhaps future experiments had better be made by drifting with the ice. The President did not think It beneath his dignity to say a good word for cavalry and artillery horses worn out In long per formance of duty. "Such horses," he says, "fetch but a trifle when sold, and rather than turn them out to the misery awaiting them when thus disposed of, it would be better to employ them at light work around the posts, and when necessary to put them painlessly to death." The President Is entirely right in saying that the tariff question should be treated from the standpoint solely of our business needs. All tariff legislation, whether original or amendatory, should be entirely free from partisanship or "promotion of class interests, and should aim exclusively ai the 'promotion of the general welfare. Par ties may differ as to the best means of doing this, but no party should adopt or admit any lower motive. If, two years ago. Mayor Taggart had had the asphalt streets repaired as they are now being repaired, none of them would be in the condition some of them now are. It is related that a clergyman has referred to a portion of Massachusetts awnue as Bookwaltcr avenue. This may be funny, but as a matter of fact the east ern portions of Massachusetts avenue were full of holes in the spring of 1001, months before Mr. Taggart retired from office. The President's recommendations regard ing forest reserves and the protection of game and fish are more Important than immy persons may think. Aside from the duty of preventing what he rightly terms "the senseless slaughter" of animals, there Is an educational side to the matter. Wild animals are a part of the history of the

country, and should be preserved In some form as well as other records. If Congress, forty or fifty years ago, had established an extensive reserve with provisions for the protection of buffaloes and other native wild animals, there would be an abundance of some species which are now nearly extinct.

TIIC PIIKSIDKNT'S 3IESSACSE. President Roosevelt's second annual message Is conspicuous for its departure from traditional forms, its able discussion of live Issues and Its frank presentation of the President's personal views. Some Presidents' messages have been very dull reading because of their tiresome recapitulation of department reports, their perfunctory review of foreign and domestic affairs and their general colorlessness. This one states conclusions without details, and. Instead of repeating the department reports, it gives the President's views regarding the live issues of the day and the duties of the hour. It Is full of the President's personality. Its first sentence, "We still continue in a period of unbounded prosperity," Is a keynote to the spirit that pervades it a spirit of political optimism and national progress. The message consists largely of a reaffirmation, with added emphasis, of views expressed by the President either In his first message or in public addresses. From such expressions heretofore made it was not difficult to forecast the President's position regarding trusts, corporations, in terstate-commerce legislation, tariff revi sion, reciprocity with Cuba, the relations of labor and capital and the needs of the army and navy. On all of these points the message is largely an amplification in clear and vigorous style of views already expressed by the President. He regards corporations, industrial combinations and even so-called trusts as inevitable outgrowths of high commercial conditions and prosperity, but he would regulate and control them. He would give them a clear field to engage in legitimate business enterprises, but would regulate them so as to prevent their becom ing Injurious to the public. "We can do nothing good In the way of regulating and supervising these corporations," he says, until we fix clearly In our minds that wo are not attacking the corporations, but endeavoring to do away with any evil in them.'1 As to the manner of control, he thinks It shouM be done by national legislation and that Congress has ample power under the Constitution as it now stands. This means by amendment of the present anti-trust law. The President gives no encouragement to the idea that the trust evil can be cured by repeal or reduction of the tariff. "The question of regulation of the trusts." he says, "stands apart from the question of tariff reform." In regard to the latter question he would make haste slowly. He bellev.es in tariff reform, but not in tariff tinkering. IIo regards protec tion as the established policy of the country and not to be interfered with, and he would only change rates from time to time as the business interests of the country might require, and that only after careful deliberation. He regards reciprocity as an excellent way of readjusting the tariff and of extending our markets, and he recommends the adoption of all the reciprocity treaties now pending. IIo says, "I hope soon' to submit to the Senate a reciprocity treaty with Cuba." The labor question, or, rather, the relations between labor and capital, are discussed with the President's characteristic frankness and with the conclusion that the right of both to combine and organize must be recognized. Terhaps the most important declaration in the whole message Is that "Every employe, or every wage worker, must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do as he likes with his property or his labor, so long as he Joes not infringe upon the rights of others." That embraces the whole law and gospel of free government. The President does not recommend any legislation to de fine the rights of worklngmen or of capi talists beyond what is necessary to protect all cltlxens in their personal rights. Our policy in the Philippines is represented as highly successful and promotive of the welfare of the people, who, says the Tres ident, "now enjoy a measure of self-gov ernment greater than that granted to any other Orientals by any foreign power, and greater than that enjoyed by any other Orientals under their own governments, save the Japanese alone." Among the minor recommendations of the message are for the passage of the army reorganization bill, the liberal support of the navy, the ex tension of rural free delivery, for the encouragement of national irrigation and for estry reserves, for the rescue of public lands from trespassers and looters and for the better government of Alaska. The style of the message as well as Its matter is characteristic of its writer, and Tor a pub lic paper it is unusually readable. Tim OMMIILS STATEHOOD HILL. Indications point to a warm contest over the so-called omnibus bill admitting Oklahoma, New Mexico and Arizona as States. Washington dispatches state that the subcommittee of the committee on territories, of which Senator Beveridge is chairman, will report strongly against the admission of. either New Mexico or Arizona. As the subcommittee has recently visited these territories and mado a thorough personal investigation of the situation its report should carry much weight, and probably will. Put there will be a strong effort made to override the report. It will be led by Senator Elklns, aided by other senators on both sides, and it is claimed they will have a majority The presence of a strong lobby from all three of the Territories will help to make the contest over this measure a very spirited one. There have been some grievous mistakes made in past years in the admission of Territories as States, and they should not be repeated. The question is one that ought always to have been considered and settled on high grounds of public policy and national welfare, but It has not been so. On the contrary, it has sometimes been decided on low and narrow grounds. Montana, Wyoming and Idaho were admitted at least ten 3ears bofore they should have been. Even now they have together a population of less than COO.OOO, yet they have six senators, while Indiana, with a population of 2,516,000. has only two. Several of the older States each gained more in population during the last decade than die, the three Rocky mountain States above named. Nevada has never bcn anything but a rotten borough, and its population Is less by 20m) than it was twenty years ago. Congress should not repeat these mistakes. The question of party politics or electoral votes should not be considered in a matter involving the dignity and welfare of the Nation. Of the three Territories named in

