Indianapolis Journal, Volume 50, Number 247, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 September 1900 — Page 2

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THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, TUESDAY, b JSl'TLMUEK 4, iwuu.

tAsmer, the manufacturer and the merchant, giving to each man his due, and ol.o acting' that hs dwi not wrons his

XcHowf; but let u keep ever clearly tnlore out minds the great fact that wher? the deerft chorda are touched the interests of all are alike and must lx? guarded alike. "We mut beware of any attempt to inako hatred in any form the basis of action. Most emphatically each of us need to stand up for his own rights; all men and all groups of men are bound to retain their self-respect, and. demanding this ame respect from other?, to see that they are not injured and that they have secured to them the fullest liberty of thought and action. Hut to hold a gTudge against others, while it may or may not harm them, is sure in the long run to do infinitely greater harm to the man himself. THE GREAT NEED. "The more a healthy American sees of one's fellow Americans, the greater grows hi3 conviction that our chief troubles come from mutual misunderstanding,, from failure to appreciate one another's point of view. In other word?, the great need Is fellow feeling, sympathy, brotherhood, and all thi3 naturally com- by association. It is. therefore, of vital Importance that there should be such association. The most serious disadvantages of city life is the tendency of each man to keep isolated in his. own little set. and to look upon the vast majority of his fellow-citizens indifferently, so that he soon comes to forget that they have the same Ted blood. the same love and hate, the same likes and dislikes, the same desire for good, and the same perpetual tendency, ever needing to be checked and corrected, to lapse from good into evil. If only our people can be thrown together, where they act on a common ground with the same motives and have the hame objects, we need not have much fear of their falling to acquire a genuine respect for one another, and with euch respect there must finally come fair play for all. "The first time I ever labored alongside of and was thrown Into Intimate companionship with men who were mighty men of their hand, was in the cattle country of the Northwest. I soon grew to have an Immense liking and respect for my associates, and as I knew them, and did not know similar workers in other parts of the country, it seemed to me then the ranch owner was a great deal better than any Eastern business man, and that the. cow puncher stood on a corresponding altitude compared to any' of his brethren in the East. "Well, after a little while I got thrown into close relations with the farmers, and tt did not take long before I had moved) them ud alongside of my beloved cdwmen. and made u; my mind that they really formed- the backbone of the land. Then, because of certain circumstances, I.was thrown .into Intimate contact with railroad men; and I gradually came to the conclusion that these railroad men were about thei finest citizens there were anywhere around. Then, In the course of tome official work, I was thrown Into close contact with a number of carpenters, blacksmiths and then in the building trades that is, skilled mechanics of a high order, and it was not long before I had them an the same pedestal with the others, liy that time it began to dawn on me that the difference was not in the men but in my own point of view, and that if any man is thrown Into close contact with any large body of our fellow- ' citizens it Is apt to be the man's own fault if he doe3 not grow to feel for them a very hearty regard, and. moreover, grow to understand that on the great questions that lie at the root of human well-being, he and they feel alike. "Our prime need as a nation is that every American should understand and work with his fellow-citizens, getting into touch with them so that by actual contact he may learn that fundamentally he and they have the some interests, needs and aspirations. AT A a AFFECTED ALIKK. "Of course, different sections of the community have different needs. The gravest questions that are before us, the questions that are for all time, affect us all alike. But there are separate needs which affect separate groups of men. Just as there s re separate needs that affect each individual man. It" is just as unwise to forget the one fact as it is to forget the other. The specialization of our modern Industrial life, its high development and complex character, means a corresponding specializing in needs and Interests. While we should, fco long as we can safely do so. give to each individual the largest possible liberty, a liberty which necessarily Includes initiative and responsibility, yet we must not hesitate to interfere whenever it is clearly seen that harm comes ; from excessive Individualism. We cannot afford to be emoirlcal one way or the other. In the country districts the sur- . roundlngs are such that a man can usually . work out his own fate by himself to the !est advantage, , In, our cities, or where men congregate in masses, it is often necessary to work in combination; that is, through association: and here It is that we can see the great good conferred by labor I organizations,' Dy trade unions. Of course. if managed unwisely, the very power of Eucn a union or organization makes It capable of doing much harm; but on the whole, it would be hard to overestimate the good these organizations have done in the past; and still harder to estimate the . good they can do in the future if handled with resolution, forethought, honesty and sanity. It is not possible to lay down naru-and-iast rule, logically perrect, as to when the state shall and when the individual shall be left unhampered and tinhelped. "We have exactly the sar.e right to regulate the conditions of iife and work in factories and tenement houses that we have to regulate tire escapes and the like in other houses. In certain communities the existence of a thoroughly efficient department of factory inspection is Just as essential as the establishment of a fire department. How far we shall go in regulating ployers, is a matter of expediency, and each case must be determined on its own merits, exactly as it is a matter of expediency to determine what so-called 'public WEATHER FORECAST. 1 Fair To-Day und To-Murrou-Warmer In .ortheru Indiana. WASHINGTON. Sept. 2. Forecast for . Tuesday and Wednesday: For Ohio Fair on Tuesday and Wednesday; warmer on Tuesday in southeast portion, variable winds becoming southeasterly. For Illinois Fair on Tuesday; warmer in northern portion. Wednesday fair; winds becoming fresh southeasterly. For Indiana Fair on Tuesday and Wednesday; warmer on Tuesday in north- ' west portion; winds becoming fresh southeasterly. Local Oliaervntlnnn on Monday. Dar. Thr'. R II. Wind. ather. Pre. 7 a. m 50.13 ttf S'wcst. Cloudy. u.JO 7 p m....S.U 77 61 X'wst. Clear. o.w Maximum temi-erature. So; minimum temperature, t.. Following Is a comparative utatf-ment of th men temperature and total precipitation for fcpt. 5: Tern. Pre. ZNi'rmai 6$ .to Mean 74 l-parture .;) lveiarture Mnee Spt. 1 23 02 licparture since Jan. 1 z. U l!u. C. F. R. WAPPEN HANS. Local Forfca-"t Otnciar. Y rtr rday'a Te? tup mittlre.

