Indianapolis Journal, Volume 48, Number 251, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 September 1898 — Page 4

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THE DAILY JOURNAL THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1898. Wesbington Office—lso3 Pennsylvania Avenue Telephone Calla. Business Office 238 | Editorial Rooms 86 TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. DAILY BY MAIL. Dally only, one month $ .70 Daily only, three months.... 2.00 Daily only, one year 8.00 Daily, including Sunday, one year 10.00 Sunday only, one year 2.00 WHEN FURNISHED BY AGENTS. Daily, per week, by carrier 15 cts Sunday, single copy, 5 cts Dally and Sunday, per week, by carrier.... 20 eta WEEKLY. fer year 11.00 Reduced Rates to Club*. Subscribe with any of our numerous agents or pend subscriptions to the JOURNAL NEWSPAPER COMPANY, In ilia no poll a, Ind. Persons sending tbe Journal through the mails In the United States should put on an eight-i>age paper a ONE-CENT postage etamp; on a twelve or sixteen-page paper a TWO-CENT postage •tamp. Foreign postage is usually double these rates. All communications intended for publication in (this paper must, in order to receive attention, be accompanied by the name and address of the Writer. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL. Can be found at the following places: •JEW YORK—Astor House. CHICAGO—PaImer Hcuse, P. O. News Cos., 217 Dearborn street. Great Northern Hotel and Grand Pacific Hotel. CINCINNATI—J. R. Hawley & Cos.. 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE—C. T. Deerlng, northwest corner of Third and Jefferson streets, and Louisville Book Cos., 256 Fourth avenue. *T. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot. IWASHINGTON. D. C.—Riggs House, Ebbitt House and Willard's Hotel. So long as insurgents in Cuba are going Rbout armed the war is not over. • Whjn it shall be generally understood *hat insurgents in Cuba must work for radioes, as required by General Lawton, Uncle tarn’s rule in the island will he unpopular. ' The Vermont Republicans seem to have t>een content with casting two and a half C lines as many votes as did the Democrats m Tuesday, instead of the usual three to <>ne. _ Tbe administration should be held responsible for the fifty-four deaths in New York (last week from the heat and for deaths tfrom the same cause in other cities, making the total about one hundred. If Captain Clark, of the battle ship Oregon, is a modest man he may be embarrassed by the attentions that will be showered on him in Cincinnati. But he will have to get used to that sort of thing. The spectacle of Spain asking of the JLJnited States the privilege of sending a few small gunboats to the Philippines and the United States declining to grant the request indicates beyond doubt the dawning of anew world power. In Europe when a war is fought to a Successful conclusion the press of the victorious country does not attack the government and represent the army as qpmposed of weaklings and mutineers. But, then, Europe has no yellow papers and fake correspondents. The volunteer regiment which has lost is the Ninth Massachusetts, which behaved so handsomely at Santiago. It has lost fifty-four men by disease in four months. This regiment mustered 1,326 men This means a loss of four men In each one hundred by disease.

Tho Tt.*;a Division Hospital at Chlckamaug:. C:c one most criticised, has been closed, Sirua June 10 it has received 2,462 patient,?, of whom thirty-three have died. It has had 2<o cases of typhoid, and twentyeight of the thirty-two deaths were due ,to that disease. The official figures refute 'the shocking stories which have been told that hospital. The National Association of ex-Prisoners -cf the Late War, at the meeting in Cincinnati on Tuesday, put themselves on record against the representations of the yellow newspapers regarding the losses of the war and approved the general policy of the President. The association truthfully declares that tho losses have been less by disease than during the first months of the Civil war. Dr. W. Oilman Thompson, visiting physl*clan at the Presbyterian and Bellevue hospitals in New York, finds a number of soldiers in those hospitals who were sent away |from camp on furlough in the incipient .ctages of typhoid fever. This evil Dr. •Thompson fixes upon the physicians in the camp hospitals and declares that it is a ■disgrace which must be felt keenly by the •ntire medical profession. It is given out that Governors will have nothing to say about the further selection f regiments to be mustered out. Gradual reductions will be made until the army ehall be reduced to 125,000. The President ?is said to be of opinion that 60,000 men will !t>e required for Cuba, 25,000 for the Philippines and 15,000 for Porto Kief The army 'will be reduced to four corps and concentrated at Jacksonville, Middletown, Pa., 'iAnniston, Ala., and Lexington, Ky. If the decision of the French Cabinet council to revise the Dreyfus case means, s seems likely, a reopening and new trial of the case, it is a remarkable concession on the part of the government. It may not mean a fair trial for Captain Dreyfus, tut it is remarkably that the government, after having so long and stubbornly refused to reopen the case, should finally consent to do so. There must ljdVe been a great change In popular feeling and perhaps important new evidence to bring about such action, but the government is so strongly committed to the theory of Dreyfus's guilt that it will be hard for him to get a fair trial. The prevailing idea among the Cuban leaders, Including Generals Gomez and Garda, is said to be a peculiar one. They feel very kindly and grateful to the United States, but they want to experiment with Independence. They want the United States to recognize what they call the republic of Cuba at once, and then, if it proves to be a failure, the Cubans themselves will petition to be annexed to the United States. The objection to this programme is that there is no republic of Cuba to recognize and no organized government to enforce Jsw or preserve order. At present the responsibility of government in Cuba In on the United States and will be until some local government is organised that can be iccognlxed. General Miles yesterday gave a statement mt his connection with the movement to capture Cuba. He opposed the demand for an. attack on Havana and would not have •ant an expedition to any part of Cuba until