the omnibus bill Oklahoma is the only ono that has even fairly good claims to be admitted as a State, and its ragged boundary lines are a serious objection to its admission. As for Arizona and New Mexico, they have no claims whatever. At the last census New Mexico had 195,000 population and Arizona nearly 123,0 only a little more than half the population of an average congressional district. A large proportion of the people in both Territories cannot speak English, and illiteracy is very prevalent. The population in both Territories, largely hybrid, 'is confined to small areas, and much more than half of the area of both Is practically without population. In short, the movement for the admission of Arizona and New Mexico Is based entirely on artificial and Indefensible grounds, and if they are admitted now ten or twenty years hence there will be practical unanimity of opinion that a great mistake was made.

It Is' a singular fact that the term "message," now universally applied to an executive communication to Congress, does not appear in the Constitution. Neither was it used In the early years of the government. The Constitution says the President "shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall Judge necessary and expedient." Washington and John Adams read their first annual "communications" to Congress in person, and their subsequent ones were sent in writing. All were styled "addresses." In "Messages and Papers of the Presidents," edited by Representative Richardson, the eight annual messages of Washington and the four of John Adams are styled "addresses." Jefferson inaugurated the custom, since followed by all of his successors, of sending all messages in writing to Congress. and the term message was first applied to his annual message of 1S01. In communi eating it to Congress Jefferson addressed the following letter to the presiding officer of each branch: Sir The circumstances under which. we find ourselves at this place rendering in convenient the mode heretofore practiced oi making by personal address the first communication between the legislative and executive branches, I have adopted that py message, as used on all subsequent oc casions through the session. In doing this 1 have had principal regard to the convenience of the legislature, to the economy or tneir time, to their relief from the embarra.sment of immediate answers on subnmeuiaie answers on bud- ; before them, and to the suiting to the public afhat a procedure founded jects not yet fully benents thence re! on these motives will meet their nnnrohn. tion. I beg leave throueh you. sir. to com -- r K - municate the Inclosed message, with the documents accompanying it, to the honorable the Senate, and pray you to accept for yourself the homage of my high respect and consideration. This is the first official use of the term "message." The inconvenient circumstance alluded to was probably the bad road between the White House and the Capitol. n.tn. v.l.. i4 i . i. nui iu uiis ii iiau ueen customary lor me Senate and the House each to make separate reply in writing to the President's communication, which reply was delivered to him at the White House as soon as possible after his communication was re ceived. With the beginning of Jefferson's administration this practice ceased. The country will heartily agree with President Roosevelt that "no policy ever entered into by the American people ha3 vindicated itself in more signal manner than the policy of holding the Philippines," and that, "taking the work of the army and the civil authorities together, it may be questioned whether anywhere else in modern times the world has seen a better example of real constructive statesman ship than our people have given in those islands." THE HUMORISTS. Doting Dotage. Yonkers Herald. Miss De Spite I Just dote on George. I under stand he threw you over. Miss De Sweet Tes, In dotage one is liable to do almost anything. A Mnrly r. Washington Star. 'Are you aware of the fact that you sometimes make some very disagreeable remarks?" "Yes," answered ilisa Cayenne. "Isn't it dreadful to have a circle of friends who enjoy that sort of thing1 so much?" He Doom Protest. Cleveland Tlaln Dealer. "The gentleman who talks so loud is a member of the Massachusetts Peace foclety." "What is he finding fault about? "He says the country never will submit to hav ing a Cannon in the speaker's chair." On Her First Hlrthdiiy. Philadelphia Flar. "My fortune," she said, "came to me as birthday present." "indeed:" exclaimed the suitor, who had thought her practically penniless, "and that was" "My face." The Holy Estate. Judge. "They had one of the strangest marriages re corded for a long time." "In what respect?" "In every resect. Why, both parents on both tides were present, there was nothing sudden or secret about it, and their own clergyman per formed the ceremcry." Shrewd 3Inn. Judge. "1 tell you." said Mr. Fadoegus, "our grocer la ii Khrrwrl fpllovr. He l nlu-flva nn tha !-u-A--.n' - -- - . -. j --v. wnwuk for schemes that win Dring traue his way." "He must be successful." said Mr. Wunder. "You bet he is! Why, he has the biggest rush right now on mince meat that you ever saw. He is giving away a box of pepsin pills with each pound of it." Overheard in n Gun Store. Baltimore American. Desperate-looking Tarty I want to buy a re volver. Dealer Yes, sir; here 're the three latest styles; this plain, substantial arm is much used for self-defense; this sliver-mounted one with pearl nanuie is useu ior snooting eweeinearts. ana tnis cheap, common anair is usually used to shoot m. wives. It's very popular Just now Post-Check Currency. Ohio Farmer. Farmers need a safe, cheap and conven ient method of sending money by mall. The money order system is safe enough. but it is neither cheap nor convenient. The "post oheck currency" combines all three essentials. With the post check anyone anywhere in the United States can send any sum from 10 cents up, without the trouble of getting and tilling out a money order, registering a letter, etc.. and at about half the expense. This the country neeus aim mum nar. fanners fan pusn .. t - V. L 4 . tnis mcasuie imuuK" i iuv cuiuing snort session if they will take hold in earnest Write personal letters to your congress men and senators. Send them petitions nnd renolutirns. and when the bill comes, up for consideration send them telegrams urging their sur port. Regln at once to agitate this question in social gatherings, farmers' clubs, institutes and the grange. Post yourselves and when anyone tells you the plan Is not practical, tell them that you know better, mat ii is eminently practical, and that you know what farmers need in f k A 4. I 1 A I - At know Detter, inai u is eminently practical. this way.

