Indianapolis Journal, Volume 51, Number 1, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 January 1901 — Page 2
1 1 THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, TUESDAY, JANUARY 1, 1901,
'.( lie- evcnlr.?; with appropriate remarks. Thv dedicatory cx-jreistrs U-ok place in the
'.injuot hall, the guests remaining seated t the tables at tin: conclusion of the banl.uot. A number of the nu.-l distinguished IT:Oii in iixllar.a v.-.tc on the toast list, and it he ceremonies luddont t.i the dedication vere th roiiirhl.' nl.-ivel. a ' - - - " ) The delivery of responses to toa:-ts which onsti'.uted the ceremonies incident to the podieation of the club was accompanied by a number of Interesting and Impressive Incidents. As Senator Charles V. Fairbanks arose to respond to the to-ist "The 1'uturo of the Republican .Party." the sounds of bell? and steam whistles from ail over the city icnetrated the banquet hali and the diners," rccogiiJzIng that a new century had Just been torn, arose as one ir.an and amidst cheers and frantic waving of handkerchiefs drank a toast to the twentieth century. Another pleasing incident was the tremendous ovr.tion accorded to Indiana'3 poet, James Whitcomb Hiiey. The name of Benjamin Harrison was frequently mentioned by the toastinaster and by the speakers and each tlrr.e was received with marks of the most demonstrative approval. P-rhaps the not fcignlricant incident of the entire event was the unexpected Innovation introduced by Toastmaster Cockrum when he arose and requested all present to Join with him in drlnklng while standing a toast to Presi dent McKinley. This request provoked an"tnher scene of unrestrained enthusiasm. Cockrum introduced each of the speakers with brief, but eloquent rcmirks and In not a few Instances was himself the recipient of sincere applause. TIIK HOLSi: II LI LT OX A KOCK.' Dr. 1. W. llnys Talk ou llennlf of the Ilulldiup; Committee. Dr. Franklin W. Hays, chairman of the building committee, responded to the toait The House Built on a Hock" as follows: "Mr. President and Members of the Columbia CiuD Almost three years ato your president cnose nine men to whom you intrusted your desires, your hopes and your money lor the erection of this building here on Monument place. These men are here to-night, heavy laden, weary in mind and body, but giad of heart ana proud in spirit, to tell you that the structure is f.nished. Let nie tell you not of their worries, of the obstructions that have been in their path, nor of their trials, but let me tell you rather of their purposes and their ideals In the work that they have wrought. They strove to build so that this institution representing the Republican party, but patrotlm more and first, here In the very livln.i center of our nation, here where the composite American Is, should possess a house not less noble than its purposes. These men saw more than an enduring structure; they saw an enduring people, and through the swift coming generations of this new century a multitudinous people and as tha years pass by they saw these masses of human beings moving about this greatest of monument places, and then again saw the best from among these peoples coming and going over the threshold of this house. Then how exacting became their minds, lest the awful memories of the great shaft forever shadowing our door, with its awepome teachings, and that the sacred symbol of It all, might not be lived up to in this edifice. "So ideal upon ideal was built up in their minds as the study and the work went on, until its art. its beauty, as well sl9 Its strength, and its meaning, became their possessing passion. Then amidst the obstructions and trials that stood in their way came the compelling sense of duty to follow their ideals. "The untold delight of knowing, and of having you. too, enjoy these Ideals, they believe is theirs. ' "The creation of a great building Is not unlike the creation of a great picture, a ttatue, a composition of mulc, a great oration, or a poem. Yet. may It not be even more? For it is thel assembled work of many artists, many scientists, and many skilled artisans, requiring every part to be wrought out separately with individual brain and hand, yet "controlled by one mind, the architect, and being finally brought to a harmonious whole, the home of beauty, comfort and strength. "These men strove to assemble men who are renowned in all of the varied arts that mu.t be used in the making of a great building. They studied and labored strenuously, untiringly, unselfishly, that the best might be chosen. They labored so that when their work was done the highest utility and the most perfect art of our country would be found. "This building Is distinctly American; it is our state and our country. "Not least of all. they built that here in Indiana there might be a great monument erected to the successes of the Republican party, and to its future good uses; and building thus, they believed, and now know, that at the time of the creation of this monumental building, there would come the most glorious victory and the greatest usefulness of the Republican party. This building is not only a monument memorializing a political history, but It Is a monument in art which will compel the myriads of men of the future who come within its presence, and who live within its walls, to have nobler purposes In life, to see large ambitions and to live up to them, thus disseminate among our people the purpose and virtues that should posses the minds and hearts of men. "These men strove to build so strong of steel and stone that when this new century, lifting its veil to-night, shall have passed away. men. living at its close, shall, like ns. greeting the dawn of yet another century, sit in these halls and celebrate themselves In Its rast history. "IT you. members of the Columbia Club approve, and If you deem these men to have striven well, then our institution. Its home, our house, is builded on a rock.' "Mr. President, and Mr. Griffiths representing the directorate, the building committer desires to bear testimony to you. and others helping strong men among us, of FAIR AND COLD. Wntlcr Forecast for FIrt nnd Second l)n of Xctv Century. WASHINGTON", Dec. 31. Forecast for Tuesday and Wednesday: For Indiana and Illinois Fair; continued cold on Tuesday" and Wednesday; fresh northerly winds. For Ohio Fair Tuesday, except snow flurries near the lakes; cold wave. Wedr.es diy fair and cold: fresh westerly winds. For Lower Michigan Fair Tuesday; colder in eastern portion. Wednesday fair; continued cold: fresh northerly winds. " L.oenl Olinervntf nM on Monday. Bar. Ther. H.H. Wind. Weather. Pre. 7a.m..E.S3 33 10 S'west Lt Snow. 0.0G 7 p. m..Zi).-J3 17 S3 West. Lt Snow. 0.01 Maximum temperature, 35; minimum temperature. 17. The following Is a comparative statement of the mean temperature and total precipitation for Dec. 3i: Temp. Pre. Normal , 31 o.M Mean M 0.07 Departure 3 0.03 Departure ince Dec. 1 7 1.74 Departure since Jan. 1 473 4.51 Plus. C. F. R. W A P PEN HANS, Local Forecast Official. Yesterday Temperaturen.
