Indianapolis Journal, Volume 50, Number 276, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 October 1900 — Page 4

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THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1900.

THE DAILY JOURNAL

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Persona tending the Journal through the mails In the United States should put on an eight-para paper a ONE-CENT postage stamp: m a twelva or sixteen-page paper a TWO-CENT post a are stamp. Foreign postage Is usually double these ra les. All communications Intended for publication In this paper must. In order to receive attention. h accompanied by the name and address of the writer. Rejected manuscripts will not be returned unless postage is Inclosed for that purpose. Entered as second-class matter at Indianapolis, in j., postefflce. TIIC INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can be found at the following places: NEW YORK Astor House and Fifth-avenue Hotel. CHICAGO Palmer House, P. O. News Co., 217 Dearborn street. CINCINNATI J. IL Hawley & Co.. 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE C. T. Deering, northwest corner of Third and Jefferson streets, and Louisville Look Co.. Fourth avenue. ET. LOUIS Union News Company, Union DepotWiSIflVriTftV T r t?loo-a Wao TK. ' klOO 4VU0V WS Uoum and Willard's Hotel. TO CITY SUBSCRIBERS. Owing to the errat Increase of city subscribers since the redaction In price of The Journal it has been necessary to Increase the number of carriers and reroute the city. Subscribers not receiving their papers regularly are requested to notify the otflce. If the carrier falls to put the paper where you vrant it let us know. If yon fall to receive the paper notify us and vre will send you one by special messenger Immediately. It Is the wish of the management to make the delivery of the paper thoroughly satisfactory In every respect. Iloth telephones 238. Mr. Olney is the only member of the Cleveland Cabinet who has declared for Mr. Bryan. It was given out that Mr. Wilson had done so, but such is not the case. A patriotic American once said "Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute." Mr. Bryan says "Millions to reclaim arid lands but not one cent to defend the flag." Mr. Bourke Cockran should bo ashamed of himself for repeating, as he does in his speeches, that "McKinley is making war to take territory." lie i3 performing his constitutional duty in suppressing an insurrection in territory already ours. The New York Herald gives an estimate of the electoral vote for President based upon a mid-campaign poll of the country, with the following result: McKinley, 238; Bryan, 1GS, with Indiana, Idaho and Montana, with twenty-one votes, doubtful. This cannot be said to be a Republican boast. The fight is getting most too hot for Republicans to gratify Mr. Iloltzman by putting out their flags to welcome the Hearst show. Many did when Mr. Bryan came to his August "frost." but that was two months ago. During those two months Mr. Bryan has spent much time abusing Republicans So Mr. Bryan tells the people in Minnesota that the Tammany ice trust is harmless. Those poor people who were confronted with a charge of GO cents a hundred pounds against about 20 cents before the trust held a different opinion last June. Mr. Bryan's zeal to defend his Tammany friend lacks discretion. A Chicago delegate to the Democratic Club convention thinks this is a slow town. Yesterday, after viewing the preparations for the carnival on Monument place, he remarked: "Us fellers '11 all be out of town before them arrangements is done." Probably they will, and the town will go right along as If nothing had happened. Bourke Coekran's terrible criticism t of Mr. Bryan four years ago makes it embarrassing for him to say anything complimentary of that candidate, so he makes up for inability in that direction by calling the President an "Oriental despot and a Sultan." Four years ago he denounced Bryan and Alfgeld for conspiring against the Supreme Court; now he talks of the coercion of that tribunal by the Republican President and Congress. "If one-tenth of the money spent in acquiring and controlling the Philippines ihould be expended in reclaiming the arid lands of the West he was sure the return would be a greater sum than would be tt-cured from the Philippines for a thousand years.' This is mere guesswork of the Bryan kind, but is he prepared to say that he would rather the federal government would spend money to reclaim arid land in the West than to establish its authority In the Philippines? Mr. W. J. Bryan, Democratic candidate for the presidency of the United States, has written a sanctimonious little essay or sermon bearing the title "Christianity and Government," which is being circulated as a campaign document, especial attention being given to putting it into the hands of ministers. The sermon begins with this inquiry, "Shall Standard Oil and the water of life mix?" and is followed by this scriptural quotation: "If a man say I love God and hateth his brother, he Is a liar, for he that loveth not his brother, whom he hath seen, how can he love God, whom he hath r.ot seen?" Thus," says Mr. Bryan, "does John in his first epistle denounce those vho pretend to love the Heavenly Father while they hate the earthly brother." Those who hate the brethren and therefore the Almighty, are. It appears, according to this crctd, those who do not approve of an in