Pi

resident Roosevelt's

saöe To the Senate and House of Representatives: We still continue in a period of unbounded prosperity. This prosperity is not the creature of law, but undoubtedly the laws under which we work have been Instrumental in creating the conditions which made it possible, and by unwise legislation it would bs easy enough to destroy it. There will undoubtedly be periods of depression. The wave wilt recede, but the tide will advance. This Nation is seated on a continent flanked by two great oceans. It is composed of men the descendants of pioneers, or In a sense pioneers themselves, of men winnowed out from among the na tions of the old world by the energy, boldness and love of adventure found in their own eager hearts. Such a nation so placed will surely wrest success from fortune. As a people we have nlaved a large part in the world, and we are bent upon making our future even larger than the past. In particular the events of the last four years have definitely decided that for woe or for weal our place must be great among the nations. We may either fail Kreatly or succeed greatly, but we cannot avoid the endeavor from which either great failure or great success must come. Even if we would we cannot play a small part. If we should try all that would follow would be that we should play a large part Ignobly and shamefully. But our peonle. the sons of the men of the civil war, the sons of the men who had iron In their blood, rejoice in the present and face the future high of heart and reso lute or win. ours is not the creed or the weakling and the coward; ours is the gospel of hope and of triumphant endeavor. e uo not shrink from the struggle before us. There are many problems for us to face at the outset of the twentieth century grave problems abroad and still graver at home; but we know that we can solve them and solve them well provided only that we bring to the solution the qualities of head and heart which were shown by tne men who In the days of Washington founded this government and in the days of Lincoln preserved it. rso country has ever occupied a higher plane of material well-being than ours at the present moment. This well-being is due to no sudden or accidental causes, but to the play of the economic forces in this country for over a century; to our laws, our sustained and continuous policies; above all, to the high Individual average of our citizenship. Great fortunes have been won by those who have taken the lead in this phenomenal industrial development, and most of these fortunes have been won not by doing evil, but as an incident to action which has benefited the community as a whole. Never before has material well-being been so widely diffused among our people. Great fortunes have been accumulated, and yet in the aggregate these fortunes are small Indeed when romnared lY "1B wta.lin OI lne People as a whole. The ,,,, Y . 1 z, JJhSÄ1? lCT off than they have LV?rrnÄre,,iT,i? insurance companies, a ,K?.?UcaI1 mtua benefit so-eues-especially helpful to men of moderate means represent accumulations of capital wiiicn are among the largest in this country. There are more deposits In the savings banks, more owners of farms, niore well-paid wage-workers in this country now than ever before in our history. vi course, wnen the conditions have favored the growth Of SO much that wrna good, they have also favored somewhat me growtn or what was evil. It is eminently necessary that we should endeavor to cut out this evil, but let us keep a due Sense Of nrnnnrtlnn- lot iu i ' ' " "i h uaiuk our gaze upon the lesser evil forget the greater gtod. The evils are real and some of them are menarln?r hn thev - outgrowth, not of misery or decadence. uui ui prosperity or the progress of our gigantic industrial development. This industrial development must not be checked uui. am uy üiue wnn It should go such progressive regulation as will diminish the e,Y!ls We should fall in our duty if we I ,,not try to remdy the evils, but we shall succeed only if we proceed patiently, with practical common sense as well as i solution, separating the good from the bad and holding on to the former while endeavoring to get rid of the latter. s TlllSTS AMI THE TAltlFF. uesuiniion ol Interstate lliiln-.. IrKedAnthracIte Duty Should Go. In my message to the present Congress at Its first session I discussed at length the regulation of those