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utilities' the community . shall itself own and what ones it shall leave to private or corporate ownership, securing 10 itself merely the right to regulate; sometimes one course is expedient, sometimes the oth frr. "In my own State during the last half dozen years we have made a number of notable strides in labor legislation, and, with very few exceptions, the laws have worked well. This Is. of course, partly because we have not tried to do too much and have proceeued cautiously,' feeling our way; and. while always advancing, yet taking each step In advance only when we were satisfied that the step already taken was in the right direction. To invite reaction by unregulated zeal is never wise, and is sometimes fatal. NCW YORK'S PLAN. "In New York our action has been along

two lines. In the first place we determined that as an employer of labor the State should set a good example to other employers. We do not intend to permit the people's money to be squandered or to tolerate any work that is not of the best. But we think that while rigidly Insisting upon good woork, we should see that there is fair play in return. Accordingly, we have adopted an eight-hour law requiring that the fair market rate of wages shall be given. I am glad to say that both measures have so tar, on the whole, worked well. Of course, there have been individual difficulties, mostly where the work is intermittent, as, for instancei among locktenders on the canals, where it is very difficult to define what eignt hours" worK means. But, on the whole, the re.ult has been good. The practical experiment of working men for eight hours has been advantageous to the State, l'oor work Is always dear, whether poorly paid or not, and good work is always well worth having; and, as a mere question of expediency, aside even from the question of humanity, we lind that we can obtain the best work by paying fair wages and permitting the work to go on only for a reasonable time. "The other side of our legislation has been that affecting the wage-workers who do not work for the State. Here we have acted in three different ways: Through the bureau of labor statistics, through the board of mediation and arbitration and through the department of factory inspection. During the last two years the board of mediation and arbitration has been especially successful. Not only have they succeeded in settling many strikes after they were started, but they have succeeded in preventing a much larger number of strikes before they fairly got under way. Where possible, it is always better to mediate before the strike begins than to attempt to arbitrate after the fight is on and both sides have become stubborn and bitter. The bureau of labor statistics has done more than merely gather the statistics, for by keeping in close touch with all the leading labor Interests It has kept them informed on countless matters that were really of vital concern to them. Incidentally, one pleasing feature of the work of this bureau has been the steady upward tendency shown during the last four years, both in the amount of wages received and in the quantity and steadiness of employment. No other man has benefited so much as the wage-worker by the growth and prosperity during these years. The factory inspection department deals chiefly of course with conditions in great cities. One very Important phase of its work during the last two years has been the enforcement of the anti-sweat shop law, which is primarily designed to do away with the tenement house factory. The conditions of life In some of the congested tenement house districts, notably in New York city, has become such as to demand action by the State. As with other reforms, in order to make it stable and permanent, it had to be gradual. It proceeded by evolution, not revolution. But progress has been steady, and wherever needed It has been radical. Much remains to be fone. but the condition of the dwellers in the congested districts has been markedly improved, to the great benefit not only of themselves, but of the whole community. DUTY OF THE RICH. "A word on the general question. In the first place, in addressing an audience like this I do not have, to say . that the law of life Is work and that work in itself, so far from being any hardship, is a great blessing, provided, always, it is carried on under conditions which preserve a man's self respect and which allow him to develop his own character and rear has children so that he and they, as well as the whole community of which he and they are a part, may steadily