Stations. ilia. Max. 7 p.m. Chicago. Ill S 24 s Cairo. IU 3tl Zi 2d Cheyenne, yo 4 g Cincinnati. 0 2) 4) so Concord! Ivan 3 14 s Davenpait, Ja 4 ' u 4 Des Molr.es. I J 0 18 4 Kan.a City. Mo 4 14 It) Bit!. Rock. Ark 31 i 34 Memphis, Tenn Zl 44 CG 'Nashville. Ttnn SS 45 3 Ncrth Platte. Neb S U 3 Oklahoma, O. T 12 30 is Uft.aha. Neb 2 Z2 X rutburg. Pa 3; 44 4J Rit-M City. B. I) ;i 6 ' liiu l-alce City 2 15 ' ti'.. i.mls. Mo H ZZ 10 ' I: principle!. Ill i U 1) . fcrlngneld. Mo 14 1") 14 Ylckurg. Ml-.: 44 ;j tu Washinsion, I). C 31
Cold Wrnther J:i the Went. Dispatches from Denver. Omaha. Kansas City, St. Paul, Iks Mul.u and elsewhere !y th new century wiu u .4 lured in with cM v eat h. r and snowstorm.
our sineer.; heartfelt appreciation of your thoughtful, neverfailing work, throughout tn many months of arduous labor that the erection of this structure has involved. Anu hire in the presence of these men of busint.-s. cf state, of church, of art. of literature, of science and of war, whose presence here to-night dedicates this institution, we now formally deliver to your charge and trust for the future, not alone this noble building, but its sublime uses, for our State and our country." PO Till: IJIHUCTOItATK.
John I ftrimthn Accepts iv Clubhouse from Building Committee. "The Directorate" was the subject on which John L. Griffiths spoke, and he said: "On behalf of the board of directors I accept with very great pleasure thl3 unexpected gift, it comes with peculiar -appropriateness at the Christmas t'.de when the world is hui.g with mistletoe aid holly and good cheer, when the yu!? hg glovs fnd peace and contentment abide In Ihe hearts of men. While the members of the building committee were invested with certain powers by the stockholder of the Columbia Club, the loving care and intelligent lidelity with which tn-?y have discharged their nigh trust mikei this splendid structure in 11 sense, a fl from Ihern. lt is the product of their r.tP'-i and sympathy and love. They raw a vision of beauty and have realized it in a, way that will make our new club home an ever -increasing delight, a perpetual pleasure. The directors, and in speaking for them I speak for the entire club membership, accept this building in the same loving spirit In which the work has been prosecuted. The perfect harmony which has existed between the building committee and the board of directors has been especially gratifying. There may have been a minor note of discord now and again as to the color of a drapery or the design of a rug or the form of a chair, but, realizing that these were matters of taste, not of principle, we always talked In a spirit cf brotherly love of art, for art's sake, and came to a beautiful conclusion. "I cannot refrain at this time nnd In this presence from speaking of that prince of dreamers (dreamers are after a'l the most substantial of men). Franklin W. Hays. His faith has never faltered. His courage has never failed. Laughing at difficulties, inspiring others with his own enthusiasm and seeing the end from the beginning, he has persevered and triumphed. Each of us has a precious part in this building, but to him more than anj-ono else do we owe the original conception and the ilnal consummation. It js a monument to his industry and energy, to hi3 faith and diplomacy and optimism. A club has been defined as an assoclat'on of good fellows. Such indeed must hav-3 been the Mermaid Club in which Shakspeare and Ben Johnson, Chapman and llerrlck, Peaumont and Fletcher indulged In those brilliant Hashes of wit wh'.ch have Illuminated all of the Intervening years and added so much to the gayety of nations. Such indeed must have been the Literary Club when the stately Burke, tni versatile Garrick, the courtly Iteynolds, the lovable Goldsmith and the learned Dr. Johnson met at the old Turk's tavern and gossiped about men and women and the fashions of the day, about affairs of state, the wonderful impersonations of Garrick and the probable success of 'She Stoops to Conquer A SOCIAL. ELEMENT. . "All clubs must have the social element, but a political club, in addition to being an association of good fellowship, must be composed of earnest men working intelligently and enthusiastically together for the realization of noble purposes. The Columbia Club started right. It was born in the campaign of 1SSS and followed to victory that peerless leader, that matchless statesman, whose words of wisdom and power spoken in the most perfect English of his day, whose deeds of valor and high renown, have endeared him to lovers of liberty and justice and righteousness the wide world over Benjamin Harrison. The Columbia Club has continued right. It la proud to number among its honorary members the man who has been surrounded with greater embarrassments than have environed any President since the days of Abraham Lincoln. Paying- no attention to criticism or slander, turning neither to the right nor to the left, with unselnsh patriotism and lofty heroism, he has faithfully performed each appointed task William McKinley. We rejoice that the Columbia Club Is a Republican club that it is loyo.1 to the principles of that party of consistency, constancy and courage, which for nearly half a century has enacted all of our benettcent constructive legislation and has adequately met each emergency as lt has arisen in peace and war. Through its intelligence and patriotism and statesmanship the national domain has been enlarged and the national honor preserved. It has steadfastly refused to listen to any suggestion that might debase our currency and has strenously stood for a dollar which Is without variableness or shadow of turning, the same yesterday, to-day