the rainy season should be over had not the situation at Santiago rendered the capture of that city necessary. Without making any claims General Miles sets forth the part he took during the last days of the siege and the surrender of Santiago. He makes no claims, but simply states facts. He makes no charges, but puts himself where he cannot be misunderstood. It would have been better if General Miles had been permitted to exercise more extended authority. THE PRESENT AND FUTURE NEED OF TROOPS. There are those who predict that the government will find it difficult to hold the new recruits in the regular army, whp have a right to ask a discharge when the war shall have closed. As most of the volunteers are impatient to get out of the service, and if all the regulars go who can, it seems that the United States may not be able to hold the territory which we have conquered. It has been assorted by the yellow newspapers that no more men will enlist while the memory of the camps where they have suffered so many privations, as set forth by these journals, remains fresh. If we should not have enough men willing to serve the country as soldiers to hold Porto Rico and to occupy Cuba until a stable government shall be inaugurated, it will be unfortunate that we went to war in the name of humanity. If it should turn out that no men can be found to hold the Philippines, it would have been much better if Admiral Dewey had sailed away months ago and left the islands for Aguinaldo and the Spanish to fight over. Unless we can find enough men willing to serve as soldiers in all these places to hold them, the peace commission had as well be called off and the territory be permitted to lapse back into the hands of Spain. The United States must have men to establish its authority in the territory wrested from Spain. It is as much a duty to remain in the army until a volunteer is not needed as it was to enlist in the first instance. A refusal to enlist to fight might have been excused, but to refuse to stay to make sure of the victory which has been achieved seems an unpardonable weakness. The Journal does not believe that such a feeling pervades the volunteer regiments generally. There are in every regiment now, as there was in 1861-65, a few boobies who always complain, always grumble and always shirk duty. They make so much clamor that one mistakes their noise for the unanimous voice of a regiment. The sensational newspapers have done much to make the men in the army detest the service, yet we believe if, when the One-hundred-and-fifty-seventh shall return from its thirty days’ furlough, the men should be told that to establish the authority of the United Stales in the islands taken from Spain their services were needed, a large majority of them would vote to go. We believe this because we have every reason to believe that the young men in the Indiana regiments who enlisted to fight Spain in May have the patriotism and the nerve which those young men of Indiana had in 1863-64 who re-enlisted for the war when their time would have expired in a few months. There is one thing which could be done if the Indiana regiments shall be needed to hold the acquired territory, and that is to ask for volunteers from all of the regiments which have been in the service to take the places of men whose valor has abated so that they are no longer fit for soldiers.

THE EFFECT OF THE CLAMOR. Adjutant General Corbin, who stands very high in military circles and whose services during the war were of great value, fears that the present clamor of the yellow press and the gross misrepresentations regarding the conduct of the war and the treatment of soldiers will demoralize the troops retained in service and make it difficult to raise more. He also thinks it will hurt us abroad. He says: If this tirade of abuse and defamation of reputations continues it is a question in my mind whether it will not end in disorganizing the military forces of the country, and perhaps prove an obstacle in raising another volunteer army if one should suddenly be needed. We are already placed in an unenviable light before other nations by what has been said and written of the army and its management. Our soldiers are liable to be rated as babies and our executive officers either as imbeciles or as corrupt. General Corbin is a soldier and regards the matter in a purely military light. From another point of view we might have deprecated the lack of patriotism and national pride that has overshadowed the splendid heroism and grand results of a successful war by complaints of personal hardships, distorted and exaggerated for political effect. But what he says is undoubtedly true. The volunteer regiments not designated for discharge are already more or less demoralized by the clamor of the yellow press, and foreigners who a few weeks ago were loud in their praise of our army are beginning to hedge. Accustomed to war and knowing that “war is hell” they cannot understand how a really military and heroic people should so suddenly become a nation of kickers, nor how a government that recently displayed such tremendous energy in the prosecution of war could be composed of incompetents as the yellow papers and Democratic editors are now asserting. Thus the purveyors of falsehood and discontent are demoralizing our army at home and humiliating the Nation abroad. POLITICAL RETRIBUTION. The Democratic party, the Bryan wing of it at least, has received the first installment of its punishment for betrayal of principle in 1896. Its repudiation by the Populist convention at Cincinnati, foreshadowing its repudiation by the people in 1900, is the first step in what is likely to prove a. notable instance of political retribution. There has been a good deal of history made since 1896. but the country has not yet forgotten the memorable campaign of that year. Among its main features were the ofen abandonment of principle by the Democratic convention at Chicago, the shameless surrender to tho Populists and the theatrical trick by which the nomination of Mr. Bryan was brought about. This was followed by a campaign chiefly conspicuous on the Democratic side for abandonment of party principle and for vicious attacks on law and order, sound finance and good government. In this campaign the Democratic managers succeeded in forming an alliance with those of the People’s party, which, though it was repudiated by thousands of honest Populists, brought Mr. Bryan a large number of votes and contributed materially to his success in several States. In order to forestall a similar game In 1900, which is doubtless contemplated by the same leaders, including Mr. Bry&n, the “middle-of-the-road” Populists —that is, those who aie opposed to another alliance with the Democratic party—have taken time by the forelock and in a very early convention have named their ticket

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1898.