come tax, those who are not in favor of free silver, those who do not Indiscriminately denounce trusts, and those who are not opposed to the retention of the Philippines all those, In fact, who have no notion of voting for Mr. Bryan. The writer of this remarkable political document advances no arguments, but interlards his assertions with quotations from the Bible and with scriptural allusions in a way that must nauseate every reader who possesses an atom of common sense and the simplest Instincts of propriety. Such hypocritical twaddle makes a variety of campaign literature that will work against rather than for the party that circulates it. MR. BRYAN SHOWING OUT HIS CHARACTER. As the campaign progresses Mr. Bryan's speeches become more undignified, more flippant, more demagogical and more mendacious, lie is either losing his self-control or is becoming convinced that his defeat is Inevitable, and Is therefore getting reckless and showing out his true character without regard to consequences. Ills speeches in Minnesota on Monday were not only devoid of fair argument but wero full of false statements, unfounded charges and demagogic appeals to popular ignorance and prejudice. Thus, in one speech he said: "What domestic reason is there for a large army? They want to build a fort near every large city and have the army there to suppress by force that discontent that ought to , be cured by legislation." Now, nobody is proposing a large army. At present the regular army is limited by Haw to 65,000 men and 55,000 volunteers, and the law provides that the increased regular and volunteer force shall not continue In service after July 1, 1901. Mr. Bryan calls this army of limited numbers and limited enlistment a large army, and cays; 'They," meaning the Republicans, "want to build a fort near every large city and have the army there to suppress by force that discontent that ought to be cured by legislation." A candidate for high efflce who talks .this way is a public enemy.. In another speech he said: 'The only way of distinguishing a good trust from a bad trust, according to the Republican idea, is to go to the trust for a campaign contribution; If the trust gives liberally it is good; if it gives stingily it is bad." Now, everybody knows there are Democratic trusts as well as Republican trusts, and perhaps some of both have contributed to campaign funds, though nobody has any information on the subjecL But Mr. Bryan, a candidate for President, says the only distinction the Republican party makes between good and bad trusts Is between those which give liberally to the campaign fund and those which do not. To the Colored Men's League he said: "When Lincoln lived he wanted to encourage the production of both gold and silver; now the Republicans have no use for silver. He signed the law that created the greenback; now the Republicans are trying to retire the greenbacks." There was no silver question while Lincoln lived, and there is more than fifteen times as rvuch silver coin now in circulation as there was when Mr. Lincoln was elected or at 'ny time during his administration. Mr. Bryan says Mr. Lincoln "signed the law that created the greenback;" so he did, and he accompanied his signature with a message expressing his regret that it was necessary and the hope that in good time the greenbacks would be retired. In the same speech, recurring to the alleged increase of the army, Mr. Bryan said It was "because of the wish to meet the demands of the laboring men in this county with force." If Mr. Bryan believes this to be true he is deficient in common sense; if he makes the statement without believing it he is a demagogue. His speeches of Monday abound with similar statements unworthy not only of a candidate for President but of any man seeking the suffrages of ths people for the lowest office in their gift. As Mr. Bryan loses control of himself his true character comes out.

CONSCIENTIOUS BALLOTS AND OTHERS. In an election for President of the United States every ballot ought to represent the patriotic and conscientious convictions of the voter, but that is far from being the case. A ballot that does not represent conscientious convictions is, to say the least, an unworthy one and next door to a corrupt one. Yet there are hundreds of thousands of voters in the United States whose ballots are absolutely devoid of consience and which represent a mixture of heredity. Ignorance, prejudice, passion, antipathy, greed and blind, unreasoning party fealty. Conscientious ballots would never establish such rule as that of Tammany In New York. Conscientious ballots would never have established Goebellsm in Kentucky. Conscientious ballots would never have nullified the Constitution of the United States in several Southern States and disfranchised hundreds of thousands of voters. . The ballots that have done these things represent elements full of danger to republican government. To make a present application of these views it must be evident to every falrmlndcü person that the. conscience of the country will be mainly represented by the ballots cast for President McKinley and against Mr. Bryan. Whatever else the latter represent, no conscientious voter can claim that he represents the best interests of the country or its people. When a country and people have prospered as thi3 country and people have under the administration of President McKinley and the policies and principles he represents, no intelligent peson can conscientiously relieve that greater prosperity can bo attained by reversing these policies. The ballots that will be cast for Bryan will represent what Tammany stands for, what Goebellsm stands for, what proscription and disfranchisement stand for, what free trade and free silver stand for they will represent Ignorance, heredity, partyism, political passion and prejudice, anything, und everything, but conscience and patriotism. Only the Democratic party would have dared to nominate such a man as Bryan on such a platform as that he stands ,tn. Democratic conventions know Democratic voters. They know that the mass of the party will vote the ticket regardless of platform or candidate not all, but the mass. Therefore they can do things which a Republican convention would not dare do. It is not conceivable that a Republican convention should nominate such a man as Mr. Bryan for President, but if It should, and he should make such an exhibition of himself as he is now doing, he would bo overwhelmingly defeated by Republican votes. The conscience and tho

patriotism of the party would revolt, and the machine which attempted to foist such a man Into the presidential chair would be smashed into atoms. But Bryanites are not built that way. There are so manyether ingredients in the ballots that will be cast for Bryan that there will be no room for conscience or patriotism.

