Indianapolis Journal, Volume 48, Number 213, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 August 1898 — Page 4

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If the Spanish Ministry should accept the propositions of the President without delay, the war has changed the Spanish method. The only thing which will cause the Spanish Ministry to yield promptly is a certainty that the war will go on vigorously until it does. To-day a small portion of the people of Alabama will hold an election. If it does not differ from the so-called elections of the past fifteen years, it will be merely the making of a Democratic majority by the election officers. If it comes to the point of making a treaty of peace President McKinley should be careful. No treaty will be binding until ratified by the Senate, and if there is a weak spot or unpopular feature in it it may fail of ratification. It is due to our eminently practical friend John Bull to say that he has never been troubled with any doubts regarding the proper disposition of territory temporarily acquired by him. In his case good digestion waits on appetite. German editors and military critics who are asserting that the United States are not gaining any important military advantages and are ready for peace on almost any terms, seem desirous of establishing a national reputation for stupidity. It is said that at the next session of the German Reichstag the Agrarians will vigorously assault American agricultural products. All right; they will find our agricultural products can take care of themtelves as well as our ships can. With one Democratic United States senator in Mississippi under bonds to keep the peace by not fighting a, duel with an editor, and another in Delaware under bonds to appear at a second trial on the charge of conspiring to defraud a bank, there seems to be an opportunity to begin reforms at home. "While the number of new cases of fever reported daily from General Shafter’s army Ss large, the number of deaths is small. From July 23 to July 23 but fifty deaths were reported in the Santiago army from all causes. This death rate, numbers considered, was frequently exceeded in our armies in the field during the civil war. If anything were needed to dispel the idea that the French government is unfriendly to the United States in the present war, it ■would bo found in the speech of the French minister of commerce at the banquet of the American Chamber of Commerce, in Paris. The speech, which was evidently Intended to be understood as an official expression, was trank and friendly to an unusual degree. The London Chronicle says: “For the United States to hand the I*hilipplne islands back to Spain would be an outrage.” The Daily Mail says: “If the United States now withdrew from Manila they would leave chaos behind and sow the seeds of a universal war.” These expressions of friendly foreigners are entitled to due consideration, though, in the last resort, the United States must be the sole judge of its duty in the matter. The present situation at Manila has some puzzling features. We have no cause of war with Agulnaldn or the insurgents, yet the dispatches say Admiral Dewey may have to turn the guns of his fleet on them at any moment. This would be to prevent them from capturing Manila—a city we have not captured yet ourselves—and to prevent them from killing the Spanish, whom we are threatening to kill ourselves. It would simplify the situation if the Spanish would surrender the city to our forces. Already a large number of Republicans are in the city to participate in the Republican convention. They bring from their homes assurance© of Republican success in Indiana which could not have been given three months ago. Doubtless the success of the administration in the management of the war has helped the Republicans, but the general good result* following the election of Major McKinley and a Republican }iouse, insuring tariff legislation and giving the country confidence, have been important factors in producing the flattering prospects for the Republican party. The general policy of the party in Congress regarding the war hg been wiser than that of their op-

ponents. Republicans are not on record against a war revenue bill, nor did they vote to commit the country to the blunder of recognizing the Republic of Cuba. The Republican President has won the confidence of the country as few men in that position have, and that fact has had a reflex action upon the party to which he belongs, and which he best serves by acting for the best interests of the whole country. THE PEACE NEGOTIATION. There is a strong peace sentiment in the United States as well as in Spain, though based on very different reasons. In one' case it is born of victory and in the other of defeat. The Spanish government and people, at least the intelligent portion of them, desire peace because they know that Spain is bankrupt, completely outclassed in the struggle with the United States, defeated already and doomed to worse defeat and humiliation if the war continues. On the part of the government and people of the United States the desire for peace is based on the fact that they have already demonstrated their prowess and superiority in war, gained great victories and reached a point where they may fairly claim the right to dictate terms of peace. That being the case, they would prefer that the war should come to an end in order that bloodshed may cease, that normal conditions of business may return and that the country may enter upon anew era of commercial prosperity. But the fact that there is a strong peace sentiment in both countries does not insure the immediate consummation of peace. There is also a war sentiment in both countries. The Spaniards are stubborn fighters, notorious in history for not knowing when they are whipped, and the Americans, when their blood is up, never stop short of complete victory. It is by no means certain that the Spanish government will accept without modification the terms of peace offered by the President through the French ambassador at