big corporations com monly doing an interstate business, often with some tendency to monoply, which are popularly known as trusts. The experience of the past year has emphasized, in my opinion, the desirability of the steps I then proposed. A fundamental reauisite of so cial efficiency is a high standard of individual energy. and excellence; but this is in no wise Inconsistent with power to act in combination for aims which cannot so well be achieved by the individual acting alone. A fundamental base of civilization is me invioiaDimy of property; but this Is in no wise inconsistent with th Htrht Ar society to regulate the exerrlso nf tiflcial powers which It confers upon the owners of property, under the name of cor porate trancnises, in such a way as to prevent the misuse of these powers. Corpora"U,,B especially combinations of cor porations, should be managed under public regulation. Experience has shown that under our system of government the nesary supervision cannot be obtained by State action. It must, therefore, be acnievea Dy national action. Our aim is not to do away with corporations; on the contrary, these big aggregations are an inevitable development of modern industrialism, and the effort to destrov them be futile unless accomplished in ways tl at would work the utmost mischief to the entire body politic. We can do nothing of good in the way of regulating and supervising these corporation until . , . . . . .... It A .ICtllij in our minus mat we are not attoin,. uic vv.pujtiuuna, uui endeavoring to do away with any evil in them. We are not V A S-wrs wrt f s-1 1 a - " IM 1 l,r".V . are merely determined that they shall be so handled as to snhservo tne public good. We draw the line against misconduct, not against wealth T.u c3Plia !st who aIone or ln conjunction in ma iciiuHB, periormssome great Industry feat by which he wins money is a welldoer, not a wrongdoer, provided only he works in proper and legitimate lines. We wish to favor such a man when he does well. e wish to supervise and conW hi aClu P.nly to Prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no harm to the honest corporation; and we need not be overtender about sparing the dishonest corporation. CARE MUST RE TAKEN. In curbing and regulating the combinations of capital which are or may become injurious to the public, we must be careful I nnt tn ütnn tho rrpo . . - - - t niv.(u cmii pi i2r wnicn nave legitimately reduced the cost of produc 1 a fl -A. a tion, not to abandon the place which our country has won in the leadership of the international industrial world, not to strike down wealth with the result of closing fac totries and mines, of turning the wage worker idle in the streets and leaving the farmer without a market for what he grows. Insistence upon the Impossible means delay in achle.ing the nnsKÜ-iir ex actly as, on the other hand, the stubborn defense alike of what Is good And what Is oau in me existing system, the resolute effort to obstruct any attemnt at hatt. i mem, oeirays Diindnes3 to the hUtnr-ir. i a. . t . v. & i . . . "Ul" evolution is tne sure Safeguard against revolution. No more Important subject can come before the Congress than this of the regulation of interstate business. This e,Tr,M. cannot afford to sit supine on the plea that uuuei u iTLunar system or government we are helpless ln the presence of the new conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut out whatever of evil has arisen in t-unnecuuii wnn tnem. tne power of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute and unqualified grant, and WJV.,UU, ,,ffl"ttl'ons ?ner man those pre scribed by me constitution. The Congress iias luiisiiiuuuum auinoriiy to make all " jj i iui executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power has not been exhausted by any leglslaiiuii iiuw mi me MHiuie oookjj. It is vl I ueni, inereiuie, mat evils rostrlctivo nf I 1.1 - 1 , . ... - VJ L commercial neeuum ana entailing restraint upon national commerce fail within the regulative power of the Congress, and that a wise ami re:s-uiiaoie law would be a nec essary uni piuper exercise or eoncxesslnnoi authority to the end that such evils should do erauicaicu. CONGRESS HAS POWER. I believe that monopolies, unjust dls criminations, which prevent or cripple corn..,t,nn fraudulent nvr rrarltAHztlon nn lv - - - f - a. "VI other evils ln trust organizations and prac-