for 1900. This not only gives them the middle of the road, but the right of way, as against any future Populist convention and puts it out of the pov.er of the Democratic party to foist Mr. Bryan or any other candidate upon the Populist party and ticket. The Journal has no sympathy wAth Populist prireiples or candidates, but it has far more t respect for them than it has for men who sail under false colors and who insist that Jeffersonian and Jacksonian Democracy are identical with modern Populism and Bryanism. Tie Populists who met at Cincinnati hud the courage to repudiate in advance any alliance with the gang that captured the party in 1896. “We will end tbe tricks of the office-seeker,” says their address, “by putting our national ticket in the field at once.” What kind of office-seekers in general and what office-seeker in particular are alluded to may be inferred from the further statement that “at the Chicago convention in 1896, in a prearranged theatrical scene of great uproar and enthusiasm, the Democratic party moved to the front as the devoted and life-long champion of that which it had always opposed.” The chief actor in the prearranged theatrical scene at Chicago was the professional of-,fice-seeker who is now anxiously awaiting his discharge from the army in order that he may make his reappearance on the political stage and resume his leadership of the forces of discontent. The middle-of-the-road Populists are to be congratulated on having repudiated him and his party and hi3 trainers in advance. It is the beginning of a political retribution which will continue to grow until it culminates in 1000. REGIMENTAL LOSSES. Many figures have been given and many more could be found in official reports showing that the greatest mortality in Union regiments by disease occurred during the first three or six months of their enlistment. This fact is established by the mortality in regiments of short periods of service. The following figures sustain this declaration: Sixteen Indiana ont-year regiments lost 715 men by disease and 11 killed—an average of over 45 men to each regiment of less than 1,000 men. Four Indiana six-months regiments lost 315 men by disease ar.d 5 from battle—an average of nearly 79 men to a regiment ot less than I.OuO men. Twelve Illinois one-hundred-days regiments lost 299 men by disease, o”r an average of 25 to each regiment of less than 3,000 men. Thirteen Illinois one-year regiments lost 715 by disease and 11 by battle, or an average of nearly 51 men to each 3,000. Thirteen Kentucky one-year regiments lost 95 by battle and 848 by disease—an average of 65 men to a regiment. Forty-two one-hundred-days regiments lost 43 men by battle and 862 by disease—an average of over 20 men to each regiment of less than 1,000. Eight Maine nine-months regiments lost 82 by battle and 857 by disease—an average by disease of 107 to each regiment of scant 1,609 men. Six of these regiments lost an average of 152 men by disease. This list of short-time regiments, showing the marked fatality by disease, could be extended to cover every State furnishing such troops. The main cause of such fatality was the change from civil to military life and change of climate. Not a few deaths are due to homesickness. In nearly every regiment that disease had its victims, most of whom were discharged.

The records of regiments show that many of them losing the largest number by battle lost a relatively smaller number by disease. The following are the statistics of a few regiments on this line: By By Regiment. Battle. Disease. 19th Indiana 199 117 20tli Indiana 201 113 ifiid Indiana 72 145 24th Indiana S3 2i7 25th Indiana S3 273 27th Indiana 169 133 29th Indiana 60 244 34th Indiana 34 !>'• 42d Indiana 43 205 52d Indiana 2S 177 70th Indiana 98 105 75th Indiana 57 191 12th New Jersey 177 99 15th New Jersey 240 132 34th New Jersey 3 107 11th Pennsylvania 196 113 72d Pennsylvania 193 71 77th Pennsylvania G 5 254 Ist Maine, H. A 424 260 15th Maine 5 343 Location had much to do with the mortality of regiments by disease, those regiments serving in the Gulf States losing heavily. It seems that the troops constantly in the presence of the enemy, with an occasional fight, lost less by disease than those regiments doing guard duty. The occupation was a tonic. The machinery for raising funds for the Lafayette monument to be erected at the Paris exposition in 1900 is so far perfected that it will be officially announced in a few days. In addition to the managers, already announced, the Governors of all the States and all the state superintendents of public instruction will be asked to act as vice presidents of the monument commission. The superintendents tvill be asked to communicate with local school authorities and set apart Oct. 19 as Lafayette day to be fittingly observed in the schools, with the gift of a few cents from each pupil. Archbishop Ireland has agreed to do for Catholic parochial schools what the state superintendents will be asked to do for the public schools. In this way it is hoped to raise without much trouble and with little expense a fund sufficient to erect a monument that will commemorate a notable character and event and strengthen the friendly relations between the United States and France. President McKinley has given the project his hearty approval and promised to do all in his power to make it a success. Yesterday afternoon two battalions of the Third Missouri, en route to Kansas City, were detained at the Union Station. They were from one of the camps designated as “pestholes.” Those who believe the fictions regarding emaciated regiments must have been surprised when these men took their muskets and slung their knapsacks for a march up town. Instead of emaciated, half-starved, disease-stricken men, the dupe3 of the yellow and “sick soldier” issue papers must have been surprised to see as stalwart and as soldierly a body of men as ever appeared in the streets of this city. The men were in good form, despit* the long ride in the cars; their equipments were in excellent condition—ln short, it was a vigorous body of drilled men who would be a godsend to an army needing reinforcements In the field. If there is any lingering suspicion in the mind of any candid person that the troops in the camps are broken down or starved, the Third Missouri’s appearance must have dispelled it. In yesterday’s Journal was a report of the One-hundred-and-slxty-first showing that it bad four men in hospital and five confined to quarters. This statement by a regular correspondent is followed by a letter written by a man who volunteered in the Richmond company. It is the dolorous story of a homesick man, and very naturally full of falsehood. If. for instance, two