Washington, and it U reasonably certain that the President w il not make any material modification in the terms. Thus there is the possibility, if not of a deadlock, at least of considerable delay pending the efforts of Spain to obtain better terms and the determination of the United States to compel the acceptance of those now offered. If there is any person in the country who thinks these terms are not severe enough he should remember where we stood four months ago. The war was begun solely for the liberation and independence of Cuba and without any idea of expelling Spain from Porto Rico or attacking the Philippines. Before a shot was fired on either side the United States would willingly have settled the controversy on the basis of Spain’s evacuation of Cuba. Now we demand not only that, but the evacuation and surrender of Porto Rico, the assumption by Spain of the debts of both islands, a coaling station in the Ladrone islands, and the disposition of the Philippines to be left to a joint commission. This is a great advance on the terms we would have demanded three months ago. From our point of view the terms now demanded are not unreasonable, but from a Spanish point of view they are very hard, and even if the government is disposed to accept them it may not dare to incur the risk 'of exciting a Carlist insurrection or popular revolution. Those who desire peace should not expect too much from the negotiation that has been opened. At least they should not expect too speedy results. The war is not likely to end in a few days. The present negotiation may be the beginning of the end, but the end may not be reached till after a tiresome period of Spanish diplomacy seeking for delay. The fact that the French ambassador has cabled President McKinley’s terms to Madrid does not signify anything. He could not have done less if the President had demanded the surrender of the whole Spanish peninsula to the United States. Nor does it make any difference whether he approved the terms or not. Probably the Spanish government does rot desire and would not consider his opinion on the subject All that M. Cambon had to do as the special representative of Spain for a particular purpose was first, to ascertain if the United States government was willing to enter on a negotiation for peace, and, second, to receive its terms, getting the best possible, and transmit them to Madrid. That the reply of that government will be frank, categorical or conclusive, one way or another, is not to be expected. Such a reply would not be in accordance with Spanish character or history. It will be adroitly framed with a view of opening discussion, yielding som# points, reserving others, raising new ones, and opening a new line of diplomatic fencing. This is not what the American people want, and it is safe to say President McKinley will not yield. He is master of the situation, aijd by forcing the game can compel Spain to accept the terms now offered without material modification, but it is probable that Spanish “honor” will cause considerable delay. Meanwhile, the invasion of Porto Rico will doubtless be pushed forward as rapidly as possible, and our claim to the island made so complete as to close the door to any quibbling on that point. BISMARCK. Bismarck will take rank as one of the world's greatest statesmen. There have been more brilliant men and those who have had a broader vision and who have commanded more extensive vistas, but in actual accomplishment and in the statecraft of his day Bismarck had no contemporary who was his superior. He was not a political philosopher, but a great and purposeful man who embraced a practical idea —the unification of the German people into one nation. When he was employed as the representative of Prussia in the courts of other nations. this single purpose filled his mind. For twenty years before the petty states of the German people were fused into a nation by the war with France Bismarck, the power behind an 1 greater than the throne, directed events in Prussia with the single purpose of achieving nationality. More than any other man he was responsible for the war with Austria, because he saw in its defeat the removal of the most serious obstacles. The equal If not greater than Prussia, Austria’s influence was against the creation of a German empire made up of the small German states. The war with France seemed to have been thrust upon Germany, but the preparation of that government showed that the great German leader, after full preparation, hail done his part to Invite a war in which he counted victory as certain. Born an imperialist, Bismarck held to the divine right of kings. He neither had faith in nor liking for popular government. He was so much wiser than the present Emperor that he did not proclaim his hostility to popular government, but hts powerful leadership opposed all concessions to the people and the broadening of representation In legislative assemblies. The Social

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, MONDAY, AUGUST 1, 1898.

Democracy and the Catholic party would have no votes in the Reichstag if Bismarck could have had his way. It is the most conclusive evidence of his greatness that, while the foe of popular government, the German people admired and supported him. It will be said that he lacked the elements of higher statesmanship because his plans and efforts were confined to Germany and that he considered every movement with reference to the welfare of that land and that he lacked the prophetic inspiration of statesmanship because he did not astonish the world with new and startling policies as did Gladstone. It is true that his efforts were confined to the boundaries of the states which now constitute the German empire and that he had not the genius of speculative statesmanship. At the same time it is true that out of petty states; often bickering and always jealous, he, more than all others, created a nation and one people proud of a common title. The more philosophical statesmen of the United Kingdom and Ireland have not yet been able to do such a