finite

vies

to Congress

tices which injuriously affect Interstate trade can be prevented under the power of the Congress to "regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States" through regulations and requirements operating directly upon such commerce, the instrumentalities thereof and those engaged therein. I earnestly recommend this subject to the consideration of the Congress with a view to the passage of a law reasonable in Its provisions and effective In its operations, upon which tr.e questions can be finally adjudicated that now raise doubts as to the necessity of constitutional amendment. If it prove impossible to accomplish the purposes set forth by such a law, then, assuredly, we should not shrink from amending the Constitution so as to secure beyond peradventure the power sought. The Congress has net heretofore made any appropriation for the better enforcement of the anti-trust law as it now stands. Very much has been done by the Department of Justice in securing the enforcement of this law, but much more could be done if Congress would make a special appropriation for this purpose, to be expended under direction of the attorney general. One proposition advocated has been the reduction of the tariff as a means of reaching the evils of the trusts which fall within the category I have described. Not merely wuld this be wholly ineffective, but the diversion of our efforts in such a direction would mean the abandonment of all intelligent attempt to do away with these evils. Älany of the largest corporations, many of those which should certainly be included in anv proner scheme of regulation, would not be affected ln the slightest degree by a change in the tariff, save as such change interfered with the general prosperity of the country. The only relation of the tariff to big corporations as a whole is that the tariff makes manufactures profitable, ana the tariff remedy proposed would be in effect simply to make manufactures un profitable. To remove the tariff as a punitive measure directed against trusts would inevitably result In ruin to the weaker competitors who are struggling against them. Our aim should be not by unwise tariff changes to give foreign products the ad vantage over domestic products, but by proper regulation to give domestic competition a fair chance; and this end cannot be reached by any tariff changes which would affect unfavorably all domestic competitors, good and bad alike. The question of regulation of the trusts stands apart from the question of tariff revision. STABILITY DESIRABLE. Stability of economic policy must always be the prime economic need of this country. This stability should not be fossillzatlon. The country has acquiesced In the wisdom of the protective-tariff principle. It is exceedingly undesirable that this system should be destroyed or that there should be violent and radical changes therein. Our past experience shows that great prosperity In this country has always come under a protective tariff, and that the country cannot prosper under fitful tariff changes at short intervals. Moreover, If the tariff laws as a whole work weil, and if business has prospered under them and is prospering, it is better to endure for a time slight Inconveniences and inequalities iii some schedules than to upset business by too quick and too radical changes. It is most earnestly to be wished that we cculd treat the tariff from the standpoint solely of our business needs. It Is, perhaps, too much to hope that partisanship may be entirely excluded from consideration of the subject, but at least it can be made secondary to the business interests of the country that Is, to the Interests of our people as a whole. Unquestionably these business interests will best be served if, together with fixity of principle as regards the tariff, we combine a system which will permit us from time to time to make the necessary reapplication of the principle to the shifting national needs. We must take scrupulous care that the reapplication shall be made ln such a way that it will not amount to a dislocation of our system, the mere threat of which (not to speak of the performance) would produce paralysis in the business energies of the community. The first consideration in making these changes would, of course, be to preserve the principle which underlies our whole tariff system that is, the principle of putting American business interests at least on a full equality with interests abroad, and of always allowing a sufilcient rate of duty to more than cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being of the wageworker, like the well-being of the tiller of the soil, should be treated as an essential in shaping our whole economic policy. There must never be any change which will Jeopardize the standard of comfort, the standard of wages of the American wageworker. RECIPROCITY A REMEDY. One way in which the readjustment sought can be reached is by reciprocity treaties. It is greatly to be desired that such treaties may be adopted. They can be used to widen our markets and to give a greater field for the activities of our producers on the one hand, and on the other hand to secure in practical shape the lower ing of duties when they are no longer needed for protection among our own people, or when the minimum of damage done may be disregarded for the sake of the maximum of good accomplished. If it prove impossible to ratify the pending treaties. and if there seem to be no warrant for the endeavor to execute others, or to amend the pending treaties so that they can be ratified, then the same end to secure reci procityshould be met by direct legislation. It'L .1 a , ii. t iieietr tue tarnt conditions are such that a needed change cannot with ad vantage be made by the application of the reciprocity idea, then it can be made outright by a lowering of duties on a given product. If possible, such change should be made only after the fullest consideration by practical experts, who should approach the subject from a business standpoint, having in view both the particular interests affected and the commercial wellbeing or me people as a whole. The ma chinery for providing such careful investigation can readily be supplied. The execu tive department has already at its disposal methods of collecting facts and fimires. and If the Congress desires additional rnn. suieration to mat which will be given the subject by Its own committees, then a, commisison of business experts can be appointed whose duty it should be to recommend action by the Congress after a deliberate and scientific examination of the vari ous scneuuies as they are affected by the changed and changing conditions. The unnurnea ana unbiased report of this commission would show what changes should be made in the various schedules, and how far these changes could go without also changing the great prosirity which this country la now enjoying, or upsetting its fixed economic policy. The caes in which the tariff can produce a monopoly are so few as to constitute an inconsideiable factor in the question; but of course if in any case it be found that a given rate of duty does promote a monopoly which works ill, no protectionist would object to such reduction of the duty as would equalize competition. In my Judgment, the tariff on anthracite coal should be removed, and anthracite put actually, where it .now is nominally on the free list. This would have no effect at all save ln crises; but in crises it nicht be of service to the people. FI X AX CIAL LEGIS LATHIS. Cnrrencr Should lie Elantlc EnonRh to IleHeve Stringencies. Interest rates are a potent factor in business activity, and in order that these rates may be equalized to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of widely separated communities and to present the recurrence of financial stringencies which injuriously affect legitimate business it is necessary that there should be an element of elasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants' of commerce, and upon them should be placed as far as practicable the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply the needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign commerce, and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufficient supply should be always available for the business Interests of the country. It would be both unwise and unnecessary at this time to attempt to reconstruct our financial system, which has been the growth of a century, but some additional legislation Is. I think, desirable. The mere outline of any plan sufficiently comprehensive to meet these requirements would transgress the appropriate limits of this communication, it Is suggested, however, that all future legislation on the subject should be with the view of encouraging the