move onward and upward. The idler, rich or poor, is at best a useless, and is generally a noxious member of the community. To whom much has been given, from him much is rightfully expected; and a heavy burden of responsibility rests on the man of means to Justify by his actions the social conditions which have rendered it possible for him or his forefathers to accumulate and to keep the property he enjoys. He is not to be excused if he does not render full measure of service to the State and to the community at large. There are many ways in which this service can be rendered: in art, in literature, in philanthropy; as a statesman or as a soldier; but in some way he is In honor bound to render It, so that benefit may accrue to his brethren who have been les favored by fortune than he has been. If he does not work he fails not only in his duty to the rest of the community, but he falls signally In his duty to himself. There is no need of envying the idle. Ordinarily, we can afford to treat them with impatient contempt; for when they fail to do their duty they fall to get from life the highest and keenest pleasure that life can give. "To do our duty, that is the summing up of the whole matter. We must do our duty by ourselves and we must do our duty by our neighbors. Every good citizen, whatever his condition, owes his first service to those who are nearest to him, who are dependent upon him to his wife and his children; next he owes his duty to his fellow-cltlzens, and this duty he must perform both to his Individual neighbor and to the State, which is simply a form of expression for all his neighbors combined. He must keep his selfrespect and exact the respect of others. It i eminently wise and proper to strive for such leisure in our lines as will give a chance for self-Improvement, but woe to the man who seeks or trains up his children to seek Idleness instead of the chance to do good work. No worse wrong can be done by a man to his children than to teach them to go through life endeavoring to shirk difficulties instead of meeting them and overcoming them. You men here in the West have built up this country, not by seeking to avoid work, but by doing it well; not by flinching from every difficulty, but by triumphing over each as it arose and making out of it a stepping stone to further triumph. "We must all learn the two lessons the lesson of self-help and the lesson of giving help to and receiving help from our brother. There is not a man of us who does not sometimes slip; who does not sometimes need a helping hand, and woe to him who, when the chance comes, fails to stretch out that helping hand. Yet, though each man can and ought thus to be helped at times, he is lost beyond redemption if he becomes so dependent upon outside help that he feels that his own exertions are secondary. Any man at times will stumble, and it is then our duty to lift him up and set him on his feet again, but no man can be permanently carried, for if he expects to be carried he shows that he is not worth carrying. INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS. "Before us loom Industrial problems, vast in their importance and their complexity. The test half century has been one of extraordinary social and Industrial development. The changes have been far-reaching, some of them for good and some of them for evil. It is not given to the wisest of us to see into the future with absolute clearness. No man can be certain that he has found the entire solution of this infinitely great and intricate problem, and yet each man of us, if he would do his duty, must strive manfully, so far as in him lies, to help bring about that solution. It Is not as yet possible to say what shall be the exact limit of influence allowed the State, or what limit shall be set to that right of individual Initiative so jlear to the hearts of the American people. All we can say is that the need has been shown on the one hand for action by the people, in their collective capacity through the State, in many matters; that in other matters much can b done by associations of different groups of Individuals as In trades unions and similar organizations; and that in other matters it remains now as true as ever that final success will be for the man who trusts in the struggle only to his cool head, his brave heart and his strong right arm. There arc spheres in which the State can properly act. and spheres in which a comparatively free field must be given to individual Initiative. "Though the conditions of life have grown bo puzzling in their complexity, thoush the changes have been 0 vast.