hundred men fell out during a march and some of them died, the fact would have been reported. Asa matter of fact, the first death Ih the One-hundred-and-sixty-first was reported a few days ago, and it was the result of accident. If fifty men had been overcome by the beat, thero would be more than ten men on the sick list. Neither can this man know that from twelve to fourteen men die in camp every day. He is simply a dissatisfied, homesick man who is lying. As long gs there are soldiers such men will be among them, but at this stage of affairs such men are not entitled to a particle of credence. To Veteran* in Parade ut Cinelnnntf. Fresh youth to the face not alone gives grace: There’s a beauty that’s hard and seamy; There’s a beauty in eyes full of boyish surprise, There’s a glory in eyes grown dreamy. To-day as I look on the open book Os a history’s page blood-written. As I see them go with footsteps slow, Their locks by the years frost-bitten, There is more to me than the flesh eyes see; There’s a sound that the flesh ear misses; ’Tls the face of a boy, full of radiant joy, That the sweet September kisses. What the flesh eyes see means a dirge to me; What the soul’s eyes see. a slogan; Where the flesh eyes fail, soon will come a pall. And I think of Grant and Logan, And all who are blest with their long, sweet rest; Where the soul's eyes fall, stern duty Confronts the youth with a blaze of truth That lends him a hero’s beauty. Fresh youth to the face not alone gives grace: There’s a beauty that's hard and seamy; There’s a beauty of eyes full of boyish surprise— But there’s glory in eyes grown dreamy. Technical information for municipal officials is one of the things most needed in the cities of the United States, and the action of the City Council last night in resolving to utilize the facilities of the Municipal Engineering Company is to be commended as a step in advance. This company possesses the best facilities for answering questions and furnishing accurate information concerning paving, sewerage, water supply, street lighting, parks, garbage disposal, street cleaning, etc., and the fees charged are merely nominal when compared with the sums that would be demanded for similar information if supplied by special arrangement. This method of obtaining information concerning affairs of municipalities is likely to become popular wherever its merits arc made known. While the numerous railway horrors, collapsing bridges, etc., over the length and breadth of our land are always sad affairs, yet the practical public should not and does not lose sight of the plain, common-sense side of such things, and there are a great many persons with sufficient coolness to stop and figure it out that there is always someone whose negligence, carelessness or incompetence is directly responsible for the thing that makes the cold chills run up and down the public’s spinal column. The investigations of such affairs cajrnot be begun too quickly atter the event, and the guilty cannot be prosecuted too vigorously or punished too severely. It will be noted that the news of the Anglo-German alliance all comes from an unofficial source. The Anglo-German agreement would have been to disagree had Germany taken a few’ more Offensive steps in the Philippines matter.

lUOOLEB IN THE AIR.. Pangs. The Sweet Young Thing— l wonder if you ever felt the pangs of love? The Savage Bachelor—l had a deep and abiding love for green apples when 1 was a small boy. Bonnd to Grumble. Mrs. Watts—At least you will have to admit that the lecture had the merit of brevity. Watts—Yes. but it was short at the wrong end. Why didn’t he begin an hour sooner? Force of Habit. “Poor Alice had to give up her bicycle riding. She just could not learn.” “And why not?” “She was so used to driving a horse that she kept jerking at the handle bars all the time as if they were a pair of reins.” A Householder's Opinion. Wickwire—l don’t exactly like the idea of calling one of the new ships of war “The American Girl.” Yabsley—W hat is the matter with It? Wickwire—lt sounds too tame. “The Hired Girl” would give a much better idea of destruction and desolation. Bryun “Wanls Out.” Washington Special. Col. William Jennings Bryan’s eager desire to resign from the army and re*-enter politics amuses the W'ar Department. It was only a few short weeks ago that his cry to be sent to the front could be heard all tho way from Nebraska to Washington. He was accommodated with all possible dispatch, but now it appears that he has no stomach for garrison duty and does not even want to wait until permanent peace is declared. He wants to get right out, and if his regiment, the Third Nebraska, is not immediately mustered out, he threatens to resign in order to plunge into the campaign. War Department cynics smile when they bear it stated that Colonel Bryan is desirous of “re-entering” politics, and say the trouble with him is that he has never been out of politics, and that his enlistment in the army was strictly political. Roosevelt to the Rough Riders. From Report of Speech. “There is one text in the Bible that is particularly applicable to the moment. It says Jtshurun waxed fat and kicked.’ I believe in ’kicking’ as a general thing, but men who go into the army must expect all manner of hardships and privations. “A martyr came to my tent yesterday and said, ‘Colonel, w© haven’t a bit of milk today.’ I replied, ’Oh, you poor thing!’ The man saw the point and turned away with a smile. "But, bovs, don’t forget there wefe others who were just as brave as you. Let us give due credit to those boys in blue who were at Tampa, Chickamauga, Chattanooga and other camps. They were as brave as the ones whose lot it -was to get into battle. Death has visited them, death as honorable as though It had been on a battlefield. Let them share the honors with us.” ImiofiHilsle to Sell People LtUe Sheep. Sir Charles Dilke, jn North American Review. It seems to me impossible for the United States to hand back to such a colonial rule as that of Spain populations who have been emancipated from that rule by the action of the great Republic, or by the chances of war.. It seems to me almost as impossible for the United States to sell people like sheep, and to be a party to arrangements which, for example, would hand over the Philippines to another power against the wish of their inhabitants. It is probable that the inhabitants of the Philippines would prefer the rule of the United States, or a United States protectorate, to British or German rule, and. further, the handing over of the Philippines to any other country would be attended with immense risk of general war. Well-Earned Respect. Collier’s Weekly. Os one thing Americans may already feel assured, namely, that, hereafter, in foreign harbors, whethej ir. the Atlantic, the Mediterranean or the Pacific, when they see the stars and stripes unrolled, it will be saluted by the stronger with a respect instilled by dread, and will he felt by themselves like the gmtp of a hand not only friendly, but mighty, stretched out from their native land.