use of such Instrumentalities as will auto-

matically supply every legitimate demand of productive industries and of commerce not enly ln the amount, but ln the character of circulation, and of making all kinds of money interchangeable and at the will of the holder convertible Into the established gold standard. I again call your attention to the need of passing a proper immigration law covering the points outlined in my message to you at the first session of the present Congress, substantially such a bill as has already passed the House. LAUOIl AXD CAPITAL. How to Secure Fair Treatment for Doth la a Prolilem. How to eecuro fair treatment alike for labor and for capital, how to hold in check the unscrupulous man, whether employer or employe, without weakening Individual initiative, without hampering and cramp ing the industrial development of the coun try is a problem fraught with great difflcuities and one which it Is of the nignesi importance to solve on lines of sanity and far-sighted common sense as well as of devotion to the right. This is an era of federation and combination. Exactly as business men find they must often work through corporations, and as it is a constant tendency cf these corporations to grow larger so It is often necessary for laboring men to work in federations, and these have become important factors of modern Industrial life. Both kinds of federation, capitalistic and labor, can do much good, and as a necessary corollary they can both do evil. Opposition to each kind or organization should take the form or opposition to whatever is bad in the conduct of any given corporation or union, not of attacks upon corporations as such nor upon unions a3 such, for some of the most farreaching beneficent work for our people has been accomplished through both cor porations and unions. Each must refrain trom arbitrary or tyrannous interference with the rights of others. Organized capital and organized labor alike should remember that in the long run the interest of each must be brought into harmony with the interest of the general public, and the conduct of each must conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to the law, of individual freedom and of justice and fair dealing toward all. Each should remember that in addition to power it must strive after the realization of healthy, lofty and generous ideals. Every employer, every wage worker must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do as he likes with his property or his labor so long as he does not Infringe upon the rights of others. It is of the highest importance that employer and employe alike should endeavor to appreciate each the view point of the other and the sure disas ter that will come upon both in the long run if either grows to take as habitual an attitude of sour hostilltv and distrust toward the other. Few people deserve better of the country than those representatives both of capital and labor and there are many such who work continually to bring about a good understanding of this kind based upon wisdom and upon broad and kindly sympathy between employers and employed. Above all. we need to remember that any kind of class animosity ln the political world is if possible even more wicked, even more destructive to national welfare than sectional, race or religious animosity. We can get good government only upon condition that ve keep true to the principles upon which this Nation was founded and judge each man not as a part of a class, but upon his individual merits. All that we have a right to ask of any man, rich or poor, whatever his creed, his occupation, hl3 birthplace or his residence, is that he shall act well and honorably by his neighbor and by his country. We are neither for the rich man as such nor for the poor man as such; we are for the upright man, rich or poor. So far as the constitutional powers of the national government touch these matters of general and vital moment to the Nation they should be exercised in conformity with the principles above set forth. Secretary oC Commerce Needed. It Is earnestly hoped that a secretary of commerce may be created, with a seat in the Cabinet. The rapid multiplication of questions affecting labor and capital, the gTowth and complexity of the organizations through which both labor and capital now find expression, the steady tendency toward the employment of capital In huge corporations and the wonderful strides of this country toward leadership In the International business world Justify an urgent demand for the creation of such a position. Substantially all the leading commercial bodies in this country have united in requesting its creation. It is desirable that some such measure as that which has aiready passed the Senate be enacted into law. The creation of such a department would in itself be an advance toward dealing with and exercising supervision over the whole subject of the great corporations doing an interstate business; and with this ena in view, tne congress should endow the department with large powers, which could be Increased as experience might show the need. RECIPROCITY TREATIES. An Agreement with Cuba trged-Ar-rangement trlth Newfoundland. I hope soon to submit to the Senate a reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On May 20 last the United States kept Its promise to the island by formally vacating Cuban soil and turning Cuba over to those whom her own people had chosen. as the first officials of the new republic. ) Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever affects her for good or for ill affects us also. So much have our people felt this that In the Piatt amendment we definitely took the ground that Cuba must hereafter have closer political relations with us than with any other power. Thus in a sense Cuba has become a part of our international political system. This makes it necessary that in return ahe should be given some of the benefits of becoming part of our economic system. It is, from our own standpoint, a short-sighted and mischiev ous poncy to fall to recognize this need Moreover; I is unworthy of a Vighty and ' . .i V1, Biiiy unci generous nation, itself the greatest and most successful republic ln history, to rexu&e to sircicn out a helping hand to a young and weak sister republic Just entering upon its career of independence. We should always fearlessly insist upoh our rights in the face of the strong, and we should with ungrudging hand do our generous duty by the weak. I urge the adoption of reciprocity with Cuba, not only because it is. eminently for our own interests to control the Cuban market and by every means to foster our supremacy If! t Yi O t TTVT-kf n 1 1 rt rAm ......iL . M ... ... wv.v. aU Hins MUUII1 OI nubile r of the r7h Z, ZT? TI public of the north, should make all our sister nations of the American Continent feel that whenever they will permit it we desire to show ourselves disinterestedly and effectively their friend. A convention with Great Britain has been concluded, which will be at once laid before the Senate for ratification, providing for reciprocal trade arrangements between the United States and Newfoundland on substantially the lines of the convention formerly negotiated by the secretary of state, Mr. Blaine. I believe reciprocal trade relations will be greatly to the advantage of both countries. As civilization grows warfare becomes less and less the normal condition of foreign relations. The last century has seen a marKea diminution of wars between civ illzed powers; wars with uncivilized powers" nrp arcp v mora mottco i police duty, essential for the welfare of the world. Wherever possible, arbitration or some similar method should be employed in lieu of war to settle difficulties between civilized nations, although as yet the world has not progressed sufficiently to render it irom wnicn great conseouences for the welfare of all mankind may flow. It is far better, where possible, to invoke such a permanent tribunal than to create special arbitrators for a given purpose. It is a matter of sincere congratulation to our country that the United States and Mexico should have been the first to use the good offices of The Hague court. This was done last summer with mo3t satisfactory results ln the case of a claim at Issue between us and our sister republic. It is earnestly to be hoped that this first case will serve as a precedent for others In which not only the United States but foreign nations may take advantage of the machinery already in existence at The Hague. I commend to the favorable consideration of the Congress the Hawaiian fire claims which were the subject of careful investigation during the last session. ISTHMIAN CAXAL PACIFIC CA II LB. Tho Enterprise of Importance to the United States. The Congress has wisely decided that we 1 tV,-n hijrt at once an Icthmlm Mnni i sha11 toulia al once an lsinnan canal, if possible at Panama. The attorney general