MISSION WORK AND CLOTHES. The custom of most missionaries is to encourage the people among whom they work to wear the clothing of civilization, under the impression, apparently, that there Is some occult connection between such garments and Christianity. This custom has obtained even where the native costume was modest and suited to the conditions of living, the result being that all the distinctiveness and picturesqueness of the wearers is destroyed wherever the change has been made. Take, for Instance, the American Indians of the West and NorthwesL They had originally a distinctive style of dress of which buckskin, fur, blankets and other woven fabrics were the chief component parts, and fringes, feathers and beads the ornaments. The natural mingling of the races, as the white settlements came into their neighborhood, would in time have its Influence in modifying their costumes, and has, of course, had its effect in that direction. Many, however, if left to themselves, would adhere to their native attire, at least to some extent, but on the reservations they are advised, urged and even sometimes ordered to adopt the fashions of the whites. Women who would go about with bare heads or with gay cotton bandages bound over their hair are recommended to buy hats, and are now to be seen going about wearing the cheapest and most tawdry millinery. The wearing of blankets by the men is frowned on severely, and the once proud and haughty braves are reduced to uniform commonplaceness through investment in clothingstore "hand-me-downs." All their picturesqueness is gone, and to what end? They are Indians still, and probably none the better for their modern attire, which, whatever else may be said in its behalf, is not picturesque. In contrast to this course is that followed by the Baptist missionaries in the province of Shan-Tung, in the Interior of China. A German traveler, writing of his tour in a current magazine, relates that all this colony of American missionaries, both men and women, wear the complete Chinese garb, the men even including the pigtails. The reason given for this is that, as few white persons penetrate to the region, the attention of the natives is so taken up by the strange Western costume that they give no heed to what the wearers may say to them. On making this discovery soon after their arrival among them. Dr. Crawford and his wife, pioneers of the colony, at once adopted Chinese attire and have worn it for nearly fifty years. Their procedure is a wise instance of doing in Rome as the Romans do. , In view of the experience of this and other cities in the matter of granting franchises, and In view, also, of the public and private interests involved, the Journal cannot refrain from expressing surprise and regret at the passage of the hot-water heating and lighting franchise by the City Council. The Journal is not sufficiently well informed in the premises to expose the defects of the franchise, nor does it believe any member of the Board of Public Works or the Council is sufficiently well informed to point out its merits. The point is that a franchise of great value, involving the introduction of a new system of heating and lighting that may or not have been fully tested, that may or may not be the best extant, and that may or may not become obsolete in a few years a franchise for twenty-live years and giving large powers and privileges to the grantees, has been granted for a sum which may or may not be a fair equivalent and on conditions that seem to make inadequate provision for the protection of the rights of the city or of individuals. The Journal has no reason to doubt the good faith of the company to which the franchise has been granted or its ability to carry out Its contracts, nor does it blame the company for desiring to accelerate the action of the city authorities. But in matters of this kind those who are asking for franchises do not look after the Interests of the city and the public quite as closely as they do after their own, and If tho city authorities fail to do their whole duty in this regard the people have a right to complain. The timo to safeguard the interests of tho city and people Is before a franchise Is irrevocably granted, and not afterwards. In this case the Journal believes the action has been without full Information or due deliberation, and that the negotiation should, if possible, be held up for further and fuller investigation. There is no necessity for rushing things, as seems to have been done in this case. Mrs. Lease, in her speeches for McKinley, 13 hitting her old Populist brethren hard over the shoulders of the Democrats. In a Nebraska speech she said she was the mother of the Populist party in Kansas, but left it because it became filled up with too many Democrats who entered its ranks for gain. She said that when the Populist house was ready for occupancy degenerate Democrats moved Into the Populist household and sold and bartered the principles of the Populist party for votes. The Populists thus indirectly accused of selling their principles could hardly be pleased with her remarks. Mrs. Iase does not love the Democrats. Speaking of their political doctrines, she said it was State's rights in the time of the civil war. The trust question demanded attention, but "the Tammany, copperhead, bourbon, negro-burning Bryan Democrats had centered all on imperialism." Sister Lease is nothing If not forcible and emphatic. She is drawing big audiences in the West. Senator Beverldge made a good point very clear when he showed that markets are the corner stone of progress and civilization, and that they bring blessings to all classes. An extension of American markets abroad means the extension of American prosperity at home, and as our surplus products are constantly Increasing beyond our capacity for consumption the question of extending foreign markets is a vital one. Word comes that In Nebraska a mysterious man enters a community of Germans and asks for the names of the males between eighteen and forty years, of age, the military period, and goes on without explaining his object, which, it is un

necessary to say, is to make them believe that a draft is Impending. There is alarm among the octopushunters in New York because the leading attorney of the sugar trust has been selected by Croker to preside over the Bryan meeting in New York city. No resident of this congressional district who has at heart the Interests of the district, the State or the country will vote to exchange Representative Overstreet for an untried man. The accession of Senor Sixto Lopez to the Bryan ranks can hardly be called that of a lifelong Republican. Richard Harding Davis closes his South African papers in Scribner's Magazine with an account of 'The Last Days of Pretoria" and ends the account with this despairing utterance: "Still, in spite of his cause, the Boer is losing, and in time his end may come, and he may fall. . But when he falls he will not fall alone; with him will end a great principle, the principle for which our forefathers fought the right of self-gov-ernment, the principle of independence." It Is hardly as bad as that, Richard. Back here in the United States the right yet exists and the principle still lives. But don't let go of your native country, Richard, or there is no telling what may happen to it.