yet we may remain absolutely sure of one thing that now. as ever in the past, and as it ever will b in the future, there can be no substitute for the elemental virtues, for the elemental qualities to which we allude when we speak of a man as not only a good man but as emphatically a man. We can build up the standard of Individual citizenship and individual wellbing, wc can raise the national standard and make it what It can and shall be made, only by each of us steadfastly keeping In mind that there can be no substitute for the world-old, humdrum, commonplace qualities of truth. Justice and courage, thrift. Industry, common sense and genuine sympathy with and fellow feeling for others. The Nation Is the aggregate of the individuals composing it, and each individual American ever raises the Nation higher when he so conducts himself as to wrong no man, as to suffer no wrong from others, and as to show both his sturdy capacity for self-help and his readiness to extend a helping hand to the neighbor sinking under a burden too heavy for him to bear. "The one fact which all of us need to keep steadily before our eyes is the net-l that performances should square with promise If good work is to be done, whether In the industrial or in the political world. Nothing does more to prompt mental dl.honesty and moral insincerity than the habit either of promising the Impossible, or of demanding the performance of the impossible; or, finally, of falling to keep a promise that has been made; and it makes not the slightest difference whether It is a promise made on the stump or off the stump. Remember that there are two sides to the wrong thus committed. There I3 first the wrong of failing to keep a promise made and in the next place there is the wrong of demanding the impossible, and therefore forcing or permitting weak or unscrupulous men to make a promise which they either know, or should know, cannot be kept. TAXATION OF FRANCHISES. "No small part of our troubles, in dealing with many of the gravest social questions such as the so-called labor question, the trust question, and others like them, arises from these two attitudes. We can do a great deal when we undertake soberly to do the possible. When we undertake the impossible we too often fall to do anything at all. The success of the law for the taxation of franchises recently enacted in New York State, a measure which has resulted In putting upon the assessment books nearly $:ft).0üo,00ü worth of property which had theretofore escaped taxation, is an illustration of how much can be accomplished when effort is made along sane and sober lines, with care not to promise the Impossible, but to make performance square with promise, and with insistence on the fact that honesty Is never one-sided, and that in dealing with corporations it is necessary both to do to them and to exact trom them full and complete Justice. The success of this effort made In a resolute but also a temperate and reasonable spirit shows what can be done when such a problem Is approached In a sound and healthy manner. It offers a striking contrast to the complete breakdown of the species of crude and violent anti-trust legislation which has been so often attempted and which has always failed, because "of its very crudeness and violence, to make any impression upon the real and dangerous evils which have excited such Just popular resentment. "I thank you for listening to me. I have come here to-day not to preach to you. but partly to tell you how these matters look and seem to me, and partly to set forth clear facts which seem to me to show the essential community that there is among all of us who strive in good faith to do our duty as American citizens. No man can do his duty who does not work, and the work may take many different shapes, mental and physical, but of this you can rest assured, that this work can be done well for the Nation only when each of us approaches his separate task, not only with the determination to do it, but with the knowledge that his fellow, when he. In his turn, does his task, has fundamentally the same rights and the same duties, and that while each must work for himself, yet that each must also work for the common welfare of all. "On the whole we shall all go up or go down together. Some may go up or go down farther than others, but disregarding special exceptions, the rule is that we must all have to share in common something of whatever adversity or whatever prosperity is In store for the Nation as a whole. In the long run each section of the community will rise or fall as the community rises or falls. If hard times come to the Nation, whether as the result of natural causes or because they are Invited by our own folly, all of us will suffer. Certain of us will suffer more, and others less, but all will suffer some

what. If, on the other hand. Providence and our own energy and good sense bring prosperity to us, all will share In that prosperity. We will not all share alike, but something each one of us will get. Let us strive to make the conditions of life such that as nearly as possible each man shall receive the share to which he is honestly entitled, and" no more; and let us remember at the same time that our efforts must be to build up, rather than to strike down, and that.we can best help ourselves, not at the expense of others, but by heartily working with them for the common good of each and all." ' ' 3in. BRYAN'S ADDRESS. Part of It Devoted to Labor and a Por- ' tlon to Politics. In the course of his speech at Electric Park Mr. Bryan said: "Why should the man who eais at a well-supplied table forget the man whose toll furnishes the food? Why should the man who warms himself by the fire forget the man whose labor In the forest or in the mine brings forth the fuel? Why should. the man clad in the best products of the loom forget the man whose calloused hands make fine clothing possible? Both the consumer and the producer are necessary', but of the two the producing comes first in point of time and in point of importance. Shall the rosebud, blooming in beauty and shedding its fragrance on the air, despise the roots of the bush because they come Into actual contact with the soil? Destroy the bud and leave the roots and a second bud will appear, as beautiful and as fragrant as the first; but destroy the roots, and bud and bush will perish. "How can the wage-earner secure that share of the earth's bounties and the government's protection which he deserves? The associations formed by workingmen have been productive of much good. "The labor organization as we now find It Is the product of Industrial conditions. The individual found himself at a disadvantage when dealing with the corporate employer, and the organization not only enables him to contend for his rights on terms more nearly equal, but it stimulates him to study and understand the conditions which surround him. "The labor organization has been foremost in advocating the reforms which have already been secured. Several years ago the secret ballot was demanded by the wage-earners for their own protection. That ballot has been obtained, and through Its operations those who toll for individuals or corporations are able to protect their political rights and to use the ballot according to their own judgments. This Is a long step In advance. "The labor organization has done much to lessen the evils of child labor. No one can visit the factories where children are employed without contemplating the crime which is being perpetrated on posterity. If there is any temporary economic advantage in the employment of children of tender age, it is Insignificant when measured against the permanent Injury done to present and future generations. To rob a child of its school days is bad enough, but to bend its back by a load for which only the adult is fitted is even worse. "The blacklist, by means of which employers combine to deprive the discharged workman of re-employment. Is one of the more recent menaces to the laboring man. The Independence of the wageearner decreases as the difficulty of obtaining employment increases, and th skilled workman whose life has been spent in acquiring efficiency in a certain trade or occupation becomes practically the chattel cf the employer if every opportunity to make use of his experience is closed by agreement between employers. ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION. "The laboring man is also interested in lcgistlatlon prohibiting Oriental immigration. It is unfair to the American workman, who is the foundation of the Nation's wealth in time of peace and its defense in time of war. to subject him to the danger of having his occupation given to an Oriental laborer, often brought by contract, who has no permanent interest in our government. If the .Asiatics come here, work for a few years, live on a lower scale, and then carry home the net proceeds of their toll, the drain upon our money supply