5okeIDa?bltrtlonCfre& cVse The J.' ÄlnS.ainT the aTgregaVe nü at" The Hague is an event of good omen Jo ned with our representatives to work

reports that we can undoubtedly acquire

good title from the trench I'anama canai Company. Negotiations are now pending with Colombia to secure her assent to our building the canal. This canal will be one of the greatest engineering feats of tha twentieth century; a greater engineering feat than has jet been accomplished during the history of mankind. The work should be carried out as a continuing policy without regard to charge of administration; and it should be begun under circumstances which will make it a matter of pride for all administrations to continue the policy, The canal will be of great benefit tr America and of importance toall the world. It will be of advantage to us Industrially and also as improving our military p ition. It will be of advantage to the countries of tropical America. It Is earnestly to be hoped that all of these countries will do as some of them have already done with signal success, and will invite to their shores commerce and improve thtir material conditions by recognizing that stability and order are the prereouisite of sucessful development. No independent nation In I A i . . "... a. America neea nave the slightest fear or aggression from the United States. .It be hooves each one to maintain order "within its own borders and to discharge its just obligations to foreigners. When this Is done they can rest assured that, be they strong or weak, they have nothing to dread from outside interference. More and more the Increasing interdependence and complexity of international political and economic relations render it Incumbent on all civilized and orderly powers to insist on the proper policing of the world. PACIFIC CABLE CONDITIONS. During the fall of 1901 a communication was addressed to the secretary of state, asking whether permission would bo granted by the President to a corporation to lay a cable from a polnt on the CaJIfor. . . ,,, , , , . . nla coast t0 the Philippine islands by way of Ilawall. A statement of conditions or terms upon which such corporation would undertake to lay and operate a cable was volunteered. Inasmuch as the Congress was shortly to convene, and Pacific-cable legislation had been the subject of consideration by the Congress for several years, it seemed to me wise to defer action upon the application until the Congress had first an opportunity to act. The Congress adjourned without taking any action, leaving the matter in exactly the same condition ln which it stood when the Congress convened. Meanwhile it appears that the Commercial Pacific Cable Company had promptly proceeded with preparations for laying Its cable. It also made application to the President for access to and use of soundings taken by the United States steamship Nero, for the purpose of discovering a practicable route for a transpacific cable, the company urging that, with access to these soundings, it could complete its cable i""ch sooner than if it were required to take soundings upon its own account. Pending consideration of this subject. It appeared important and desirable to attach certain conditions to the permission to examine and use the soundings, if it should be granted. In consequence of this solicitation of the cable company, certain conditions were formulated, upon which the President was willing to allow access to these sounding and to consent to the landing and laying of the cable, subject to anyalteratlons or additions thereto imposed by the Congress. This was deemed proper, especially as it was clear that a cable connection of some kind with China, a foreign country, was a part of the company's plan. This course was, moreover, in accordance with a line of precedents, including President Grant's action in the case of the first French cable, explained to the Congress ln his annual message of December, 1S75, and the instance occurring in 1873 of the second French cable from Brest to St. Pierre, with a branch to Cape Cod. These conditions prescribed, among other things, a maximum rate for commercial messages, and that the company should construct a line from the Philippine islands to China, there being at present, as is well known, a British line from Manila to HongKong. The representatives of the cable company kept these conditions long under consideration, continuing, in the meantime, to prepare for laying the cable. They have, however, at