FREE COINAGE OF SILVER HON. ROBERT S. TAYLOR DISCUSSES THE DEMOCRATIC ATTITUDE. Letter to Senator Ttirpie, in AVhleli the Fallacies of Free loinnse of Silver Are Made Plain. ♦ 'Hon. Robert S. Taylor, of Fort Wayne, has addressed a letter to Senator Turpie, in which he says: I suppose that the Memphis convention of June 12, 1895, may be regarded as the birth cf free-silver Democracy. If my memory is not at fault you were present upon that interesting occasion and took a prominent part in its ceremonies. In its deliverance on the money question that convention declared: “That we favor the immediate restoration of silver to its former place as a full legal tender, standard money equal with gold and the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and geld at the ratio of 16 to 1 and upon terms of exact equality.” With scarcely a variation of language the Chicago convention of July 9, 1896, declared: "We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation.” The Indiana state Democratic convention of June 2-2, 1898, over which you presided, said in its platform: “We reaffirm and emphasize the platform adopted by the national Democratic convention of 1896 at Chicago. We are in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the existing ratio of 16 to 1 without the aid or consent of any other nation.” This proposition was submitted to the peoEle of the United States in 1896, and rejected y them. Its reassertion by your party is a motion for anew trial. That motion will not be denied. In the great court of the people the privilege of a rehearing is always allowed to a defeated litigant. You can have the new trial. A second trial of a great case ought to be more thorough than the first one. Your request for it imports a promise to make It so; to give or try to give better reasons for free coinage than you did in 1896. I hope to see your party keep that promise in effort and endeavor, arid 1 trust the other side may meet you in the- same spirit. Let us go to the bottom of the question this time if we foiled to do so before. Asa starter in that direction it seems to me to be necessary to settle first just what your proposition means. At Memphis it was "the immediate restoration of silver to its former place” and “the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1.” At Chicago it was “the free and unlimited coinage ol both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1.” At Indianapolis it was “the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the existing ratio of 16 to 1.” AN UNNECESSARY DEMAND. Inasmuch as we have had unlimited coinage of gold for more than one hundred years and since 1875 that colnuge has been free, that is, without charge to the owner of the bullion, and as no on© is proposing any change in the law in that, respect, this demand for the free and unlimited coinage of gold seems to be unnecessary. It is worse than uanecessary; it is disingenuous and deceptive. It assumes that silver and gold, having been coined upon equal terms and at a ratio of 16 to 1, can be used us money on equal terms, and that the effect of such free atid equal coinage will be to give us the full benefit of both metals and a corresponding increase of coined money in circulation. Such an assumption is untrue. Gold and silver will not circulate on terms of equality at a coinage ratio different from their commercial ratio. The gold in a gold dollar is worth more than twice as much in the estimation of mankind today as the silver in a silver dollar. Two pieces of money of such unequal value could not circulate together for a day; they could not so much as get into circulation. The more valuable one would disappear in advance of the arrival of the other. It is the free coinage of silver that your patty proposes, and to present the question to the people fairly it ought to say so directly, and not mix it up with the coinage of gold, about which there is no question. But while this is the whole of your proposition in terms, it is only a small part of its meaning. The free coinage of silver imports that the bullion owner may take his silver to the mint, have It coined and take away the coins, as the farmer takes his wheat to the mill and carries away his fipur. Os course, no guaranty of the government will follow the coins. They will be worth the market value of the silver in them, and no more. The same will be true of the silver dollars now in circulation. They are worth more at present because the government stands pledged to maintain the gold standard, and uphold the value of all the money issued by it at par with gold; and so puts its own credit behind the silver dollar. But free and unlimited coinage of silver Is incompatible with that policy. We could not have two kinds of silver dollars—one guaranteed by the government and the other not. The adoption of the free-silver policy would end the government’s pledge to support the value of its own silver dollars, and they would drop at once to the value of the silver in them. With no gold in circulation, paper money of all kinds—greenbacks, treasury notes and bank bills —would be redeemable only in silver, and so would be worth no more than silver. In a word, w< would go to a silver basis. The only dollars we would have would be silver dollars, and paper dollars convertible into silver dollars. The silver dollar would become the standard of value. CD AIMS OF SI DYER MEN.