Indianapolis is getting into very gay attire. Visitors to the carnival next week will find the i'magic circle," in particular, a dazzlingly brilliant spot. BUBBLES IN THE AIR. An Ungrateful Father. "David, don't you think our lovely boy will stand a fine chance at the baby show?" "Of course, Clara; enter him in the midnightracket competition." Of Small Troubles. "Wnen gloom doth clutch you, put her byTake not her gift of sorrow; For well you know, though now you sigh, You'll feel all right to-morrow. The aiellovrlnir World. Autumn, again thou drawest near, Bringing the blight time of the year; Yet, while thou stealest summer's pelf. Thou dost console us for thyself. The Wickedest Little Germ. "Microbes attack their victime when they are worn out." "That's so; we read about them until we are dead tired, and then they take a mean advantage of us." Important Science. "That's just the way things go." "What's the matter now?" "Why, somebody has invented an automaton that plays the piano; but nobody Invents one that can cook and wash dishes." Political Conditions In the South. To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: Having read the editorial In your issue of Sept. 29 on "Bryanlsm in the South," I request space in the Journal to submit a few observations from the standpoint of a Northern Republican having property interests in one of the Southern States, and therefore interested in the continued prosperity of the "Southland." While I accord you the fullest sincerity In your statements in regard to the political conditions in the South, yet I must differ with you in your conclusions at least so far as the campaign of D00 Is concerned. I have been traveling in the South almost constantly since 1vj7, and have met and transacted business with a large number of business men in the States of Tennessee. North Carolina, Georgia, Virginia and Alabama, and have been a close and constant reader of the Southern press. I will admit that prior to Bryan's renomlnation at Kansas City trie Southern press was almost unanimously in favor of expansion and against 16 to L The Nashville American and the Atlanta Constitution were the notably strong expansion and antl-16-to-l papers. These two papers now support Bryan and all his isms in order that they may be "regular" and for the "immediate revenue" there is in it. From my observation I am of the opinion that Bryan will not receive the 120 votes of the Southern S.tates "hands down." For once since 135 'the great majority of the business men of the South, and especially of Tennessee, North Carolina , Virginia, Kentucky, West Virginia and northern Georgia and Alabama, have broken away from the professional politicians and will cast their ballots for McKinley and Roosevelt. From my contact with the business men I candidly believe that I am safe in predicting that 70 per cent, of them are with the administration and that they will give it their support at the polls. They openly doclare that they will vote to maintain present conditions. No one but a machine politician In any of the Southern States above named wiii deny the assertion that the South has made more progress and enjoyed more prosperity since 18 than It has during any like period In the last thirty-five years. Its mineral resources, tho richest in the world, have been developed; Its furnaces are in full blast: its factories are running to their full capacity; new coal. Iron ore and phosphate mines are being opened every day: new railroads are building; hundreds of cotton mills have been erected since 1896; cotton has reached a remunerative, price; farm products are bringing better prices than ever before; labor finds constant employment and at better prices, and public and private Improvements are Feen on every hand. To maintain these conditions thousands upon thousands of old-line Democrats will vote for McKinley and Roosevelt, while a large percentage that cannot support Bryan and Stevenson, and will not vote for any Republican, will remain away from the polls on election day. The negro domination question no longer frightens the Southern business men In national politics. The Nashville Banner, Chattanooga Times, Louisville Post, Manufacturers' Record and many other leading Democratic papers In the South are outspokenly and enthusiastically supporting President McKinley. With such information as I am possessed of before me. I predict that McKinley and Roosevelt will receive not less than fifty of the 150 electoral votes from the Southern States. The Southern people are loyal to the flag, and Bryan. Aguinaldo and Carl Schurz have no terrors ror mem. A. R. K. A. Wabash, Ind., Oct. 1.

Colored Men Should Be Republicans. To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: Tho colored people of Indiana, a State where they cast a considerable vote, have v. vital interest, if they but recognize it. in the way of encouraging the re-election ot William McKinley. Nothing will go farther in the way of encouraging the steps already begun and those contemplated by the Democratic party of the South towards the total disfranchisement of the colored race in the Southern States than the election of Bryan. Kvery State that casts its vote for Bryan gives a quasi indorsement to this nefarious scheme to perpetuate the solid South and nulllfy the constitutional amendments securing the right of the ballot to our colored citizens in the States where they are most numerous. In a word, every colored man in the North who votes the Democratic national ticket this fall says by his ballot he fully approves of taking from his colored brother in the South that which he himself values next to his life and family the right to participate in the management of the government under which he lives. If McKinley should be overwhelmingly re-elected there Is yet some hope that Southern Democrats may view with alarm the effect of their radical conduct' in beginning the disfranchisement of the colored race and cease their efforts In that direction on the ground of political expediency. The Republican party secured the ballot for the colored man throughout the United States; where he loses it he loses it through the action of the Democratic party. That any self-respecting colored man in Indianaor in any State should cast hi.? ballot for Bryan this fall, considering the effect it may have on the future of his race, can hardly be imagined. The colored man who vctes for Bryan in November will be guilty of a crime little short of that of Cain of old who slew his brother. JEFFERSON II. CLAYPOOL. Indianapolis, Oct. 2.