and forever. It Is a party of convictions and follows wheresoever duty beckons. Should it ever accept expediency for a guide it will always have a brilliant past, but a distressing and disastrous future. It will continue in power as long as it avoids unholy alliances with combinations of selfish men Who strive for personal gain instead of for the general good. The number of square miles of territory or the showing of the census tables tell nothing of the history of a people, of its privations and sufferings, of its joys and sorrows, of its struggles and achievements. AVhenwe sing 'Our country, tls of thee," we do not think of the stock exchange, but of the Mayflower, of that day at Lexington and that other day at Appomattax and of all the glorious days between when brave men and saintly women have agonized and triumphed in tho name of liberty, fraternity, equality. MONUMENT'S SIGNIFICANCE. "The significance of yonder monument is not the beauty of the shaft, but what it commemorates the heroism of the silent victors who counted no sacrifice too great that the Nation might live. This beautiful building is not tha Columbia Club, but simply its home, as the body Is the dwelling place of the soul. It Is what we may accomplish in the steadying of the civic conscience, in the purification of political ideals and in the ennobling of citizenship that will Justify our being Th' greatness of a political club must not be measured by the splendor of its material surroundings, but by the value of ths service it renders to its country. What cannot a thousand men. animated by a common hope nnd working to a common end accomplish? They can make and unmake rulers, overthrow kingdoms, establish principalities and change the map of the world. What can a thousand men coming from all parts of our State, representing commerce and agriculture, law and medicine, and theology do when thev are knit together as the Columbia Club? Ihey can direct, aye. create public sentiment. They can make it impossible for corruption to thrive in high places or in low places. They can give good government to the towns and cities of Indiana. They can drlvo boodiers from our common councils and State legislatures. They can clarify the political atmosphere so that it will be free from the foul odors which now infect the air of primal les and nominating conventions. They can revive and sustain a. faith in principle and a conquering enthusiasm which will secure many muchneeded reforms. It is only through associated effort that the proper momentum can be obtained to dethrone bosses, destroy rings, stranglo corruption, stamp out fraud and give the people the contred of their own affairs. A political club should be organized, practical patriotism. It should bring tho scholar from his library, the merchant from his counting room, the farmer from his broad acres, the mechanic from his bench and the lawyer from his brief to mingle their views on public questions, and In a common crucible refine the gold of pure patriotism. All rren should take an active interest in politics. I have scant toleration for the absentee patriot, the - so-called good citizen who never attends a primary, but always criticises the nominations. He is guilty of a cowardly surrender and is unworthy of the suffrage. A GREAT FORCE. "The Columbia Club should, next to the holy church, be the greatest moral force in tlds great commonwealth. We should kindle each other to more generous enthusia.vms. The impulse to right thinking and right doing should flow from mind to mind. Tho Columbia Club must speak frankly and fearlessly and persistently, with spontaneity and energy and emrhasls, on all lubl!e questions. It must be a voice not an echo. It must rf t be swayed by vague i clamatkm or Impassioned" oratory, eo that, becoming hysterical, lt does loollsij thins. When new problems with farreaching eoii!t-ucnceB press for solution lt must not regard them from the sordid plane ot commercialism, but from the lofty level of morality. It must demand thr only fcoöd men be nominated and elected to of
fice and do whatsoever It can to make polltics purer, citizenship safer and our country stronger physically and healthier morally. It must never sound the retreat when it is contending for the right, but always the bugle call advance. It must be patriotic rather than partisan. and consider not so much temporary success as the ultimate triumph of right principles. It must bo Lroad enough in its conceptions to look at thing3 in a large way and not to judge them by petty and fleeting, by shifting and evanescent standards. It must so gain and hold the confidence and affection of the Republican party of Indiana that when It advecates a policy it will arrest attention and coerce investigation. We must give the Columbia Club such a commanding position in the political life of our State and hold it true to such high ideals that all who belong to the club now and all who may join it hereafter will receive a new baptism of patriotism and will not regard it simply as a cozy corner, but as a training place for moral athletes, eager to go forth to battle for clean politics and just measure and true men. If this be the future of the Columbia Club it will live fragrantly In the memories of men after this building shall have passed away, because it will have fought a good fight and kept the faith and opened the way to a larger and saner freedom to a finer recognition of tha duties and responsibilities, of citizenship. Trusting that, as the years come and go, we may rise to higher, ever higher, levels of self-sacriflce and patriotic devotion, the directors wish you, one and all, a happy new century." 3IH. RILEY'S POEM.