I do not forget in making these observations that the friends of free coinage claim that the adoption of their policy would enhance the value of silver. No doubf it would have that effect to Borne extent for a time. But that it would bring silver to par with gold at 16 to 1 seems to me to be too improbable for consideration. To be at par with gold at that ratio silver must be worth sl.2Jt per ounce; it is now worth about 60 cents. Silver cannot have one value in the United States and another elsewhere. To bring the price of it in New York to $1.20 an ounce it must be brought to that price, or within a minute fraction of it, all over the world. The world's present stock of coined silver is estimated at about sl,000,000,000 in our money at our ratio. Its market value at the present price is less than half that sum. It would be necessary, therefore, for us to add over $2,000,000,001) to the value of the world’s silver money in order to bring our own to par with gold. And this, moreover, takes no account of tho silver existing in the form of bullion, tableware, watches and other valuable articles of use and ornament, all of which must be bought up at the same level. No man can seriously believe such an undertaking can be possible. What would result can be clearly foreseen in a general sense, though not at all as to specific figures or values. The admission of silver to free coinage in our mints at 1C to 1 would make a flutter in the silver market. It would advance the price somewhat: just how much no one can tell. Any considerable advance would increase production by setting into operation mines now lying idle and stimulating increased activity in others. This Increased production would tend to stay the rise, and in the end depress the price again. Where the-ie variable forces w’ouid find a stable adjustment, if they ever would, is beyond the ken of the wisest man. That it would be far below' par with gold at 16 to 1 is morally certain. I cannot imagine that you will disagree with me on this point. For the purpose, of preventing the concurrent circulation of two kinds of coin on equal terms a small difference in value is as effective as a larger one; that is, it is completely effective. This has been demonstrated by experience over and over. It follows that the possibilities of a rise in the price of silver as a result of free coinage do not help the main difficulty. Enough difference of value—far more than enough to drive out the gold and leave only silver and a silver standard, would be certain to remain. There is a smack of assumption In this repeated use of the wmrds “would” and “would be.” But a wise man does not agree to important changes In things affecting his interest without considering the probable effect of those changes. He must ask himself in regard to your proposition, how “would" the free and unlimited coinage of silver affect the circulation of god? “Would” the gold be driven out? What “would” we have left? Anything but silver, or paper redeemable in silver? Wliat “would” be the value of such silver and paper? What “would" be the standard of value? EFFECTS OF FREE COINAGE. Happily, these questions are not a mere groping in the dark. Reason and experience alike demonstrate with certainty what the effects of such changes must be. It is not a matter of conjectural prophecy that the free and unlimited coinage of sliver at 16 to 1 would overturn the gold standard nr;d substitute the silver standard in the United State*; It ia a matter of aa absolute car-

tainty as can be predicated of any future event. Moreover, the transition from one standard to the other thus brought about could not be accomplished gradually. The business of the country will hold fast to tha gold standard until confidence breaks; then h crash, and the silver standard. This, then, is the real meaning of your proposition. It is, that we shall, immediately. by a single act of legislation, sweep away the gold standard in the United States and substitute for it a silver standard. The vast and intricate machinery of business is in smooth and successful operation throughout our great country, it presents the most wonderful exhibition of human activity ever seen in the world. Nowhere else on the globe are so many people so busy, producing so many things, exchanging so many things, consuming so many things, enjoying so many comforts. The extent and complexity of the system by wiiicu they accomplish these results, and the delicacy of us adjustment are beyond my powers of description. It is as though the whole face of the country were covered with a network of mechanism—millions on millions of wheels and shafts and pinions; wheels within w heels of all imaginable sizt3 and speeds, all connected together, each operating by its own source of power, and yet intermeshing with one another from ocean to ocean; and all running in harmony. The key of the harmony is the common measure of value. As the instruments of an orchestra, however variously played, are all tuned to one pitch, so all the wheels of this intiicate system are adjusted to the standard dollar; and by that adjustment are adjusted to one another. Your proposition is to throw' a crowbar among these wheels. You propose to abolish the principle of their adjustment; and to do it by an act as sudden as an earthquake. It is vain to speculate upon the consequences. Nothing like it was ever done, or tried, or proposed before. All we know is. that there would be a great shock, a crash, wild fluctuations ot value, wide-spread ruin, ar.d a slow and painful recovery on some new adjustment. I am not now arguing tho question. I am endeavoring, simply, to state it. I am supplying your omission. If the fair sounding words "the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver” really mean the abandonment of gold money and the gold standard and a transition to the silver standard and silver monf-y alone as standard money, you and your associates ought to say so, and make your appeal to the country cm that issue truly stated. A BACK OF CANDOR.