MR. HEARST'S VIEWS

HIS OPINIONS AS EXPRESSED IN ONE OF HIS PAPERS IN 1808. Vigoroni In Fnror of Expansion Pol. Icy and Urgent In Behalf of Retention of Philippines. GOOD READING FOR DEMOCRATS REPUBLICANS THE TRIER EXPONENTS OF JEFFEHSONIAX IDEAS. An Editorial Denouncing Bryan and Supporting? the Republican Policy of Commercial Expansion. Mr. W. R. Hearst is the president of the national convention of Democratic clubs which holds its meeting here this week. Indeed, it can be said that it is Mr. Hearst's meeting. He pays the freight; he will reap the glory and his three newspapers will be lifted Into greater prominence. These papers are the New York Journal, the San . Francisco Examiner and the Chicago American. 'The two first named were the leading Bryan organs In the country In 1S96. Mr. Hearst is a multi-millionaire, the bulk of his wealth coming from his father's interests in silver mines. The seeming ambition of Mr. Hearst is to publish all the Democratic papers in the country. For weeks after Admiral Dewey had occupied Manila bay, the San Francisco Examiner, one of the Hearst papers, declared that the United States should get and hold the Philippines. For a long time Mr. Hearst's two papers were the only strenuous advocates of the occupation of these Islands by this government. It was one of these papers which applied the epithet, "Little American" to those who expressed doubts regarding the acquisition of the Philippines. The Hearst papers advocated the Spanish treaty by which we secured the Philippines. Week In and week out, the Hearst papers emphasized the importance of expansion, in large type and striking sentences. The Republican committee in California has copied from the articles in the Examiner to show how zealous was Mr. Hearst for the acquisition of the Philippines until it was made manifest that antiimperialism would be made the paramount issue. When Mr. Hearst found that his advice would not be received, with an acrobatic ability never before witnessed he put himself at the head of the "Little Americans" and became the loudest denouncer of imperialism and the loudest champion of the rights of the Tagals. While Mr. Hearst is here showing the dangers of imperialism, his editorials in his San Francisco organ will be interesting reading. The Examiner, having come to be wellgrounded in its faith in expansion and the high destiny of the Republic, on Monday, May 16, 189S, In an editorial entitled "What to do with the Philippines," reiterates highly important declarations of faith, as follows; "What shall we do with the Philippine islands? It is true we have not got them yet, and it may be a premature counting of chickens to assign their disposal at this stage of the proceedings. At the same time, it may be assumed that if we once undertake to hold the Islands It will be done effectually, for this is not a people to brook half measures. The work which we put cur hands to will be done thoroughly at whatever cost. It may entail the very serious work of convincing the Filipinos that we do not do business on the same lines as Spain, and that they must behave themselves, keep the peace and mind their business. It may well be that we do not want this job. but If it Is forced on the Nation we certainly will not shirk from the burden." In the same editorial above quoted from the Examiner goes on to declare: "The Islands are valuable so valuable that almost any European power would gladly undertake the task of reducing them were a reasonable excuse offered. They are practically forced on our hands by the logic of remorseless circumstance. We cannot conveniently rid ourselves of them even if we would. It Is certain that the halfcivliized natives are wholly unfit for selfgovernment. Their future is In the hands of America." NOT ALL GLORY. BUT PROFIT ALSO. The editor of the Examiner, as early as the 2d of June, 1S93, began to discern In the probable annexation of the Philippines something more than national duty discharged, or even a step In Anglo-Saxon destiny, but his practical common sense clearly discerned the element of commercial profit (which he then did not stigmatize as commercial greed) in the probable acquisition of the Philippine islands. On the date above mentioned, in an editorial entitled "Coming Our Way," we find the following common sense and truthful declaration: "If the Philippine islands come into the possession of the United States they will open to us a great market. A recent report of Consul Williams at Manila shows that this country buys from the Philippine islands nearly five million dollars' worth of merchandise every year, while the people of the Islands take from us less than two hundred thousand dollars worth in return. The Imports from Great Britain to the Philippines were about $?.500.000 u year, and from France about 31,8u0,000 a year. Germany and Belgium even sell more goods to the Philippines than the United States, although their return purchases are insignificant. Indeed, the United States are the best customers of the island producers except Great Britain. Now, there is no reason in the world why wo should not supply these Islands with the goods they are now buying from European countries, and if we take possession we most assuredly will t'et the market not an exclusive market, perhaps, but our just share of the good things. At present we do not get anything like what we are entitled to on the basis of a fair exchange." CONSTITUTION AND FLAG. Not longer than two years ago the editorowner of the Examiner, not having the pleasant exigency of Bryanlsm to obscure his vision, was able to take a broid view of constitutional questions and make an application of them to his growing Imperialistic convictions. In the Examiner of June 10. 1S0S, under the title of "A Flexible System," we find the following important declaration: "Opponents of territorial expansion have been making a good deal of the objection that the national Constitution provides no machinery for the government of dependencies such as the Hawaiian islands, the Philippines or Porto Rico might become. They have argued that these dependencies could not become States of the Union, nor Territories, nor parts of States already existing. The objectors seem to Ignore the fact that in Alaska we already have an example of the same sort of extra territorial dependency such as it is proposed to create. Moreover, the political status of Alaska and the machinery for Its government are the subject of a recent decision of the Circuit Court of Appeals for this circuit. This decision, written by Judge Morrow, has attracted much attention all over the country, because of its clear statement of the powers of Congress in this regard, the essential fact being that they are not limited by the Constitution. The case concerned the validity of the Alaska liquor law, which was atacked on the ground of unconstitutionality. Judge Morrow says: " The Territories of the United States are entirely subject to the legislative authority of Congress. They are not organized uuder the Constitution, nor subject to Its complex distribution of the powers of government as the organic law, but are the)