for Great Britain. Better for a people than brilliant theories is a practical economic system which, in twenty years, has made Germany one of the industrial competitors of the world. Such a system, against the then prevalent sentiment of Europe, Bismarck established in his country. It may be that the imperialism which Bismarck has done so much to establish in the German nationality whicn he has created will not stand—that in time the great German people will overthrow imperialism and upon its ruips establish a really constitutional government. To such an achievement the creation of the German nation was the first and" necessary step. Popular government could not navo been acquired by each of the petty states acting independently. We started with the assertion that Bismarck will take rank as one of the world’s great statesmen; we conclude with the opinion that the man who has fused small and weak states into one of the most powerful nations in the world may be regarded as the leading statesman of Europe of his period. SOLDIERS AFTER THE BATTLE. Much has been said about the courage and daring of the troops that fought in that three days’ engagement before Santiago. There had been 'some questioning in advance as to how they would act under fire, few of them, even among the regulars, ever having known actual war, and the attention of the correspondents who were there to report all that was done and the way it was done was directed chiefly to their conduct in battle. That they behaved like heroes all the world now knows. All reports tell but one story. The officers testify to the gallant conduct of their men;, the correspondents are enthusiastic in praise, and the victory struggled for under great odds is proof enough if all else were lacking. But while the soldiers are getting due meed of praise as fighters, less has beensafd of their courage under conditions even more trying than those of battle. Perhaps the correspondents saw little of them after they were wounded and carried from tho field; perhaps the scenes were beyond the power of their pens to depict. It has remained for George Kennan to pay these suffering men the tribute their patience, endurance and gentleness deserve. Kennan, w r ho followed the path of Russian exiles in Siberia and knows what suffering is, is a member of the Red Cross Society on duty at Santiago. In a letter in the Outlook he describes in a graphic way the harrowing scenes in the hospital department in the days succeeding the battle. The wounded men were laid on the ground in rows and sometimes waited for hours before the surgeons could even examine their injuries. Says Mr. Kennan: A more splendid exhibition of patient, uncomplaining fortitude and heroic self-con-trol than that presented by these wounded men the world has never seen. Many of them, as appeared from their chalky faces, gasping breath and bloody vomiting, were in the last extremity of mortal agony, but I didn’t hear a groan, a murmur or a complaint once an hour. Occasionally a trooper under the knife of the surgeon would swear, or a beardless Cuban boy would shriek and cry, “O my mother, my mother!” as the surgeons reduced a compound fracture of thie femur and put his leg in splints, but from the long row of wounded on the ground there came no sound or sign of weakness. They were suffering—some of them were dying—but they were strong. He continues: Not a single American soldier, in all my experience in this hospital, has ever asked to be examined or treated out of his regular turn on account of the severity, painful nature, or critical state of his wound. On the contrary, they have repeatedly given way to one another, saying, “Take this one first —he’s shot through the body. I’ve only got a smashed foot, and I can wait.” Even the courtesies of life were not forgotten or neglected in this valley of the shadow of death. If a man could speak at all. he always said, “Thank you,” or “I thank you very much,” when I gave him hard bread or water. If there has been any weakness or selfishness, or behavior not up to the highest level of heroic manhood among the wounded American soldiers in this hospital during these three terrible days. I have failed to see it. As one of the army surgeons said to me, with the tears very near his eyes, “When I look at those fellows and see what they stand. I am proud of being an American, and I glory in the stock. The world has nothing finer.” Mr. Kennan adds, what many others have said, and what was plainly shown, that the medical force was entirely inadequate to the work. The surgeons worked faithfully, but there were too few of them. Perhaps someone was to blame for this lack, perhaps it grew out of the general feeling that the Spanish troops would be dispersed without great loss on our part. Mr. Kennan makes no charges and advances no theories in which he is wiser than some of the physicians in authority who, as a means of warding off criticism from themselves, are throwing blame on others. Surgeon General Sternberg, for instance, by way of meeting tho statements as to neglect of the Seneca, on which sick men were shipped from Santiago, snarls about women nurses and objects to their presence on the battle field; this in face of the fact that without the supplies and attendance furnished by Miss Barton, the sufferings of the wounded men would have been tenfold greater. Dr. Senn also permits! himself to blame General ShafteT for the existence of yellow fever among the troops, the chief grievance being that the general did not compel the men to obey the sanitary instructions, which included the boiling of drinking water. As if mortal man, in all the confusion of those memorable days, could have fought battles and at the same time looked to it that the thirsty soldiers did not drink from every wayside spring! The battle before Santiago was as fierce as any in modern history; the sufferings of the wounded were greater than they should have been when the purpose of the government to meet every needful demand is considered. It Is a painful episode and one that will not occur again, so it is unprofitable to discuss responsibility. It is wiser to look upon the brighter side and to rejoice that the American soldiers, some of them mere boys who had until then known nothing but home and luxury, stood a test that proved them possessed of the highest qualities of