will be similar to that caused by landlordism in other countries. The political objections to the Oriental labor are scarcely less weighty than the economic ones. Race prejudice cannot bo disregarded, and we have seen how, in every industrial depression, race animosities result in riot and bloodshed. We cannot afford to bring into this country those who cannot amalgamate with our people. "The attempt to use the injunction of a court to deprive the laboring man of trial by jury should alarm all our people, for. while the wage-earner Is the first to feel Its effects, the principles which underlie government by Injunction is so far-reaching that no one can hope to escape ultimately. The thing forbidden by an injunction would, without the injunction, be either legal or illegal. If it would be legal, the judge usurps the function of the Legislature when he forbids it. If it would be illegal the Injunction of the court is unnecessary, for any one who violates the law can, upon conviction, be made to suffer the penalties prescribed for such violation. The meanest thief and the most brutal murderer arc entitled to trial by jury; why should this right be denied the laboring man? Those who oppose government by injunction are not in favor of lawlessness; they are. on the contrarj. the best friends of law and order. They deny the right of any man to violate the law in an effort to advance his own interests, but they Insist that it is inconsistent with our ideas of government, and dangerous to all classes, to invest any Judge with the three-fold power first, to make the laws; second, to bring accusation against those charged with the violation of the laws, and third, to sit in Judgment upon the case. Government by injunction is so indefensible that the anti-injunction bill, indorsed by the Chicago platform, passed the Senate without a yea and nay vote being demanded, and since that time no party platform has specifically indorsed government by injunction, and no prominent member of any party has entered upon a defense of the system; and yet corporate Influence Is so strong that it has thus far been impossible to secure any remedial legislation. MILITARISM AND IMPERIALISM.

"The resolutions adopted by the various labor organizations in condemnation of militarism and Imperialism justify me in making a brief reference to these questions. No class contributes more than the laboring class, in proportion to its numbers, to the rank and file of the army; no class contributes more In proportion to its numbers to the expense of the army, and no class is more menaced by the existence of a large army. Most of. the countries In Europe which maintain large military establishments collect an income tax which adjusts the burden of the government to the Income of the citizen. Here our federal taxes are largely collected upon consumption, and while they are income taxes in the sense that they must be paid out of the incomes of the people, yet the exactions are not proportionate to the incomes. The taxes upon consumption bear heaviest upon the poor and lightest upon the rich, and arc, in fact, graded income taxes, the per cent, collected decreasing as the income increased. "If this Nation adheres to the doctrine that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and the people have an easy and ready means of correcting all abuses, the government will not need to be supported by a large permanent army, for every, citizen will be ready to defend such government from attack. The only domestic use for a large standing army. Is to suppress by force that discontent which should be cured by legislation. "To support a permanent army of 100,000 men requires approximately one-half as much money as is annually expended for education in the United States. How much cheaper it is to uplift people by the gentle and peaceful process of intellectual development than to blow them up with powder and dynamite! "Imperialism involves a departure from principles which were universally accepted in this country until-within two years. To know that all men were created equal one needs not the wisdom of a sage or the learning of the schools. It was declared to be a self-evident truth; It was evident to those who pledged their lives to the maintenance of the Declaration of Independence, and It is evident still to those who are not blinded by the glamor of wealth and the glittering promises of a colonial system. If all men are created equal and endowed with Inalienable rights, it follows as a logical and necessary sequence that governments were instituted for the welfare ofrall and derive their Just powers from the consent of the governed. On the preservation of this doctrine our hopes depend; if it is abandoned there is no foundation upon which a government like ours can be constructed. "Do not allow yourselves to be deceived by those who question the capacity of this people or that people for self-government. Macaulay, in his essay on John Milton, points out the folly of attempting to prepare people for self-government by denying them the right to participate In their own government. He said: " 'Many politicians of our time are in the habit of laying It down as, a self-evident proposition that no people ought to be free until they are fit to use their freedom. The maxim is worthy of the fool in the old story, who resolved not to go into the water till he had learned to swim. If men are to wait for liberty till they become wise and good in slavery, they may indeed wait forever.' LINCOLN'S WORDS TWISTED. "When I say that those who distrust the capacity of the people for self-government tend directly toward monarchy, I am only repeating what Lincoln deliberately declared in his first annual message. He said: 'Monarchy itself Is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my present position I could scarcely be Justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions, but there Is one point, with Its connections not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of government. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty: none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which. If surrendered, will surely be used to close, the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost.' "The warning 13 even more needed now than it was forty years ago. The Army and Navy Journal is already Justifying the colonial idea, and declaring that fate has decreed for us a destiny In which an imperial executive, free from the restraints of a written constitution, will govern subjects according to his own pleasure. The United States Investor, published at Boston, in its issue of July 28. says: 'Only a blind person can fall to see that remarkable transformations of one kind or another are in store for the race; hence the folly of asserting that the policy of this country, which is destined to play such a leading part in human affairs of the future, shall be governed for the most part by political maxims uttered more than a hundred years ago. The greatest evil which now confronts this Republic Is the clamor raised by a certain taction for a settlement of our problems of state by just such methods es we have been deprecating. Considerably more than a century ago a certain notable' declaration was made in this country to the effect that all men ought to be free and independent. This is merely a generalization of the French school of Voltaire and the encyclopedists. It Is a dictum absolutely lacking foundation in history and incapable of syllogistic justification. It was, however, a handy phrase for us to employ when asserting our right to break away from the mother country; it suited the exigencies of our situation in 1776 admirably, though in itself but a bit of sublimated demagogism. The declaration was a serviceable means to the end that was at that time-desired. To bring forward this declaration in this year. li0o. in connection with our treatment of the Filipinos and the Cubans, is as gross an absurdity as ever was practiced. To do so is to offer an insult to the intelligence of the people who first subscribed to the declaration in question. "But why quote from newspapers as to what may be done hereafter in the presence of a law already enacted which makes subjects out of Porto Ricans, withdraws from them the guarantees of the Constitution and asserts the power of the President and Congress to govern them without their consent and tax them without representation a power as unlimited and tyrannical as man ever asserted or exercised by any ruler in the history of the human race? This doctrine has not yet been approved by the people; it furnishes the supreme question of the present campaign. "In the presence of these perils the laboring man has u responsibility commensurate with his opportunity. Without a large percentage of the laboring vote no party can win in an election in the United States. The men who work for wages can. by throwing their votes on the one eide or