creation exclusively of the legislative department and subject to its supervision and control.' "This doctrine is supported by a long line of cases cited and appears to be established beyond question." In an editorial of Monday, Aug. 1. 1S93. the Examiner recognizes and acknowledges the reluctance with which President McKinley entered upon what Is now branded as a policy of imperialism and militarism, and declares his belief that the President

will have to yield to the irresistible logic of J events and the will of the people. "it is evident that the President desires to put away the responsibility which the occupation of the Philippine islands would entail, and this although he must be aware the preponderance of sentiment favors their retention. That is clearly enough the temper of the administration, but In the end these arrangements are not always shaped by diplomacy but by the logic of events. Mr. McKinley may find that responsibilities undertaken when we sent an army to Manila are not so easily put away as It might seem." i In a leading editorial in the Examiner of Tuesday. Aug. 2. 1S)8, entitled "Peace in Sight," the Examiner clearly absolves the Republican administration from imp?rlalIstic intent, and shows most ably that expansion was the result of a great national obligation and not of criminal aggression. "Unfortunately for Spain, the conditions that take from her her colonies follow Inevitably from the grounds on which they entered Into the war. It was the mlsgovernment of the colony of Cuba that brought about the war. It la true that before the struggle opened we should have been satisfied with the acknowledgment of the Independence of the Cubans. But after the war had begun this concession could not longer be satisfactory. The horizon broadened at once. We knew that Spanish rule in Cuba was but the type of Spanish rule throughout her colonies. It was the part of statesmanship to settle now the questions that would inevitably come up for settlement some day. And further, as our victories made it certain that the other colonies would come into our possession, -the responsibility for their future government fell upon us. It was In our power to put an end to this mlsgovernment. If we failed to use that power we could not escape our share In the guilt of the misery that would follow. For these reasons it was Inevitable that the American terms of peace would include the surrender of all the colonies of Spain." SHOULD KEEP THE PHILIPPINES. The splendid editorial reproduced in full below from the San Francisco Examiner of Tuesday, Aug. 9, 1S0S, unequivocally Justifies every Republican contention with regard to the Philippine policy of President McKinley, and as fully replies to every argument advanced by the Brj'anite forces of to-day in opposition to that policy. Don't miss reading a line or word of it. It Is a splendid vindication of the policy of our splendid President. "Why should we take and keep the Philippines ask the 'little Americans' who fear to look outside the continent? Why should we spend money and support an army and navy to Insure the peace and industry of islands seven thousand miles away? comes the cry from those who think the nickel in the hand better than the dollar in a venturesome trade. Why should we subject our politics to the added dangers of the corruption that has overwhelmed Spain by adding colonies to our responsibilities? asks the timid publicist who is always fearing for the stability of our institutions. "Well, we should keep the Philippines "Because we have annihilated Spain's power in that quarter of the globe, and the responsibility for their peace and order cannot be escaped except by a loss of honor. "Because to turn them back to Spain would put them under a power which we know to be cruel and Impotent; to turn them over to one of the European powers would make all the rest our enemies, and probably involve our friends in war to keep them; to leave them to themselves would be to condemn the land to anarchy. "Because it would pay. "Because the land is one of immense richness and needs only intelligent application of modern methods to make it enormously productive. "Because the barbarous Spanish policy has kept down the trade of 8,000,000 people so that their import trade is valued at about JlO.OOO.OfiO a year and their export trade at hardly more than $20,000,000 scarcely above that of little Hawaii, which we have Just annexed. "Because we need markets for our manufactures outside of our own land, which is now unable to furnish employment to all Its people. "Because it will give us a favorable position to contend for the trade of the Orient. "Because the commerce of the Pacific is ready for the greatest development in history, and if it is turned this way San Francisco, in the position to secure the bulk of the traffic between the newest continent and' the oldest, will become one of the largest cities in the world. "Our responsibilities for the government of the islands have com3 to us and we cannot shake them lightly off without incurring the reproach of Inhumanity as great as that we set out to punish and overthrow. "The restricted trade and production of the islands are even now highly profitable for those who engage in them. At the touch of American genius of production they will return great profits to the country. As for the cost of the army and navy to protect them, It will be no burden. Such troops as we maintain in the islands will be paid out of the islands' revenues, on which they will be a proper charge. For" the navy, we are going to have a big navy anyhow, and It will not have to be any bigger for the possession of the Philippines. Our navy will have to be strong enough to sweep the enemy off the sea, and if it can do that we can protect the Philippines as well as Hawaii and Hawaii as well as San Francisco. "Of course, we shall not permit any such folly as to draw tribute from the islands by taxation, but we shall draw profits from trade a trade which will be as beneficial to the Philippines as to our own people. "As for the doubts of our ability to rule colonies wisely and Justly, we are in government the heirs of the English, who have solved the problem to perfection. We can do as well as they, and if we cannot construct a system we can borrow it. "The Philippines are under our hands to dispose of. Let us keep them until we arc certain that there is some better way to secure the happiness of their people and our own." LABOR HAS NO CAUSE TO FEAR. A favorite argument of the "little Americans" is that the annexation of the Philippine islands will result in the opening of our ports to an Influx of pauper Asiatic labor. The editor of the Examiner made a very effectual reply to this argument in the Issue of Saturday, Aug. 13, 1S38, in an editorial entitled "No Trouble from the Malays." The question propounded for the editor's answer was, "Are these millions to be allowed to come to this country?" In reply the Examiner very forcibly declares: "The question Is a proper one, and there would be grave grounds for hesitating in the acquisition of these islands If there were any danger that these races would move toward the United States. There is one reason for believing that they will not make such a movement in the fact that they have not done so to the present time. Except for the Chinese in the Philippine islands none of the residents in the Spanish territories have been debarred from coming to this country. If they have not been attracted hither in the past, it may be doubted whether they would be drawn here in the future. But supposing that with their attention attracted to the United States by the establishment of American rule and American commerce among them, they should begin to move in our direction, it would be just as much within our power to prevent that movement if the islands became ours as it will be If they remain the property of Spain." In an editorial in the Examiner of Aug. 17, 1SUS, entitled "The Significance of Manila," the following utterances are to be found: "Can we leave them the Filipinos to themselves? Could we carry out our obligations to civilization and humanity by such a course? It is folly to think so. There may be elements among the Filipinos that will form the material for a self-governing state. But there has been no sign as yet that it exists, and it would be absurd to suppose that the mixed races of the islands can without experience be prepared to assume the burdens of government that our race has worked out through many generations. "Whatever any one may think of the propriety of taking the Philippines, what other course is before us to be followed with honor? To train the Filipinos to the work of governing themselves is doubtless a proper policy. But It can be done only by assuming the government of the Islands. The responsibility for the well-being of these millions Is now upon us. It cannot be shirked without doing violence to the