manhood—a test far stronger than the mere ability to stand before the enemy’s guns could be. The Young American has proved himself doubly worthy. THE PHILIPPINES. There is no hurry about a decision in reference to the future of the Philippines. t The country has not yet had time in which to fully consider the (ratter. A naval station, which may mean a good-sized town, we should have, and possihlv the control of one of the best of the islands, but the annexation of the thousand or more islands scattered over that portion of the Pacific is another thing. Annexation would mean responsibility for the better government of its people and for their treatment of the citizens or subjects of other governments who may go there. It means that we must assume charge of territory largely unexplored, inhabited by semi-barharians. For such a country, so far away, it sbems that we can have no use/and that we can derive no advantage from its possession. The present duty is to act sensibly in regard to this question. There are those who will clamor that we hold all we can get, and that to do otherwise would not be exercising the right which our position among the nations gives us. This clamor will come from those who were shouting a few weeks ago “On to Havana.” Nor should the disposition of the Philippines be permitted to be treated as a party question, to the extent that men who belong to one party should be for or against annexation because men of the other party take the opposite side. It is a serious question, which is now complicated by the prominence which Dictator Aguinaldo has assumed. There is a very general sentiment that in no event should Spain be permitted to continue its oppressive colonial policy in the Philippines. It can be said with force and consistency that if Spain, because of Its viciousness, must forfeit its possessions in the West Indies, wly should it be permitted to exercise the same Injustice in the faraway Pacific. The only answer which can be made to this seems to be that it is our duty to drive Spain out of the country contiguous to us, and that its expulsion from the far-away Philippines should be left to powers more nearly interested. But the point to be enforced at the present time is that we take time to consider the whole matter, as has the President. According to the New York Journal of Commerce, the dry goods men say that the six months ending with June were marked by an excellent business, There was a break when the war came, but the record for the full half year was satisfactory. Furthermore, the outlook is regarded as promising for the trade. The agricultural element is prosperous and In funds, while the people of the country are very generally employed. It is the dull season in the retail trade, but jobbers and manufacturers are getting ready in the expectation of a satisfactory demand. Ex-Governor Roswell P. Flower, of New York, who observes business conditions very closely, thinks the silver issue is practically dead. In an ititeryiew just published he says: Prosperity has come and it has come without the cheapening of money, without detriment to national credit—has come on a gold basis. And the fact that this prosperity is so great makes it sure that nobody need arty longer worry over free silverism as a danger even most remote. The outlook in Montgomery county for the Joseph-B. Cheadle candidacST-iiS, not flattering. Senator Gill, Populist, in Crawfordsville attending a meeting of the leaders, expressed himself to the Crawfordsville Journal as follows: We shall nominate a full county ticket at our convention next Saturday. There will be no attempt to effect fusion with the Democrats and we shall give our whole support to our own ticket at the fall election. We took the action of the Democratic county convention as a. sufficient answer to our proposal for fusion. I guess Mr. Hanna thinks it was sufficient. qnyhow. That action showed that the Democrats thought they were sufficiently s'rdng to win without us, and therefore, that they had no further use for us. I personally feel no obligation to the Democratic party for my election to the Senate. It was a plain case of trade. There were two senators to elect, and the Democrats took one and we took one. Neither could have been elected without fusion. As regards the congressional situation, I am in favor of holding another Populist convention and nominating anew man. Cheadle insulted us when he accepted the Democratic nomination, and his attempt to straddle and ride both horses will not go with sensible people. Cheadle is running as a Democrat and cannot expect the Populist support. When fusion in his name was talked of I insisted that he could not be elected while running either as a Democrat or as a Populist. I suggested that anew emblem be a committee from each party was chosen to confer on the point. The Democratic committee met with two Populists and decided that Cheadle run as a Democrat and that the Populists support him as such. The Populist committee as such was not consulted and the whole thing was out of order. Mr. Cheadle has treated the Populists in a shameful manner, and his attempt to use them as his tool will hardly prove successful. The statement, “this is not a time for harsh criticism,” is always superfluous, as the time for such criticism never comes. All criticism should be kindly. In the case of the “iron chancellor,” the time for all crinci im except the most kindly is past. We should view our fellow-men as the camera views them, finding the distance at which and the light in which they look best, and being content to view them always so. Were focusing, mentally speaking, more generally practiced among us, there would be fewer unkind things said and done, because there would be fewer distorted views of men and things. The hedgerow by