The Hoosler Poet's Contribution to the Evening:. James Whitcomb Eilny read a poem on "Monument Place," tvJ h was as follows: A monument for the soldier. And what will ye build it ot. Can ye build it of marble, or brass or bronze. Outlasting the soldiers' love? Can ye trlorlfy it with legencs As grand as their blood hath writ From the inmost ehrine of this land of thin To the uttermost verge of it? And the answer cam: We would build lt Out of our hones made sure. And out of our purest prayers and tean. And cut of our faith secure; We would build it out of the great white truths Their death hath sanctified. And the sculptured forms of the. men in arms. And their faces ere they died. And what heroic figures Can the sculptor carve In stone? Can the marble breast be made to bleed. And the marble lips to moan? Can the marble brow be fevered? And the marble eyes be graved To look their last, as the flag floats past, On the country they have saved? And the answer came: The figures Shall all be fair and brave. And, as befitting, as pure and white As the stars above their grave! The marble lips, and breast and brow Whereon the laurel lies. Bequeath us right to guard the flight Of the old flag In the skies! A monument for the soldiers! . Duilt of a people's love. And blazoned and decked and panoplied With the hearts ye built It of! And see that ye build it stately. In pillar and niche and gate. And high In pose as the souh of those It would commemorate! FUTTIIE OF REPUBLICAN PARTY. Senator Falrbnnkft's Eloquent Address, on This Subject. The toast assigned to Senator Charles W. Fairbanks was: "The Future of the Republican party." In responding he spoke as follows: "Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen The Columbia Club is an honor to the Republican party and an honor to" the State, lt has done much which Is worthy of praise and is capable of great usefulness to the party in the future. L,et its exalted purpose be not perverted. Those who have conceived and carried to successful conclusion this great undertaking are indeed benefactors. All honor to them. "The toast which has been assigned me is a very broad and Important ore. Tho luture of the Republican party I lt has seemed to me that we are fortunate if we meet successfully the questions of the hour and that there is little profit in concerning ourselves too much as to the future. If we meet present duty In an intelligent, manly and courageous way, we need not be greatly disturbed about the future. The Republican party has in this manner met every problem which has engaged its attention during its splendid history. "This is indeed a propitious hour. We stand upon the dividing line between two gTeat centuries the one great In arduous deeds done, in history- written; the other mighty in possibilities, in things to be. The Republican party can look upon the good old century, which is rapidly fading away, with pride and satisfaction, and upon the new century with hope and confidence. "The old century! What a mighty century it has been! About midway, the Republican party was born, and made luminous its second half. It enlarged the meaning of liberty. It gave to freedom a significance unknown to the immortal founders of the Republic. It wrote a brilliant chapter with the sword and established our industrial supremacy among the nations of the earth. It raised our flag in honor among the great powers. A FAVORABLE OMEN. "It is indeed a favorable omen that the twentieth century, which has already entered our eastern gates, will witness the Republican party in the ascendency; net a decrepit party, not a mere political reminiscence, but a party In the very flush of power, radiant with hope and high purpese, commissioned anew by the American people." The great German chancellor, Bismarck, once said: 'Germany has no power to fear except the wrath of Almighty God.' "Wo may appropriate this utterance without vain glory. We realize, however, that boastfulncss is vulgar, that real strength is its own herald. Yet, as we stand at this supreme historic hour, we may be pardoned a word as to our greatness. Our power which is to be found in our vast domain and in our marvelous material development is not our chief glory. Our charity and our humanity are our principal evidences of national grandeur. "Naturally, increased power brings added responsibility. The problems of the twentieth century will tax the genius, and courage and patriotism of the Republican party. The questions immediately beforo u!t do not Invite repose. Many of them will continue to be vital, living questions far Into the future. What we have done lr. the rast Is of little matter. Our continued ascendency must depend upon tho skill and the success with which we meet the increasing and Inexorable demands of the years to come. The high record we have made will not greatly aid us; it will rather serve to make our path more ditlicult, for more will be expected of us. The higher we have arisen, the higher wo, must rise. "Under Republican administration the zone of American influence has been greatly enlarged. We are more In touch with the powers than ever before. The warning of Washington agr.lnst entangling alliances abroad must not go unheeded. It will continue to be of living force. We must cultivate a sense of international justice, giving always what we would demandexacting that which we would concede. The golden rule is a wise code of International ethics. If we would command a just measure of the world's commerce we must win and hold the world's respect by exalted International precept and practice. SENSE OF SECURITY. "We hav2 an abiding sense of security against alien assaults. Our institutions are not In peril from abroad. They mus' be secure from perils within. Our sense of justice must keep pace with our expanding power. We must see to it that right and rrisht dwell as in perpetual wedlock. The Nation is in no danger, no matter how numerous Its population nnd great its material resources, if the people are pervaded with a sense of justice and parties which control the government are actuated alone by high motives. There will indeed be great necessity In the future of a party of self-restraint. The Republican party had its birth in a quickened national conscience. Its immortal founders dedicated it to the cause of human liberty, the highest and best interests of the people. It must continue to bo true to -the ideals and purposes of its founders and to the great men who have raised it to Its present proud eminence. One of the greatest of these sits at this board, possessing the admiration and respect of his grateful countrymen. He has made a brilliant page in the country's history which time will not efface. "Few intelligences are so acute that they can penetrate far into the future. We