honor of the country. The American fag must bo railed to the Philippine flagstaff." DEMOCRATIC TOLICY ARRAIGNED. Having thus cordially indorsed the Republican administration and policy, the Examiner turned to afford an emphatic condemnation to tho managers and policy of the new Democracy. In the same editorial above quoted we find the following: "The Democratic national leaders have been narrow and stupid beyond belief, und the Examiner has warned them time and again of the inevitable results of their stupidity. The Democratic rrefs and the Democrats in Congress unced and brought on the war. and then the Democratic leaders under the control of Bailey, influenced by petty Jealousy, forced the Dc-mocratio party into an attitude of opposition to the very war they had brought on: forced it further Into an attitude of opposition to the Democratic policy of expansion, to the very principles of Jefferson, the father of American Democracy. "The suicidal attitude of the Democratic leaders began with opposition to the annexation of Ilawall. These leaders proposed driving a Democratic Congress into caucus to . oppose annexation. The New York Journal sent its representative editors to Washington an! fought this caucus and broke It up and prevented the Democracy from making a formal and conspicuous Idiot of Itself on that occasion. But the narrowness of the leaders continued, and developed a tendency to oppose every Republican act, even though It embodied a Democratic principle." NOW FOR A POSITIVE DEMOCRACY. In an editorial in large type, wide measure, appearing in the Examiner Saturday, Nov. 12, 1S98, the Examiner editor outlines a splendid and splendidly courageous policy for the new Democracy to follow. The editorial explains itself, the essential parts of which are as follows: "Tho Democratic part, defeated because of the pusillanimous stupidity cf Its leaders In Washington, has the chance of a splendid regeneration lu taking up the forceful doctrine of national expansion and giving. ull its energies to the furtherance of the Nation's manifest destiny. It is high . time to stop snarling at everything advocated by the Republicans, whether good, bad or Indifferent. Give th people some patriotic rallying cries! Set the Democratic standards well in the advance of national progress! "When it was proposed to annex Hawaii many of the Democratic leaders oppose-d taking this rich offering so freely tendered. Why? Generally because the annexatlou was favored by the Republican administration. Yet the people were practically unanimous for annexation, and the Democratic leaders lost the confidence of the masses by their stupid, purblind opposition. They became mere stumbling blocks in the path of progress. "Then, when It came to securing military bases in the West Indies, these same Democratic leaders chaffered and haggled over items of war expenditures. . Now, again, they are giving evidences of opposing the popular will in the matter of the annexation of the Philippines. It is high time to call a halt. The Democratic party will not follow such leadership. The people already have repudiated it." NONPARTISAN EXHORTATION. After referring glowingly to the proposed construction of a new navy, the building of the Nicaragua canal, the founding of great schools of militarism at West Point and Annapolis, the Examiner editor proceeds to exhort his party to a policy of nonpartisan patriotism in the following language: "And take the Philippines! Aid the Republican President In every possible way in overcoming the difficulties of the situation. Let Spain know at once that the result of elections cuts no figure In dealing with this international issue that a Democratic Congress would go further than a Republican one in backing up the Republican President in his effort to add to the country's greatness. "The Examiner heartily believes that in this line of endeavor lies the salvation of the Democratic party. We would like to ascertain what the people thlnle In this view we invite correspondence on the questions Involved in these projects of national expansion. More than this, we urge that the people stir up the Democratic leaders and bring them to a sense of their heavy responsibilities and their past shortcomings. We are certain that the party Itself is patriotic and true. The