the roadside looks beautiful and velvety in the distance. Approaching too closely we see dust upon the glossy leaves, marring the beauty. The music of the bell is sweet and perfect at a distance. Yet when we go closer, that we may drink in the fuller sound, hear the creaking and groaning of the axle in the bell tower, and that mars the music. Bismarck and the American people had a habit of getting bad focuses on each other, and ill-natured things were said on both sides. Yet those who viewed the prince from the standpoint whence his greatest characteristics were visible found him to be a great man indeed. We cannot but admire him in the rolo in which he was really great, and in no other role should we study or criticise any man. Official permission has been granted the White Cross Association of America to send hospital supplies and nurses to Manila on the steamer Arizona, which will leave San Francisco in about two weeks. The White Cross differs from the Red Cross in that it is distinctly American Instead of international. Twenty-one nurses will go on the Arizona. Some military officers are opposed to permitting women nurses at the front, hut the experiment seems to be successful in practice and their services must be grateful to sick and wounded soldiers. Should the war end as soon as it now gives promise of ending, it will have been a short one. and if there is anything wanting in sharpness and decisiveness the army and navy are not to be .blamed. Hotvever, even in a short time we have succeeded in making quite a smear on the map of the world. A company has been formed with ample capital, and ex-Senator Warner Miller, of New York, at its head, for the manufacture of twine, rope and matting from the marsh gras* which grow* extensively In southern

Michigan, Wisconsin and other parts of the Northwest. The grass, which has tittle or no value as forage, has been demonstrated to be very valuable for the purpose indicated. and is likely to become the basis of a large industry. The New York Post is disposed to find fault with the officials who are conducting the war because they do npt time events so as to give evening papers much of a chance at the best news. Some change might be made by which battles might be fought during the night and Cabinet meetings adjourned at 8 o’clock in the morning after an all-night session. A part, at least, of the poem of Tennyson on the death of the Duke of Wellington is applicable to the occasion of the death of Germany’s greatest statesman: He is gone who seemed so great; Gone; but nothing can bereave him Os the force he made his own Being here, and we believe him Something far advanced in state. Spain was going to fight until “the bitter end,” and from the way she is acting now the morsel must begin to taste a little quininish. HI HULKS IN THE AIR. Flippunc)'“Is your minister going to take a vacation this summer?” “No; but he has cut his turn down to ten minutes.” At the End of the Run. Mr. Wheelfiend—Well, you are a horrible sight. Mrs. Wheelfiend—You cannot expect a womar.’s beauty to outlast a century. The Cheerful Idiot. “Even on the battlefield.” said the Garrulous Boarder, "there must be amusing incidents.” “Oh. yes,” said the Cheerful Idiot. “Whole regiments are sometimes called on to make a diversion.” Misunderstanding;. “Did I understand you, sah, by Ged, sah, to say I had a rubbah neck, sah?” “Oh, dear, no, colonel; I said it was waterproof.” "Ah! 1 beg yo’ pahdon, sah.” STATE PRESS OPINION. It is more of a task to dispose of the Spanish prisoners than it was to capture them. —Elwood Cali-Leader. It is too late for Spain to indulge in crocodile tears or to attempt to evade the thorough whipping she so richly deserves. —Jay County Republican. As time reveals the facts in the case, we see more clearly the great wisdom and patriotism of President McKinley in this controversy with Spain.—Vincennes Commercial. The crimes of Spain against her colonies forbid that any colony should ever be returned to her. A peace founded on Spanish colonial reform would be delusive.—Gosnen Times. If Spain expects to secure peace and settle her difficulty with us she will have to quit lying and come up frankly and honestly and deal squarely with us.—Noblesville Ledger. It is settled that Spain's flag must come down from the western hemisphere. Now, would Spain prefer to fold it up carefully or have us reduce it to tatters. —Lafayette Courier. If Spain is sensible she will lose no time in accepting the peace terms. But it has been so long since Spain has been sensible that she may not rise to this occasion. —Lafayette Call. Many of the heroes of the present war hail from the Southern States. American bravery is a product that is not controlled by sectional lines nor limited to any political party.—Shelbyville Republican. While we would not insist that there is any vital relation between the two, yet it is a fact that the fishing is better this year than at any time since the last Republican administration. —Fort Wayne Gazette. The Spanish navy has been pretty effectually used up and now if the army stands In the way of peace they must be giver, some of the same medicine administered to the navy.—Salem Republican Leader. The mo6t difficult part of our task in Cuba will not be ended when the Spanish army has been expelled from that island, but there will still remain ample work for Uncle Sam in the interest of humanity. —Huntington Herald. Cuba must be free. Porto Rico must become a possession of the United States. The Philippine islands must not revert to Spain. This much of the peace programme is very generally acceptable to the American people.—Kokomo Tribune. Spain should remember that the United States is dealing with her on a basis of mercy not of justice, and instead of quibbling throw herself upon our good graces with the familiar petition, “Just as 1 am, without one plea!”