must read the Republican party's future in its mighty past and earnest present. We will hnd its truthful prophecy in its incomparable achievements. It enters the new century without schism. It needs neither a committee upon reorganization nor a committee upon revision of its confession of faith. It will continue to be a party of broad sympathies, the advocate of human liberty and the inflexible foe to sectional, race or class spirit. Class has no place in its patriotic principles, for class is the fruit of empire, the enemy of the Republic. It will continue to be the protector of both labor and capital the two mighty pillars upon which our social and political fabric rests. The party which would pull down cither invites both to hopeless ruin. The party which does not comprehend this is deficient In statesmanship and is an enemy to the Republic. It will hold the interests of all the people and the perpetuity of the Republic to be its chief aim. It will extend the hand of hospitality to all who desire good government nnd who believe in political righteousness. It will have no congenial place in its ranks for the political charlatan or the timeserving demagogue, who should be avoided as a pestilence. It will promote social order and will inculate a generous respect for the law by enforcing It. Lawbreakers, both large and small, will be made to know that they are each alike amenable to law. Those who betray public trust must not escape speedy punishment In full measure for their betrayal. The Republican party will enforce economy in public expenditures. It will safeguard the ballot; denounce the gerrymander, and practice as well as preach the doctrines so forcibly enunciated in the Declaration of Independence. It has stood for those things which promote the highest honor and glory of the Republic: it will continue to stand for the national faith at home and abroad. WILL. BE CONTESTED. "We should not forget that Republican advance has been made against persistent and formidable opposition and that its future supremacy will be sharply contested. It will not abandon the contest it has made In the interest of a sound monetary system, which is the foundation rock of commercial success. Good government and good money must co-exist. The dollar current is essentially a Republican dollar and it must be preserved without taint or tarnish. Wo must not forget that there arc those who still proclaim their opposition to it upon the theory that it is violative of sound monetary laws and that it is in contravention of good morals. They have served notice that the war against it is to be continued. This, Indeed, must be so, if their professfons have been mad-s in good faith and if they have the courage of their convictions. The contest for tho mastery between good money and debased money is not at an end. The scattered forces of the army of repudiation will be rallied for another charge, but to again be repulsed. "The development and expansion of our industries justifies the wisdom of Republican policies. We have advanced so that our Industrial supremacy is unchallenged. We are committed to principles of protection, but not in schedules. Schedules will be adJusted as time and experience will dictate and with a due regard always to the interests of our own labor and capital. "The Republican party will In the new century cut the narrow isthmus which divides the Atlantic from the Pacific and fulfill the long cherished hope of the American people in the construction of a canal in the interest of the United States and of mankind a canal constructed by the American people and under their undisputed control. This stupendous work, the like of which in its vastness is nowhere to be found, will be undertaken under Republican auspices in the no distant future. GREAT PRODUCTIVITY. "Our tremendous productivity, surpassing our domestic needs, invites the extension of our commerce into and beyond the seas, not by the sword, but by peaceful methodJ. We will cover the high seas with our merchantmen, so that our flag will become familiar upon the vessels of peace In the ports of the world. In what manner we shall reclaim our lost prestige I shall not undertake to say, but permit me to express tho belief that it will in good time be acccmpllshcd In the national interest and consistently- with national honor, and that the countless millions contributed to the foreign carriers of our commerce will be retained in tho United States. The Republican party will in an intelligent way, in a statesmanlike wayim(Mrtake the extension of our commerce into all countries, thereby enlarging tho field of American opportunity in tho interest of American worklngmen, of American capital. Perhaps the field of largest promise for the moment is in and beyond tho Pacific. The Pacific, that 'vast ampithcater, in the words of Garfield, 'around which shall sit In majesty and power the two Americas, Asia, Africa and tho chief colonies of Europe. In that august assemblage of nations tho United States will bo "easily chief" if she fill worthily the measure of her high destiny.' "There are more peoples under the flag to-day than ever before. There are those who have been strangers to us. Our flag has delivered them from imperial rule. We must deal with them; we must have a care for them. They have not hitherto tasted of the fruits of liberty. They know not the beneficent ways of republican government. We must secure to them the amplest fruits of the Republic, and In good time they will come to reverence it as their deliverer from imperialistic rule and find in lt the assurance and guaranty of freedom and civilization. "The future of the Republican party! What splendid possibilities lie before it! Will It be true to its traditions? Will it be true to its opportunities? It will live as long as it serves well the country and it should live no longer. It is a means, not. an end. It is an instrument for the advancement of good government and we should no more consent to its debasement than we would -welcome national degredation. Those in whom the thought of personal aggrandizement Is uppermost, should not be permitted to control Its destiny. If we would have pure government we must have a pure party; one whose sole aim is to promote wholesome administration. "Washington in his immortal farewell address exhorted his countrymen against tho excesses of party spirit. Webster pointed out the peril to the foundations of our institutions if party be substituted for country. We will not forget that the power cf the Republican party abides with the people; that as much as we love the party, our country must bo tho real object of our concern and that our power will endure only as we shall truly serve it. Republicanism and Americanism must ever be synonomous. "New Issues will arise, new questions will divide the people, of which we know not now. Tho Republican party will be found espousing those issues and those questions which make for the stability, the honor and the welfare of the country. It must hold fast to those great fundamental doctrines of human liberty for which our fathers stood: for the rights of all and tho equality of oil !efore the law. If It advocates principles and policies which will square with these wholesome truths, the years of its power and supremacy are unnumbered, and its beneficent influence unmeasured."
NOXRKSIDENT MKMI1ERS. James Stutcsmnn, of Pern, Speaks for Them. "Tho Nonresident Member" way discussed in an able maner by James F. Stutesman, of Peru, who said:. "Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen I bespeak your forbearance In this matter and beg you to attribute any lack in this response to tho congenital diffidence of a rustic visitor to the capital, emphasized by the majestic beauty of the facade anl the exquisite taste shown in the mural adornment and garniture of the interior of this beautiful edifice. It is most creditable to its projectors and to those who have given their time, talents and energies to bringing the original conception to such an adequate realization. It is indeed a monument, fit'y commemorative. In wandering delightedly amid these spacious precincts, so conveniently adapted, tho suggestion to the rural visitor is inevitable, however, that, under tho spell of such luxurious envwonment. the spirit of the club may partake too much of the rich tapestries and frescoes and become aristocratic and finally effete. And it may, therefore, become the special province of the nonresident member, fresh from the remote county, truo type of the plain ieople, at intervals to biing a whiff of the 'green fields and running brooks Into the club, to sweeten and purify the atmosphere of its deliberations. "But. seriously, I do not apprehend such a tendency. I believe the character of its mt ruber: hip will prevent this club from becoming either a Union League or Tammany. Its objects are well donned, its Ideals aro high, its purposes patriotic, and we should strive to realize and make practical its declaration of principles. .It may not bo Inappropriate, therefore, for me. speaking for tha nonresident membership.