. f -at, -y. Iff' the other, determine the policy of this country. They need not march in parades; they need not adorn themselves with the insignia of any party, but on election day their silent ballots can shape the destiny of this Nation, and either bring the government back to its ancient landmarks or turn it into the pathway followed by the empires of the old world." TUB SPEECHES COMPARED. Coventor Mount on the Aldree of Hoowovelt and llryan. On account of Governor Mount's wellknown attitude of friendliness towards organized labor, he was asked last night to give an expression of opinion concerning the addresses delivered by Governor Roosevelt and Colonel Bryan at .the Chicago Labor day celebration yesterday. "With the alertness of the astute demagogue." said the Governor, "Mr. Bryan attacked the present gold standard and monetary legislation which is supposed to have settled for the time on a sound basis the Nation's finances. I do not think I ever heard of a more cowardly thing than Mr. Bryan's reerence to Mr. Gompers in which he said: 'Mr. Gompers, the chief executive of the Federation of Labor, has in his correspondence with the secretary of the treasury so ably presented the laboring man's reasons for opposing a gold stand-' ard and a national bank currency that it is not necessary to discuss those questions at this time.' In this way Mr. Bryan not merely injected politics into a meeting which was to have been nonpolitlcal, but committed a gross breach of propriety in dragging Mr. Gompers into such a meeting in a purely partisan argument. He was not satisfied with imposing his financial falllcies at other times upon the working people who are enjoying unparalleled prosperity under the gold standard, but disregarded all .the proprieties for the sake of discussing1 his "hobby on an occasioa which should have been held aloof from political discussion. Mr. Bu'an also discussed militarism and imperialism questions which are wholly irrelevant and out of place at a Labor day celebration. He quoted from the immortal Lincoln in an effort to construe the words of that great patriot to the base purpose of making political gain for his cause. Mr. Bryan and his party, who are now opposing President McKinley in the midst of his arduous and trying duties, occupy precisely the same position that the Democratic party did in 1S64. In their platform promulgated that year on the very threshold of victory they declared: 'After four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity, of a war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution Itself has been disregarded in every part and public liberty and private right alike trodden down and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities.' Further along In the same platform the Democratic party of that day said 'we hereby declare that we consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous power not granted by the Constitution the subversion of the civil by the military law in States not In insurrection. "If Mr. Bryan would study more carefully the condemnation which was heaped upon President Lincoln when he was seeking to uphold the Constitution and save the Nation." said the Governor, "he would forbear his odium and abuse of President McKinley, who Is as truthfully and faithfully endeavoring to uphold the Constitution and meet the grave responsibilities resting upon him as was President Lincoln in 1S64. And these responsibilities and duties now weighing so heavily upon President McKinley were forced upon him in large measure by the men who are now foremost in their condemnation of the results which have followed from the war they encouraged. "I have also read Governor Roosevelt's Labor day address," continued the Governor, "and his clear, forcible, manly argument seems to me to present the laboring men their duties and responsibilities, their rights and privileges all the while holding up before them the rights and privileges of other men as well. Governor Roosevelt seeks to exalt the idea of independence, that which unites the various interests of a great nation Into one bond of union, thereby creating the highest respect for each other's rights and the loftiest patriotism towards the country. Mr. Bryan's speech, in the main, savors of the spirit of a demagogue." AMERICANS INDIGNANT. Consul Me Cook. Innulteri nt Dnvrson Rectified by Lord 3linto. SEATTLE. Wash., Sept. 3. The steamer City of Seattle has arrived from Skigway with $700,000 in Klondike gold, consigned to the Seattle assay office. Dawson news advices are; Americans residing In the Klondike are reported to be Indignant over an insult alleged to have been offered United States Consul McCook during the recent visit to the city of Governor General Mlnto. It Is said that Consul McCook was not invited to attend the reception extended Lord Mlnto and was so obviously ignored that Lord Mlnto noticed the fact and Insisted 011 Consul McCook' s presence. The latter was Informed of Lord Mlnto's wish and came to the gathering. Lord Mlnto and Consul McCook are reported to have talked long and earnestly together concerning various government matters of high Importance. Lord Minto is said to have inquired particularly into the number of Americans residing in the Klondike, their business operations, their success or failure, and to have professed great astonishment on learning the facts from the consul. Sniclde of Trnvcllujj; Siilriiinn. MONTGOMERY. Ala.. Sept. 3.-M. F. Gardner, who traveled for a Cincinnati firm, committed suicide at Centerville. Ala., to-day. He was talking to a woman at the time and, saying he was tired of living, shot himself, the ball entering his head Just below the ear.. Stop the Cough and works off the Cold. Laxative Bromo-Quinine Tablets cure a cold In one day. No Cure, No Pay. Price 2$ cent.