It is no reflection upon our countrymen to say that to many of them these questions are difficult of comprehension. They must take much on faith; they must trust their leaders. The obligation to deal with such men with a candor that shall conceal nothing in ambiguous jihraseology is as sacred as a religious duty. Your party has failed in the discharge of that obligation. Beginning with a demand for the coinage of silver and gold on equal terms at 16 to 1, as though the full and equal enjoyment of both metals could be obtained in that way, it based all its discussion of the question dining the campaign of 1896 on the sume false assumption, it professed ,to advocate a double standard, while proposing measures which could result only in the establishment of a single standard. It called its creed bimetallism, instead of silver monometallism. as it really was, and is. The most keen-sighted and independent members of your party saw the errors of these assumptions and refused to countenance them. But millions of their associates did not see them, and voted for Mr. Bryan with no understanding whatever of the possible consequences of the act. You have asked for a rehearing. It is w r ell that you have. Our country is entering upon anew epoch in its history. We seem to be on the eve of a great expansion of industrial activity, trade and commerce. it is indispensable to the realization of the opportunities before us that we shall setttle decisively and without delay by vote and by law what our monetary standard is to be and make its maintenance sure beyond the shadow of a doubt. That is the fundamental element of the money question; all else is detail. You and your party are for the silver standard. I and mine for the gold standard. We have been years in coming to this square issue, but the logic of evtgits has shown us our places, and we owe it to the country to take them without faltering and put the question before the people with all possible simplicity and clearness. The man who argues the wrong side of the question with zeal and sincerity does the world a service second only to the service rendered by him who argues the right side. One of us will have in the present campaign a rare opportuity to render that service. That I concede that opportunity to you signifies nothing except my belief that the action of your party in opening the way to a retrial of the money question will result in enabling the people to settle it this time wisely and definitely and finally. I have intentionally confined myself in this letter to a mere statement of what I conceive to be the real question at issue, with my reasons for that view cf it. The business of the country has been based in fact on the gold standard ever since the resumption of specie payments in 1879, as it was for twenty-five years before the beginning of the civil war. The law is not as clear as it ought to be on the subject, but under its provisions as they stand gold is also the legal standard. You propose by the introduction of free silver coinage to abolish that standard and substitute one of silver. You are the moving party. You attack the existing order of things. You propose a change. The burden is heavy on you to show the necessity of such a change and the certain advantages to follow ft. Thus it is, as I see it, that the campaign of 1898 opens. VICTIMS OF FALSEHOOD. The Vicious and Demoralizing Men Told About Treatment of Soldiers. Washington Post. We note in one of those New York papers which have for weeks past been dealing in “pest-hole camps” and horror ship” transports, and death, and suffering, and emaciation generally, a lurid head line to the effect that in case of a resumption of war with Spain it would be Impossible to induce men to volunteer for military service. We do not believe a word of this, but in case it were true where would the responsibility for such a disgraceful condition of affairs be found? Where, indeed, except with these yellow journals, which have made a daily business of alarming tiie country with their mendacious and vile misrepresentations? They have exhausted every resource of human ingenuity to make tlie American people believe that their kinsmen who went to war are martyrs to the neglect, tiie imbecility and the callous wickedness of the federal government. They have told and are still telling a thousand lies each day about the maltreatment of the volunteers. They have taught or are trying to teach the country that the soldiers are treated worse than cattle; that they are deliberately sent to camps where the most pestiferous conditions prevail; that the government officials actually delight in sacrificing them on the altar of their brutal selfishness and imbecility. Some of these newspapers have gone so far, indeed, as to insinuate that the division chiefs of staff under Secretary Aiger absolutely revel in murdering and starving the unhappy creatures over whose destinies thoy temporarily preside. We say it will be no wonder if, in the event of a revival of the war with Spain, our young men should refuse to enter the army. There are very few native Americans who would hesitate to take up arms when the Union and its hallowed flag were in danger; but 'in the face of this vile chorus of mendacity—confronted with the proposition that they are to be starved, neglected, ieft to perish of disease and hardship—the bravest patriot might well pause and hesitate. Tiie newspapers referred to have magnified the terrors of war a thousand times over. They have left men to suppose that death on the battlefield is the least alarming of the contingencies they may expect. They have made it appear that those who escape the foeman’s bullet have nothing to look forward to but the slow' torture of starvation and disease. In any ease there is no hope for them. They are doomed to martyrdom, either by violence or by neglect. We often wonder v/hetber the people of this country, usually so intelligent and cool, will continue indefinitely to swallow falsehoods so palpable. It is already a matter of record that the mortuary list of this war of ours is insignificant compared with the magnitude of the issues at stake and the results accomplished. In any one of a dozen battles of the civil war of JMil that we could name single divisions lost more men after a two hours’ engagement than have been killed, wounded and died of disease in the whole Cuban campaign. This happened to the Union army in the first day’s battle of Gettysburg, at Cold Harbor or at Fredericksburg anti to the Confederate army at Fort Donelson or in the deadly camp of Corinth, Miss., after the battle of Shiloh in the spring of 1862. Compared with any of a hundred battles in the war between the States the affair of Santiago was a petty skirmish, and the treatment of the troops at Chickamauga, Camp Alger or Montauk Point would have been regarded as sumptuous thirty-five years ago. We are amazed that sensible men, especially the soldiers themselves, should accept with patience the vicious accounts that have been printed touching their condition. Yet we have faith in their manhood and intelligence, and we believe that they will soon awake from the stupor into which they have been plunged by falsehood and by treachery. Two Favorite*. Boston Herald. If New York had woman’s suffrage the chances are that ticket would be Theodore Roosevelt and Helen Gould.

WITH KITCHENER’S ARMY * ROW BRITISH TROOPS WERE TRANSPORTED TO FORT ATI!A RA. ♦ Some Hardships Endured Tliat Oar Caban Army Knew Nothing Of—do Miles In a Uenert Without Water, * G. W. Steevens, in London Mail. Graudally Fort Atbara transformed Itself from an Egyptian camp to a British. Parts of the Fourth Egyptian Brigade came in from the north, but started south again almost immediately. The steamers which had taken up the blacks began to drop down to the Atbara; as soon as they tied up, new battalions were packed into them, and they thudded up river again. Os the four battalions of Collinson Bey’* command, the first left in detachments on Aug. 6, and the first installment of tha seventeenth had preceded them on Aug. 7. Three companies of the Fifth, with a company of camel corps, reached Berber from Suakim on Aug. 3; they had marched tiie 288 miles of desert in fifteen days. This was the record for marching troops, and it i* not likely that any body but Egyptians will ever lower it. One day, after a thirtymilo stage, tho half battalion arrived at a well and found it dry. The next was thirty miles further. Straightway the men got up and made their march sixty miles before they comped. They say that when, as here, native officers are in command of a desert march, they put most of their men on tho baggage camels; no doubt they do. but tho great thing is that the troops get there. The Fifth joined its other half in Berber and marched in to Fort Atbara on Aug. 6; on Aug. 7 It was packed into steamers and sent up to Wad Habashi. On Aug. 9 arrived the first half of the newly-raised Eighteenth and two companies of the Seventeenth. These had been pulling steamers and native boats up from Merawl; they, too. had broken a record, doing in twenty days what last year had taken twenty-six at me least and forty at tiie most. Among their steamers was the luckless Teb, which had run into a rock just before Dongola. and in '97 had turned turtle in the fourth cataract. The Sirdar had now taken the precaution of renaming her the Hafir. The four steamers had, of course, arrived days before, and were already broken to harness. The gyassas were still behind, fighting with the prevailing south wind; between Abu Hanied ana Aueidieh the trees on the bank were sunk under the Hood, so that it was almost impossible to tow. One day the wind would be northerly, and that day the boats would sail forty miles; the next it would be dead contrary, and. sweating from 4 in the morning to 10 at night, they would make five. But it had to be done, and it was done. The first arrivals of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth were picked up by train south of Abu llamed; on Aug. il and 13 the rest came in to tind their comrades already gone. This completed the Fourth Brigade, and with its completion the whole strength ol the Egyptian army was at the Atbara or forward. A BRITISH CAMP.