to submit a few observations to our urban brethren on matters purely political. "It shall not be my purpose to discourse learnedly on an ideal and unpractical citizenship, or to theorize on a new scheme of government, national. State, or municipal. I will leave that for the Bellamys and Debses and Bryans and other eminent social reformers, who affect to believe, with Hamlet, that the 'time is out of joint,' not realizing that it Is a whoel In their own gearing that is not running true. To every individual attaches a grave responsibility In this matter of citizenship to which he should be keenly alive. In our own country is this emphasized more than in any other, and lt is an axiom in governmental as in natural science, that the cbaracicr of tho whole depends exclusively'on Its constituent parts. ONE PHASE OF CITIZENSHIP. "I shall only attempt to discuss one phaso of citizenship, but it Is ono of the most important and fundamental the voting franchise. There 13 no proper evasion of the right of suffrage by those to whom it Is accorded. The majority of every community in this country, I take It, i3 composed of decent, law-abiding people; if It were not so tho fabric of our social economy could not long endure. , "The duty of the citizen to record his opinions on all questions of public policy, local and national, Is enjoined by the Constitution. Every good citizen should attend the primary as conscientiously as the prayer meeting. It is not only a privilege, but a duty. I have a comprehensive and cumulative contempt for the political Pharisee, who, with enlarged and conspicuous phylactery and with the hem of his garment drawn close about him, stands on the street corners with eyes upraised to heaven, piously giving thanks that he is not as other men are, and then fails to attend the ward meeting! Tho so-called better class of citizens are negatively responsible for abuses that exist in municipal. State and national politics. Primaries and elections are frequently manipulated and controlled by political thug3 and wardheelers, because better men stay away, fearing to be contaminated by the filth from the so-called 'dirty pool of politics.' "Whenever the right minded, patriotic people in any community get together and assert themselves unitedly, they can control and dictate, but where they are indifferent and disorganized, they are invariably defeated. John Stuart Mill says in his essay on liberty that 'though society is not founded on a contract, every one who receives the protection of society owes a return for the benefit.' Every citizen owes something to the community in which he lives. This debt cannot be paid by becoming an object of public or private charity, but there are those who have been temporarily deprived of their rights, or aro unable to exercise them. "We cheerfully assume their social and political obligations. We decline to take on those of the competent but indifferent. The latter are the more' culpable. In the same essay quoted above, the author says: 'Human beings owe to each other help to distinguish the better from the worse, and encouragement to choose from the former and avoid the latter. They should be forever stimulating each other to increased exercise of their higher faculties, and increased direction of their feelings' and aims towards wise, Instead of foolish, elevating, instead of degrading, objects and contemplations He was not a Christian, but he was a good citizen. "The Duke of Argyll, in his 'Reign of Law,' says: 'It is the most difficult of all problems in the science of government to determine when, where and how it is wise to Interfere by the authority of law with tho motives which are usually called the natural motives of men. But when the laws have been written in the statute bcoks, executive officers have no right
I to discriminate In their enforcement. They taue an oatn to eniorce xne laws, anu they should do it impartially. They are then relieved of all responsibility, because if the law is unjust it is not the fault of the officer. It has been pertinently said that the easiest way to repeal an obnoxious law is to enforce it. ABOUT ROOSEVELT. "Theodore Roosevelt, whose courage and Integrity certainly no one will doubt, when chairman of the Board of Folico Ccmmlsslones of New York brought upon himself terrific denunciation for simply enforcing the law. Mark you, not persecuting, but prosecuting. He said at that time: 'The Police Board stands squarely in favor of the honest enforcement of the law. Our opponents of every grade and of every shade of political belief take the position that government officials, who have sworn to enforce the law, shall violate their oaths whenever they think it will please a sufficient number of the public to make the violation worth while. All that we did was to enforce these laws, not against some wrongdoers, but honestly and impartially against all wrongdoers. Looked at soberly, this scarcely seems a revolutionary proceeding; and still less does it seem like one which needs an elaborate Justification. This from a man who, as he says himself, is not an impractical theorist, but a practical politician, and successful withal. "Mr. James Bryce, in the American Commonwealth, says 'there is no denying that the government of cities is the one ccnsplcuous failure in the United States,' and goes on to tell why he thinks so, but observes at the close of the chapter that 'No one who studies the municipal history of the last decades will doubt that things are better than they were twenty years ago. The newer frames of government are an improvement upon the older. Rogues are less audacious. Good citizens are more active.' If we admit then that municipal shortcomings and abuses exist the remedy should be applied when opportunity offers. I have already suggested that the responsibility ought to be further divided. Every voter should be a politician, very citizen who pays taxes ought to know why he is being taxed and what the money Is used for, and the heaviest taxpayers ought to be willing to fill municipal offices. Those who .stand aloof and take no part have no right to criticise the actions of those who do, and impute corrupt motives to them. "But the masses are easy going. The civic conscience Is notably lethargic. The neglect and indifference of those who have the greatest interest In good government is so notorious that it is a matter of general comment. Bryce says along this line: 'It may seem a trivial illustration to observe that when a railway train is late, or a wagon drawn up opposite a warehouse door stops the horse car for five minutes, the passengers take the delay far more coolly and uncomplainingly than Englishmen would do. But the feeling is the same as that which makes good citizens bear with the tyranny of bosses. It is all in the course of nature. What is an individual that he should make a fuss because he loses a few minutes, or is taxed too highly? The sense of the immense multitude around him presses down the Individual; and, after all, he reflects, 'things will come out right in the end. Consequently the law is defied with impunity, the city 13 designated as wide open, where everything goes, until finally and Inevitably the violations are to flagrant and the violators are so arrogant that the people bestir themselves, invoke the enforcement of the laws, and check the dangerous tendency. MACHINE IN TOLITICS. "I am a great believer In the machine in politics. The machine is merely an organization, and without organization there Is no progress. You should always be particular to be one of the working parts of the machine yourself, so that you can have all knowledge and share all responsibility. The individual citizen Is the unit of government, and if affairs of state are not properly administered primarily lt is his fault. In a representative form of government like ours all power Is delegated, not inherited. Hence officeholders are our servants, not our masters. When they behave net seemly nor In proper accord with the spirit of our institutions, tho exclusive power to correct and coerce Is lodged In he citizen, the enfranchised unity, the fcoverelgn power of the Republic. We hear much of a primary election law. Small ned for It If every man would do his whole political duty. I believe we are more considerate of our political rights in the county than In the city, but these remarks must bo construed in no sense as a diatribe or unkind criticism. They are merely suggestive. "Indianapolis, the beautiful. Is our capital as well as yours. I think In no State do all the Interests of its people. In large treasure, to happily converge in its chief city as in Indiana. Here is the political, commercial. Industrial, and in slighter degree, tho intellectual clearing house. The Columbia Club Is destined to wield a very powerful Influence In the affairs of the Republican party, and consequently of the State, because I believe we may hereafter put Indiana reliably in the Republican column. Upon us, therefore, devolves a great responsibility, which we will meet with high hopes, and the courage of conviction.