9

Ashore

or at sea, in damp weather or fair, the biscuit

or wafers packed in the "In-er-seal Patent Package" are always " delicate, dainty, crisp. The best products of the best bakers are sold in the "In-er-seal Patent Package,t Soda Biscuit, Milk Biscuit, Butter Crackers, Graham Biscuit, Oatmeal Biscuit, Reception Flakes, Ginger . ' Snaps, Handmade Pretzelettes, Vanilla Wafers.

Look for tht trade mark

NATIONAL BISCUIT COMPANY

desirn on the end of the package -CT

OOODOElOBOOOQOaonoaoDOOO . 0 If you will buy three O m 1 1 Old Virginia Cherootsg O and smoke them to-day you will get o q the greatest amount of comfort and q g satisfaction that 5 cents will buy in p a smoke, and get it three times over! p O You haven't any idea how good they O O are and cannot have until you try them, o q Try three to-day instead of a 5c. cigar.

Three hundred million Old o

yeir. Ask your ovn dealer. Price. 3 for 5 cents.

onoQoQonoDooonooooooono

NOW AN ARMED CRUISER G. J. GOULD'S YACHT ATALAXTA CONVERTED INTO A WARSHIP. Mny lie I'ncd by the Republic of Co lombia in Collecting: Indemnity from Venezuela. NEW YORK. Sept. 3. The Herald says: "George J. Gould's famous yacht Atalanta. converted into an armed cruiser and provided with rapid Are guns of the latest pattern, will leave this port at an early date bound upon a mission about which the representatives of the Colombian republic, to which she now belongs, maintain secrecy. Information brought by travelers returning from Central America indicates that the United States of Colombia, having suppressed a recent rebellion of unusually sanguinary character, is determined to call Venezuela to account Tor permitting the rebels to organize there and cross the line into Colombia. "The Atalanta, noted for her speed, was purchased under special instructions for l he Colombian government on July 20. Since that time the yacht, which was built for Jay Gould, has been undergoing a quiet transformation in the Erie basin. From a luxurious pleasure craft she has been changed Into a war vessel. Her armament includes six machine guns and a rapid-fire 4.7-inch rifle, mounted forward. The day of the Atalanta's departure and her destination are diplomatic secrets. "According to trustworthy advices from Colombia there is strong popular feeling against Venezuela as the result of the recent international struggle. Charges are openly made that Venezuela instigated the iebellion and gave aid and comfort to the enemies of Colombia. It is asserted that at least twelve hundred of the rebels crossed the line from Venezuela into Colombian territory, and that In the fighting that ensued rive hundred government troops were killed by the invaders. The total losses during the war are placed at 12.0U0. "When Colombia is ready, it is said, she will ask an indemnity from Venezuela of J5.0OU for each of the five hundred soldiers killed, of &!,5u),0U0 1 all. Additional claims may be made for property destroyed and also for the cost of suppressing the rebels whom Venezuela permitted to cros her borders. Venezuela will also be asked to fcurrender General Sarmlento and his followers, together with two gunboats, captured in a Venezuela port. General Sarmlento and the members of the crews of the two vessels were thrown Into prison in Caracas and their ships confiscated after the rebellion had been supprossed In Colombia. These enemies of Colombia are, it is said, about to be set free by President Castro. All these incidents have combined to anger the Colombian government and populace against Venezuela. Besides heavy money indemnity, an apology and guarantee for the future will probably be asked. "Venezuelans say that these demands will be refused and that If they are insisted upon war will probably result between the two countries. Representatives of both countries have recently purchased rilles and ammunition in large quantities in this country. Colombia has Just ordered 12.0u0 new model Remington riiles, firing a small bullet of seven millimeters, similar to the Spanish Mauser. The gun are Usht and carry sword bayonets. Although the revolution in Colombia has been put doAn the standing army, said to number ,''), is kept up and there is no talk of disbanding it. "Senor Eduardo Esplnosa, consul general In New York and at present charge d'affaires of the Colombian republic in this country, said last night that he could riot discuss the plans of his government.. Jt is true that we have purchased th Atalanta and that she is beins armed and is about ready to sail." said Senor Esplnosa. 'She is being armed and will have a new rame. No. I cannot say what day she will hall; or to what port she will go. 1 may go in her myself, but in that case a new representative of my government will be mpolntcn. 'If Colombia gets Into difficulty over tho recent rebellion she has Cti.fr'r regulars ready for service, and the 4uhj rebels who have been disbanded would take up arms for their country, so that we would have P(km men in the field. Venezuela could not resist such an army.' "Mr. Gonzales Esteres. Venezuela' conful, said that his advices were that everything Is now peaceful In Central America. He said that Colombia and Venezuela had t-ome differences over boundary disputes, but that their relations at present are nor particularly strained. He added that Venezuela army at present number 5,000 men,"