—Richmond Item. As to the terms of peace the people of the United States are willing to trust President McKinley and his advisers. The successful management of the war thus far is evidence that it will be brought to a successful termination—Seymour Reporter. We say all praise be to McKinley for the magnificent manner in which he is making history for the United States and in bringing about a condition of civilization and independence among the subjects of tyrannical Spain.— Hammond Tribune. Those fellows who were so loud in their censure because the United States troops were not sent to attack Havana at the start, can now realize that those at the head of the army generally know best how to plan a campaign.—Plymouth Independent. Perhaps the reason Spain wanted to stop the war before the invasion of Porfo Rico was that the world might not be further apprised of the oppression of her colonial subjects and their willingness to throw oil her yoke and accept the invaders as deliverers.—Muncie Times. Two things: The United States ought to have something more than a coaling station out of the Philippine islands campaign; and to turn over the government of Cuba immediately upon Spain’s withdrawal to the Cubans under Garcia and Gomez will speedily make a bad situation worse.—New Albany Tribune. The result of the war thus far. and the possible outcome of the peace negotiations now in progress, opens up a wide field for discussion as to the best future foreign policy of the United States. It promises to become the burning question in future political movements and may possibly make new alignments between the leading parties. —Terre Haute Mail. TALLY-HO SMASH-UP. Ten People Injured In n Chicago Runaway Aceident. CHICAGO, July 31.—Ten ytung people were seriously injured to-day. by the overturning of a tallyho at the foot of the Og-den-avenue viaduct. The Injured were; MAMIE SMITH, internal injuries and bruises about the body. JOSiE FLANLRY. right arm crushed. MAMIE KELLEY, bruises about the body. NELLIE HANLEY, back and side injured. MAGGIE NOONAN, injuries about the body. . , MRS. C. NOONAN, right arm wrenched. ELLA CRIRAN. injuries about the body. MARTHA HEYER, bruised. NELLIE MALARKEY, arms crushed and cut on the head. NELLIE MEB, left leg sprained. ANNIE M EiNGERT, limbs crushed. Fifteen persons were riding in the vehicle, bound for a day's outing at Riverside. While crossing the viaduct at Ogden avenue the horses became unmanageable and rushed down the steep incline, bringing up against the curbing. The bus was smashed to pieces. The Yellow Paper’* Limit. Springfield Republican. The New York World yesterday announced that "Sylvester Scovel is no longer connected with this newspaper.” This is interesting. as showing what a yellow journal refuses to indorse in the conduct of its representatives. The World will condone and even applaud a great deal of bad

conduct among its employes, but It draws the line at striking the commander of a United States army. Reporters and correspondents in the field now know just how far they can go and hold their jobs, as well as their place in the esteem of “the old man.” BOOKS OF THE TIME. Tolstoi in Art. Count Leon Tolstoi, who has thought deeply and written learnedly on many subjects, gives his views of the ideal In art in a work entitled, "What Is Art?” As In all of his works, his peculiar views and personality appear prominently in this one, which is mainly an attack on what the author deems false and degrading in art and an attempt to show by contrast what he considers the true mission of art. His conclusion is: “The destiny of art in our times consists in this; To translate from the region of reason to the region of feeling the truth that the wellbeing of people consists in tneir uni' . and to substitute for the present kingujm of force the kingdom of heaven—that is. love—which presents itself to us all as the highest aim of human life.” There is a long chapter on “What Is Beauty?" replete with citations from all the writers on aesthetics, from Aristotle to Paul Veron. The work is translated from the Russian by Charles Johnston, who says in a preface: "Nothing can be nobler than Tolstoi's ideal of art. It is not to flatter and amuse; art is not the handmaid of pleasure; art is the herald of the soul.” Philadelphia: Henry Altemus. Nature for Nature’* Sake. Professor John C. Van Dyke, author of “Art for Art’s Sake,” has anew work entitled “Nature for Nature’s Sake.” The word “Nature,” as used in the title and body of the book docs not compehend animal life in any form whatever. It. relates only to lights, skies, clouds, waters, lands, foliage—the elements that reveal form and color in landscape, the component parts of the earth-beauty about us. In dealing with these forms and phases of nature the author does net treat nature as classic or romantic, but simply as nature, without any attempt to endow her with fanciful and still less with human qualities. Briefly, it might be said the author treats nature from an observant, appreciative, common sense point of view. The book will interest lovers and students of nature. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Cornell- Stories. The new school of light literature which may he characterized as college stories is of comparatively recent origin. When such stories are well told they appeal to a large circle of readers on account of the freshness and naturalness of the emotions they portray and the unworldliness of the exclusive college life they depict. “Cornell Stories,” by James Gardner Sanderson, is of this class. The volume contains six stories, "The Wooing of Melville R. Corydon,” “Little Tyler, "Company D’s Revenge.” “One Who Didn’t,” “One Who Did,” and “The Eider Miss Archlen.” They all have the genuine college flavor and are told in a way that makes them readable. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Saving* llunk* and Safe Securitle*. This is a publication prepared for the purpose of calling public attention to the wide variety of safe and remunerative securities desirable as investments for individuals, trustees and institutions. It contains much Interesting information concerning the savings banks of the country, besides statistical matter bearing upon municipal indebtedness, personal investment, United States bonds, municipal bonds, special assessment and aid bonds, railroad bonds, miscellaneous securities and corporation bonds, bank and trust company stocks, the power of accumulated savings and other subjects of interest to investors. It is compiled and published by John G. Doter, No. 36 Wall street. New York. SiumlMh Rule In Cuba. As Spanish rule in Cuba will soon end the complete history of it can soon be written. It will be a record of rapacity, tyranny and bloodshed. Some of its salient features are given in “Four Centuries of Spanish Rule in Cuba, or Why We Went to War with Spain,” by Italio Emlio Canini. The work is a mere historical sketch, but It gives in strong outlines a history of the events which, with logical sequence during a long period of time, led up to the present war. Some of the facsimile illustrations from old and modern authorities, showing the cruelties practiced by the Spanish authorities are graphic and horrible. Chicago: Laird & Lee. In King** House*. Mrs. Julia C. R. Dorr’s poems and travel sketches have earned for her a distinct place in American light literature, and anew story by her, “In Kings’ Houses,” is written with all the charm of her earlier works. It is a romance of the reign of Queen Anne, the last of the reigning Stuarts. The Queen herself is described with a strong yet sympathetic touch and the young Duke of Gloster, the “little lady,” and the hero of the tale, Robin Landys, are clearly drawn characters. The style savors of the historic atmosphere of the period in which the scene of the story is laid. Boston: L. C. Page & Cos. Gladstone the Statesman. Probably no one is more competent than Hon. James Bryce to review the career of England’s great statesman. He is not only a trained writer, but was a close friend of Mr. Gladstone for many years, serving with him in Parliament and in two of his Cabinets. The material for this sketch of “William Ewart Gladstone; His Characteristics as ‘Man and Statesman,” was gathered several years ago, but has been wholly revised recently. It is the latest and one of the best of the reviews of Mr. Gladstone’s career. New York: The Century Company. Economic Question*. Charles H. Kerr & Cos. publish “Evolutionary Politics,” by Walter Thomas Mills, a series of addresses and essays on some of the social and economic problems of the day, and “The Secret of the Rothschilds.’’ by Mary E. Hobart, an argument to show that the American people are being consumed by debt through which the rich are becoming richer and the poor poorer. Both books are opposed to the gold standard and are very decidedly Populistic in tone. GladNtone the Man. This work, by an appreciative hand, deals exclusively with Mr. Gladstone’s personal character and life. It is a nonpolitical biography, telling of his marriage and early life, his literary work, his home and family life, his church and philanthropic work, etc. The author. David Williamson, shows personal familiarity with the subject. New York: M. F. Mansfield. The State. “The State; Its Nature. Origin and Functions,” is the title of an address by Rev. L. J. Chamberlain, of New York. It is a vigorous discussion of the principles which are at the basis cf the state in its nature, source and rightful power, and it draws strong conclusions concerning the duties of citizens. Published by the Baker & Taylor Company, New York. Home Reading Rook*. No. II in Appleton’s Home Reading Books series is published under the title of “Uncle Robert’s Geography.” This series Is edited by Col. Franei? W. Parker, and is well adapted for children’s reading. New York: D. Appleton & Cos. Other Book* Received. “The Millionaires,” a novel, by F. Frankfort Moore. Published in Appleton’s Town and Country Library series. “Torn Sails.” a novel, by Allen Raine, author of “A Welsh Singer." Issued as No. 241 In Appleton’s Town and Country Library series. “The Manual of Phonography.” the American system of shorthand by Benn Pitman and Jerome B. Howard. Three hundred and fifty-fifth thous md Cincinnati: The Phonographic Institute Company. DETROIT FULL OF MAYORS. UcleKatP* Arriving; for American Municipal League Convention. DETROIT, Mich., July 31.—Several delegations of mayors and oouncllmen arrived from tije West to-day, and to-night a party came in from various cities of New York, Connecticut and New Jersey to attend the American Municipal League convention. Montreal, Ottawa and other smaller Canadian cities are represented. A meeting of the executive committee was held evening, at which reports were submitted and routine business disposed of. Probably one hundred persons entitled to seats In the convention had arrived up to to-night.

RECORD-BREAKING YEAR KIGIRKS SHOW NEARLY A BILLION AND A QUARTER OF EXPORTS. Trade with Foreign Countries Twice a* Large a* Their Trade with ’ the United State*. ♦ 1 Special to the Indianapolis Journal. WASHINGTON, July 31.—The story of the foreign commerce of the United State* in the year of her-greatest exports has just been completed by the Bureau of Statistic* in its monthly “summary of finance and commerce, - ’ which presents the details of the imports and exports in the fiscal .year ending June 30. It shows that the exports to all parts of the world increased both in manufactures and products of agriculture, and that while there was a great failing off in imports the reduction was almost exclusively in manufactured articles and food products. Manufactured articles ready for consumption fell from $134,375,126 in 1597 and $145,274,038 in 1886 to $82,570,687 in 1888; articles of food and live animals fell from $245,166.197 In 1897 and $237,025,045 in 1896 to $181,480,011 in 1888, while “articles of voluntary use, luxury,” etc., fell from $83,095,970 in 1897 and $93,323,154 in 1896 to $77,452,561 in 1898. On the other hand articles required by the manufacturers and classified as "articles in a crude condition for use in manufacturing.” of which the 1897 imports were $214,916,635 and those of 1896 $209,368,717 amounted in 1898 to $204,543,917, forming in 1898 over 33 per cent, of the total