So that the camp became British. The two halves of the Rifie Brigade, the first half of the Guards and the Thirty-second Battery had come up on successive days; after that there was a lull. But on Aug. 9 we had an exciting day—exciting at least by the standard of Fort Atbara. Date the night before had come the balance of the British artillery, the Thirty-seventh field battery, with six howitzers a detachment of the Sixteenth Company, Eastern Division, Garrison Artillery, with two forty-pounders and a detachment of me Ro>al lush Fusiliers, with four Maxims. They were getting the forty-pounders into position for shipment on Uie bank. All gunners are fine men, and garrison gunners are the finest men of all gunners; these were pushing arid pulling their ungainly darlings in the tire-deep sand as if they were a couple ol perambulators. They are old guns, these forty-pounders; their short barrels tell you that. They were in their second decade when they lirst camo to Egypt in 1882, and, once in Khartum, they are likely to spend the rest of their lives there. But for the present they wort the heaviest guns with the force, and they must-be nursed and cockered till they had knocked a hole or two in the Knallfa's wall. So the gunners had laid out ropes, and now solid figures in grey flannel shirts, khaki trousers and green-yellow putties—braces swinging from their waists, according to the ritual of cavalry and gunners and all men who lend beasts—wore hammering away at their pegs and establishing their capstan with which the enormous babies were to be lowered into their boats. Before they breakfasted all was in order; before they dined the guns were in tha boats specially made to take them; before they supped they were well on the waterway to Khartum. The Irish Fusiliers were picked from a fine regiment which had very hard luck in not being brought up in tiie Second Brigade. Set faces, heavy irous'aches. necks like bulls, the score or so of men were the admiration of the whole camp. But most curiosity went naturally to the howitzers. They were hauling them out of the trucks when I got down—little tubby five-inch creatures, in jackets like a Maxim's, on carriages like a field gun's, carriage and gun jacket alike painted pea soup color. The two truck* full of them were backed up to a little sand platform; the gunners wheeled out gun and limber and limbered up; a crowd or Egyptians seized hold, and—hallah hoh! hallah hoh!—they tugged away with them. The cry of the Egyptian when doing combined work is more iike that of Brunnhilde and her sisters in the “Walkure” than any civilized noise I can remember to have heard. The howitzers wot© to fire a charge of lyddite, whose bursting power is equal to eighty pounds of gurpowder. With a very high trajectory the ©fleet would be something like that of bombs dropped from a balloon. Dyddlte appears to be an Impartial as well as an energetic explosive; if you stand within eight hundred yard# behind it it is as like as not to throw back a bit of shell into your c-ye; after which you will use no other. When they tried it in Cains at knocking down a wall, it did indeed knock down a good deal of it. but left a good deal standing. That, however, was because percussion fuses were used; the delay fuses were all sent up the Nile. By delaying the explosion the smallest fraction of a second, till the shell has penetrated, its devilishness, they 'rusted, would be increased a hundredfold. This was lyddite’s first appearanc* in war; we nil looked forward to it with keen anticipation. The further forward " looked, personally, the better I should fc * pleased SUNSTROKE IN THE SPINE. On the afternoon of this same less-un-eventful-than-usual 9th. a train snorted in with the second four companies of the Guards. The Guards paraded in their barrack square fill the beholder with admiration tempered with a sense of his own unworthiness; emerging from roofed trucks they were less imposing. Os course it was the worst possible moment to see them, and the impression formed was less good than that of other corps. Failing in beside tho train they were certainly taller than the average British soldier, but hardly better built. They were mostly young, mostly pale or blotchy, and their back pads—did you know before that it was possible to get sunstroke in the spine—were sticking out all over them at the grotesquest angles. Many of the officers wore thick blue goggles and their.. hack pads were a trifle restive too. The half battalion marched limply. Only rem mugr that they had hardly stretched their legs since they embarked at Gibraltar just three weeks before. The wonder was that- they could inarch at all. A/very different show was that of the Tenth, when :he first half of the Northumberland Fusiliers came in. To be sure they appeared with advantages. Tha Guards’ Band played in these companies, and you do not know how a band drives out limpness until you have tried. But. allowing for that, the Fifth still made a very fine entry. The men w'ere not tall, but they were big around the chewt, and averaged nearly six years’ service. They swung up in a column of dust with their stride long, heads up, shoulders squared, soldiers all over. The officers were long-limbed, firmly knit, straight as lanees. There art not many more pleasing sights In th* world than the young British subaltern marching alongside his company, his long legs moderating their stride to the pact of the laden men, his wide blue eyes looking steadily forward, curious of the untried future, confident in the traditions of ids service and his race. From the look of the Fifth Fusiliers you might guess with safety that the young soldier's confidence was not likely to ba abashed. So that now the camp was all but English. A few Egyptians remained behind indispensable for fatigues. But the Northumberland men were working away at their ammunition and baggage all the next morning. Tommy lugging at the camel’s headrope and adjuring him to “Come on. ol’ man,” and the old man, unaccustomed t*