Let us, as Washington advised, 'raise a standard hero to which the wise and honest can repair.' Do not make the mistake of attempting to control organizations and dictate candidates, but formulate policies and mold opinions rather. Erect here a political shrine where the pilgrim from the outlying provinces may leave a votive offering occasionally ami receive therefor much valuable advice and suggestion, with a modicum of food and drink on the side. There is no pessimism In my political creed. A pessimist has been defined as a man who, when given the choice of two evils, chooses both! I am a most persistent and persevering optimist, and believe with a certain wise man who said Uiat 'although it is confessed that American society Is not perfect, yet a bombshell thrown down among its citizens falls among the best men the world has j'et created, and among the truest principles which have ever comprised the Constitution of States.' All hall then, to the outlook of the Columbia Club, and I here confidently predict that in the future activities of this great organization the nonresident member will bear a conspicuous and edifying part. "May we all follow, therefore, the precepts of Justinian to 'live honestly, hurt nobody and give every man his due.' and give heed to the admonition of Daniel Webster to 'let our object bo our country, our Ynole country and nothing but our country.' "
HUGH II. HANXA'S WORDS. He DIsenases 'The Dusines Mnn in Politic!." Hon. Hugh II. Ilanna responded to the toast, "The Business Man in Politics." He said: "The subject to which I respond Is broad indeed. All Americans are business men, therefore the business man In politics means the American In politics. In truth, I suppose I am to stand for the rank and file, for the plain soldiers who battle for principles and rest only to battle again, for the army of patriots upon whose guiding cloud by day is set the flag upon whose pillar of fire at night Is written unselfish patriotism and whose reward is the consciousness of 'duty well done.' "I claim to understand how to value the great bacrlfice Incident to conscientious service in Official life, and at a chosen time would gladly declare it, but my appreciation of it is shadowed or dimmed in that, tonight, I avail myself of the opporunlty to glorify the services of the volunteer the business man. If you please, I will refer to but one phase, and that the glorious privilege of his service. Service of the State is service of the people the people are our nighbors in a nighborhood as wide as the Union. To hopefully make common cause with your neighbor for righteous principles is. Indeed, peculiarly an American inspiration. Well-directed good intention for tha real benefit of all the people, in time, engages sucessfully the support of the American in politics; for, stripped of misguided partisanship, the American loves his country. He is a patriot. We boast of the freedom of our citizenship, but of all our liberties there is no privilege so sacred as the generous service of the State. "Permit me to exalt the too frequently misunderstood and much despised, but glorlus word 'servant.' The servant of the people for righteousness is the grandest ideal of Americanism. The membership list of the Columbia Club is a list of names of business men. A body of such men organized for a high purpose has almost unlimited power for good. To what purpose do we dedicate this grand building to-night? If it is Intended to consecrate this great organization and dedicate this beautiful property ti the cause of the people of Indiana and the Union, then, again the possible benefit to the people is immeasurable. "The caisson upon which the foundation and superstructure of this great organization and temple rise must be set in the concrete of patriotic integrity. The power of this club must be consecrated in lofty spirit to influencing and guiding the people to true principles and issues in their own honest interests. Gentlemen, I beg of you to realize the glorious privilege of personal sacrifice in unselfish support of the best Interest of the people our neighbors In a neighborhood as wide as the Union." CONGRESS OF UNITED STATES. Representative Overstreet TonU that - - Branch of Government. Representative Overstreefs response to the toast, "The Congress of the United States," was as follows: "The Congress of the United States is tho workshop of the Nation. Applause. We approach the portals of the chief executive and stand uncovered. The crown of the king or the robe of an emperor have not as much of the power of government as the simple garb of democracy in wh'ch our chief executive is clothed,, because whatever may have been the differences of political opinion prior to an election the commission of the people makes him always our President. Applause. We stand at the threshhold of the Suprenne Court with reverent respect and admiration. Within sits the greatest body which has been given to any government. It is perhaps the only body in existence which has at all times maintained absolutely its integrity and, uniform reputation, and yet whatever may be the differences bf Judgment among distinguished lawyers and the men at large of the country, whenever a law has been construed or interpretated by that body it becomes the edict of the American people and is accepted universally as such. "And yet, however dignified the chief executive and powerful in his capacity, however revered and honored the Supreme Court of the government, neither can oprate, construe or administer until the laws shall first have been made by the Congress of the United States. That body stands sometimes, perhaps, without dignity, and yet clothed with all power. We are accustomed to say that a physician holds absolutely in his control his case because he is familiar both with the disease and the remedies. Such is the President, who shapes his policies and puts into effect those policies. ALWAYS IN THE LIGHT. "The Supreme Court may sit as the chancery, taking its own time in which to work out Its problems and hand down Its decisions. Not so the Congress of the United States, because it Is always In the flashlight of the public eye. It has no secrets which are not known to every. voter in the land. It stands as the object of criticism; it is upon the storm cloud and upon the tumultous wave. Its purposes are known often times by tho people as readily as by itself. It has no time in which to shape its affairs except the time which the people control as well as it, and yet in that confusion which the storm brings it muft deliberate upon those questions which afterward become crystallzed in the law. These people become often times the objects of contempt and criticism by the prejudiced partisan press, but standing always with a purpose true to their convictions they