1 .rv

Virginii Cheroots smoked this o p NATIONAL TubeWorka UrongbMroa Pipe Tor Gaa, Steam and Water. Bonr Tube. C rxi Malleable Iron Ktttlnr(tlAck an4 ralranlzed). rivet, St of Co-k. Eufflot Trtmmlns, Pteam Causea, Pipe Ton, ripe Cutters. Vle. 8crw Plat ani fl, Wrtnrb, f-cram Trans. Pump. Kit t en Sinks, Uo. JJoit.r.r. Habbit Metal. Solder. Whits a4 ClorM Wiping: Waste, an4 ail other Supjiifi ue4 ta eonuotlon with Gaa, Ntear aad Wafcr. Natural r.ia Supplik a specialty. StanDentin Apparatus for hu, la Uiilldlnjr, More-roma, Mtlis fhoiu.f-actor le. Laubdrtea. Lumber Dry-Housea, rtc. Cut and Thread to or. JT an j tue Wroucbt-lro Pip, from 14 lncti ta IS t&clM diameter. KNIGHT & JILLSON, 121 to 127 8. PENNSYLVANIA BT. W S l... WOMEN who Vnow recetn V mend Mot her'm Friend rigntanajeu intywini all other women to have as easy and painless a time as thev had. As widely as this liniment is known, and as much as it has been used, there is no one to s.iy a bad word for It. There is nothing but praise tobe heard about it. It is to be used externally, and it reduces the terrors of motherhood nine-tenths. ' Get Mother's Friend at the drug store. 81 per bottle. THE BUDriELD aSSrUTOHCO.. lUinta. Ca. WrU tor our fr lllulrt4 book, Drw Ctby It Bora.' EDUCATIONAL. Nuliool yvil Nummer VORIEO'3 USIflESS C0LLEG 11254 Uotcsuat PUca. THli UNIVERSITY OF NOTRli DAME! Notre Iauie, Indian. T.ie 37th year will open epi. 4. I'Mk Catalogue Pre--. Addre Iiev. A. ilornPO , C J. C. fea HOWE MILITARY SCHOOL OWUU LIMA, INDIANA. Prir4 thorouthly for Coll;. Scintifle School ct HuaiixM. lWt aiYinte t mo-iont i;qm. Maal training iertivat. Personal altntioii cirrn to a bor. 1'in thiie field and boactifnl IkW Mm ladiaaapolU 1'atr. For illutra't c -qhqa. Ad ire , UEV. J. IL McKKNZlK. iiaOTo. ; INDIANAPOLIS. INI. ; J Complete equipment in Classical. LiterJ ary and Scientific Dcpartmt nts. Nir- J tcenth year opens Sept. 10. TWIIN5 TV-TWO Instructors. Music. Art. J Household Science. Gymnasium. Kini dergarten. Attractive lloi-.e. Send r.r $ Catalogue. Ofrtre hour? dclly, at Hoidence. ltwefn Z and 4. $ MAY WKiGIIT SKWALL, Principal. $ C33 North Pennsylvania Street. 5 THEO. L. Si! WALL. Founder. $

3

SAME SHAPE , TWO QUALITIES

men