leaders are the ones who need reforming. Their first duty Is to get into the habit of having something positive to offer, and the next is to get out of the habit of nagging at everything proposed by a Republican administration, r.o matter how nationally beneficial the proposition may be." TRUER EXPONENTS. The following is taken fron an editorial appearing in the Examiner Tuesday, Nov. 15, 189S, printed in large type, four coulmns in width, and signed by W. R. Hearst, and entitled the "Democratic National Policy." It leads off with this text, taken from the writing of the Faintly sage of Grammercy Park, Samuel J. Tilden: "The Democratic party will win victories when it has the courage to be Democratic." "It should be particularly humiliating to the Democratic leaders in Congress to think that all the successes that the Republicans have won have been won on Democratic lines. The policy of Jefferson was a policy of expansion, a broad policy, looking forward to the growing Importance of this great Nation, providing greater territory and offering larger opportunities for the people. Jefferson, even in ISOO. was in favor of acquiring Cuba, and It Is Impossible to misunderstand his policy or fall to realize what it would be to-day. Yet Bailey and other so-called Democratic leaders were opposed to the annexation of Hawaii and allowed the Republicans to take up the Democratic policy of expansion and sain, by so doing. In power and popularity. The war to help the Cubans in their light for freedom was a Democratic programme, and the war was an expression of that human sympathy which is the soul of Democracy. Yet the war was no sooner begun than the Democratic leaders, moved by some motive too small to bo determined without the aid of a moral microscope, arrayed their followers in petty opposition to the conduct of the war and to the natural results of the "Enough of these absurdities; enough of these leaders who compel Democrat to vote for the Republican party In order to further Democratic doctrines. Hawaii has been annexed. The Philippines will be acquired. The country shall develop and expand. Let the Democrats cease to resist a Democratic policy of expansion and plan for the development of the couidry and the government of the new territory on Doraocratic principles." EXAMINER SCORCHES MR. BRYAN. It was on the 16th of December, 1W. that Mr. Bryan, in an interview at Washington, made his first public declaration in opposition to the administration's expansion policy, and demanded that the Philippines be treated the same as we had promised to treat Cuba. On the mornlns of Friday, Dec. 16, lSTtS, the editor of the Examiner, In an extended editorial entitled "Expansion of Territory and of Freedom Not Imperialism," answered Mr. Bryan most cflectually and for all time, A portion of this editorial reads: "Whoever resists expansion and reaping the fruits of our victory fights foolishly against fate. In undertaking war we undertook its responsibilities, and among these is included government beyond the "Mr. Bryan ha: announced his attitude. We hope that it will be modifled. We believe that it will. "As a capable leuder Mr. Bryan has won admiration among Democrats. He was supported by this newspaper when the majority of men with ten cents or more in their pocket were rushing up and down the street screaming that silver meant the death of America. The Examiner did not think that America could be so c:iJIy killed, and it backed up a man and a party headed in the direction of useful reform, unmindful of the timid Americans and their shriekings. "Now comes Mr. Bryan and declares in turn his belief that America is in danger In greater danger, he says, than Cuba, anfl that because we hali undertake to rule a group of Islands some thousands of miles away. "Mr. Bryan !s disappointing In this. He believes that we can change the financial system of the world and overthrow ths fixed rules of commerce without the consent of any other nation. Does ha doubt that we can police a parcel of Island without the consent of any other nation? "Why so brave about Kilver and so timid about national force and far-rvachir.ff power? "And it is no so far-reaching, really. Mr. Bryan quotes Jefferson and reminds us that he extended the American empire only on this continent. Yes. but he reached cut