take a part of that courage which the people give and some of their fear, and through it all they undertake to carry forward the purposes and policies which they represent. "It has been said that this people is always sitting in committee of the whole, end in a measure that is true. But in a larger measure it el true that the Congress of the United States, while still the forum for American debate, is the clearing house of American thought upon public questions and the people render a trial balance every two years. And when we stop to consider the embarrassments of their surroundings, when we render the constituancles from which they come. It is a wonder that more mistakes are not made instead of the fact that a few are charged to them. For who are they? They come from a country of 70,000.000 people. Ours is a land whose confines are almost limitless so far as modern commerce and thought can go. We have a ieople bordered by the two oceans, a heterogenlous people speaking one tongue. Within our borders are the Intelligent, persistent English: the plodding ever successful Germans, the energetic Irish, the excitable French. We have the confidence of the Protestant and the fidelity of the Catholic all molded into one unit, one jkmpie, seaking one tongue, living under one flag with a common destiny. A VAST COUNTRY. "Even our country of contlgious territory is one . upon which the sun never sets for he scarcely Withdraws his gildings from the snowcapped peaks of the Sierras when the song birds of Eastern Maine herald the approach of dawn. Yet that people Is divided Into forty-five cor.stltuances for senatorial purposes and 357 for congressional, and they meet In the dual capacity at a common capital in order to unite upon measures, of public pollclet Xor the public food. A people of that
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POWER Ä5 Distributers for State of Indiana. 43-Shipped to any part of State Telephone 1304. 44 North Pennsylvania N tremendous Intelligence which has fougl, Its way to the forefront of the nations c the earth, a people Intelligent with un' versltles, colleges and public schools, wly a press which always carries the searcl light of criticism upon public officers, thr community of two bodies which must. unit before any law can either be passed t the executive or construed by the Suprerf Court. We depend therefore upon t!r character of intelligence which tue p pie bring to bear upon their law-i?lv for the ultimate success of this govl ment. i "The Congress Is a business body. takes Into consideration of Its affairs t same characteristics which make any .( terprise successful. It Is a patriotic boOsw It -listens to the warnings of the people. and then undertakes to mold that opinion into law, and taking to account the varied and conflicting interests of these 4M con etituencies, remembering the interests which they have locally, lt is not to be wondered that compromise must be tho a. m -.-a. a a. a . result in many cases, vui me American people, giving credit where credit is due, remembering that they must encourage as well as criticise, has lt j'et to be said to their credit that whatever may be the temporary waves of disappointment, that the history of this government marks the progress of it through the Congresses from the foundation of the Republic until tho great government stands in the forefront among the nations of the earth. TIIC XEW CEXTUItY. Senator Albert J. Deverldse'a .Hlo Qaent llrmnrka on Tbl a Theme. Senator Albert J. Beveridge responded to 1 "The Twentieth Century" in an eloquent manner, as follows: j "Mr. President Before responding to the ") toast which the committee has assigned to me, I cannot refrain from saying a ) word in the way of acknowledgment of ; the debt we all owe to the man whose J constructive mind, heart of purpose and J singleness of devotion to this club has so largely contributed to making this beautiful bullding. Franklin XV. Hays has, byj' common consent, stood in the forefront oZ this great work, sacrificing time, energy, V thought, to give to this association a home unrivaled In convenience and splendor among tho clubhouses of the world. And, altering the expression of the sentiment. To the victors belong the spoils.' to suit tho occasion, to-wit: To the deserving belong the honors,' we all honor our fellownumber. Dr. Hays, and none honor him so much I am sure as his fellow-commltteo-men who have aided him vo faithfully, and to whom almost equal credit and honor Is due. " "Mr. President, the committee haT"RötU fled me that I am to speak of The Twentieth Century,' a very small and circumscribed subject, you will admit. The twentieth century will be American. Jach hour the world is growing smaller; each hour America is growing greater. On the one hand, tho telegraph, tho railway, the steamship and all tho agencies of communication which are bringing continents within hall of continents; on the other hand, the reproductive vitality of the American people (each generation larger and more vital than its parent), tho conftructivo energy of tho American poplo which enables a. fraction of us to rais und make more than all of us can use, the administrative and governing capacity of the American people inherent In their blood and evolved from tho whole experience of our race, the beginning of the decline of the Kreat twwers of the world and the unriie'ness of the only people that can possibly contest the futuro with us all these geographical, industrial and human facts llr America In the place of primacy among the nations throughout that great period of which the twentieth century Is tho beginning. "Prophecy, Mr. President, has ever seemed extravagant to those who think that present conditions are eternal, and that no human wisdom can possibly be an improvement upon their own. And et If we take the advance of the nineterntii cenlury as a premise, and the Incredulous hostility with which each advance was received, still further advance in the dawning century may be reasoned out wilhla tho limln of conservative thought, WAS FARSCCINO. 'Thomas Jefferson was farseelng; ariA yet, even before we acquired IuUlana he told Congress in a careful message hat we then had territory enough to supply our posterity to the thousandth generation; but now, in the fourth generation from Jefferson, with eighty millions cf in-ople. who, with a continent for a home, ar i till reaching out to the inlands of tha u.a... . . , Ka m ot the razeeing Jefferson. Jcsian U" declared on the floor of CongTef acquisition of. that imperial' known as the Iullana stroxed the fundamental ,y the Republic was fov.n lnir Dowers fatal to f; with that wildem; public, with the developed tren stroylng the N. so knit togeth. of states a sir perceive how
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