length acceded to them, and an all-American line between our Pacific coast and the Chinese Empire, by way of Honolulu and the Philippine Islands, is thus provided for, and is expected within a few months to be ready for business. Among the conditions is one reserving tha power of the Congress to modify or repeal any or all of them. A copy of tho conditions is herewith transmitted. - TUB PHILIPPINES. Greatest Sleasnr of Liberty Possible at Present Allowed Xatlvea. On July i last, on the one-hundred-ax.d-twenty-slxth anniversary of th Declaration of our Independence, peace and amnesty were promulgated in the Philippine islands. Some trouble has since from time to time threatened with the Mohammedan Moros, but with the late insurrectionary Filipinos the war has entirely ceased. Civil government has now been Introduced. Not only does each Filipino enjoy such rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness as he has never before known during the recorded history of tho Islands, but tho people taken as a whole now enjoy a measure of self-government greater than that granted to any other Orientals by any foreign power, and greater than that enjoyed by any other Orltntals under their own governments, save the Japanese alone. We have not gone too far in granting these rights of liberty and self-government; but we have certainly gone to the limit that ln the interests of the Philippine people themselves It was wise or Just to go. To hurry matters, to go faster than we are now going, would entail calamity on the people of the Islands. No policy ever entered Into by the American people has vindicated itself in more signal manner than the policy of holding the Philippines. The triumph or our arms, aoove all the triumph of our laws and principles. haa come sooner than we naa any ngnt to expect. Too much praise cannot be given to the army for what it has dona in the i ni,illT,.!... KrtVi in u-nrforA and from an nil. PhiliDDines both in warfare and from an admlnistrative standpoint in preparing the way for civil government; and elmllar credit belong to tne civil authorities for the way ln which they have planted tho seeds of self-governrrrent in the ground thus made ready for them. The courage, the unflinching endurance, the high soldierly efficiency, and the . general kind-heartedness and humanity cf our trpops have been strikingly manifested. There now remain only some fifteen thousand troops In the islands. All told, over one hundred thous and have been sent there. Of course, thero , v. IndlvMnol 4tiYo f mnn doing among them. They warred .under fearful difficulties or climate and surroundings; and under the strain of the terrible provocations which they continually received from 'their foes, occasional Instances of cruel retaliation occurred. Every effort has been made to prevent such cruelties, and finally these efforts have been completely successful. Every effort haa also been made to detect and punish the wrongdoers. After making all all6wance for these misdeeds, It remains true that few indeed have been the Instances in which war has been waged by a civilized power against semicivlllzed, barbarous forces where there has been so little wrongdoing by the victors as in the Philippine islands. On the other hand, the amount of oifficult. Important and beneficent work wch nas been done 13 "-tf nealeulTaking the work of the army and the civil authorities together. It may be questioned whether anywhere else in modern timos the world has seen a better example of real constructive statesmanship than our peo ple have given in the Philippine islands. rty good islands. Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say that the pro?ierity of the island and the wisdom with which it has been governed have been such as to make it t-erve as an example of all that is best in insular administration. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS. xi:i:ns or Tim ahm v. Passage of n Hill Providing for a Onrral Staff Keeomiaended. The army has been reduced to the minimum allowed by law. It is very small for the size of the Nation, and moit certainly should be kept at the highest point of efficiency. The senfor officers are given scant chance under ordinary conditions to exercise commands commensurate with their rank, under circumstance which would fit them to do their duty ln tlrno of actual war. A system of maneuvering our army la bodies of some little size has Wen begun.

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