importations, while in 1897 they were but 28 per cent, and in 1896 27 per cent, of the total imports. Manufactured articles for use in the mechanic arts formed in 195 about the same percentage of the imports that they uid in 1596 and 1897. • The exportations of manufactures, which amounted to $288,871,449 in 1898, exceeded those of 1897 by $11,586,058 and those of 1896 by $60,300,271; while the products of agriculture exported amounted to $804,627,929 in 1898 against $688,471,131 in 1897 and $509,879,297 in i*%, the chief increase in agricultural exportations being in breadstuffs. The exportations of the year increased $180,336,694, and the importations of the year oecreased 4113,725,253, me Comparison being made in each case with the preceding fiscal year. To Europe the exportations increased $160,313.645, while the importations from Europe decreased $124,100,391. To North American countries the exportations increased $i4.676.828, while the importations from the North American countries decreased $14,752,130. To South America the exportations increased but $53,326, while the importations from South .American countries decreased $15,295,878. To Asia the exportations increased $5,549,363,. while the imputations from Asia also increased $5,300,440, Asia and Oceanic* being the only grand divisions trom which we increased our purchases during the year. . The following table shows the total exports and Imports by the grand divisions compared with the preceding year: Imports from 1897. 1898. Europe $430,192,205 $306,091,814 North America 103,924.053 91,171.9-1 South America 107,389,405 92,093,526 Asia 5i,394,.97 92,..9.,037 Oceanica 24,4 0.439 26.5k9.220 Africa 9,529,713 7,193,639 Total* '........5764,730,412 $616,003,159 Exports to 1897. 1898. Europe $813,383,644 $973,693.289 North America 124,968,461 139,6A.289 South America 33,768,646 33.8.1,9il Asia 39,2i4.9'J5 44,824,268 Oceanica 22,632,773 21,991,3*1 Africa 16,953,127 17,35i,75Totals - $1,050,993,556 $1,231,329,950 The increase of exports was, as already Indicated, in manufactured articles and articles of food, while naturally the d©crease in imports was in precisely the same classes of articles. Chemicals, chinaware, glassware, manufactures of cotton, iron and steel, leather, silk, wool, wood and fiber, all show a decrease in importations compared, with 1897 and 1866, while in breadstufls, provisions. fish, fruits, wines, sugar, tea and coffee there was also a markeu decrease *n the importations. On the other hand in articles required by manufacturers for use in manufacturing there was an Increase in nearly every case over both 1897 and 18%, the chief exception being iu wool, of whica the importations in 1897 were unusually I& The following table shows the importations of all general classes of articles which exceed $5,U00,0i in value, comparing the Importations with those 1897 and 1896: Imports—Mah’ P rs. 1896. 1897. 1898. Drugs etc $48,310,866 $44,948,752 $41,470,i1l ’Cotton man’f’rs 32!407:504 34,429.363 27.266.932 Chinaware 10,605,861 9,9i7,297 6,tc6,220 y ,„tr man’f’rs .... 27,119,640 32,346,867 21,699,i14 Glassware 7.435.792 5.509,626 3.669.919 Steel man frs ....... 25.338.103 16.094.557 12.613.913 Leather man’frß .. 13.460,142 13,283.161 11,414.118 Oils i),493,348 0,394,111 0,197,8*6 Silk nmn'f’rs 26,655,768 25,199.067 23,523,110 Wood man’f'rs 20,367,967 20,543,810 13.808.052 Wool man’f'rs 53.494.400 49.162,992 14,823.it* Articles used in manufacturing. Cotton, raw 8.578,212 5,884.262 5,019,503 Fibers, raw 12,870.694 12,336,418 13,446,186 Hides ... •5C.620.177 27.863.026 37.068,832 Rubber '....... 16,781,523 17,558,163 25,..45,391 Silk, raw 26.763.428 18.918,283 32,110,066 Tobacco 16.503,130 9,084,105 7,488,00.> . Wool .. .I..!!":!”.* 32,451!242 53,243.191 16,783.692 Articles for consumption. Cofff * 84,793,124 81,544,384 65,067.561 Fjab . 6,323,299 6.108,714 5.984.980 Vri' ii .19,032,439 17,125,932 14.566,874 Su, ■ . 89,219.773 99,066,181 60,472.103 Tel 12,704.440 14,835.862 10.054.005 Wines 11.849,715 12,272,872 9.305,504 The Man with the Musket. They are building as Babel was built, to the sky. With clash and confusion of speech; • They are piling up monuments massive and mgn To lift a few names out of reach. And the passionate greendaureled god of the great, In a whimsical riddje. .of stone, Has chosen a few trom the held and the state To sit on the steps of his throne. But I—l will pass from this rage of renown. This ant-hill commotion and strife, Pass by where the marbles and bronzes look down „ ... With their fast frozen gestures of life. On, out to the nameless who lie 'neath the gloom Os the pitying cypress and pine; Your man is the man of the sword and the plume. But the man of the musket is mine. I knew him! By all that is noble. 1 knew This commonplace hero I name! I’ve camped with him, marched with him, fought with him, too. In the swirl of the fierce battle flame! Laughed with him, cried with him, taken & part Os his canteen and blanket, and known That tne throb of this chivalious prairie boy ■ heart Was an answering stroke of my own! I knew him, I tell you! And, also, I knew When he fell on the battle-swept ridge. That the poor battered body that lay there In blue Was only a plank in the bridge Over which some should pass to a fame That shall shine while the high stars shall shine! Your hero is known by an echoing name. But the man of the musket is mine. I knew him! All through him the good and the bad Ban together and equally free; Bur I judge as 1 trust C hrist has Judged the poor lad, For death make him noble to me! In the cyclone of war. in the battle's eclipse. Life shook out its lingering sands. And he died with the names that he loved on his Ups, Ills musket still grasped In his hands! Up close to the flag my soldier went down, in the salient front of the line! You may take for your heroes the men of renown. But the man of the musket is mine! • • • * • There is peace in the May-laden grace of the hours That come when the day's work is done; And peace with the nameless who, under the flowers. Lie asleep in the slant of the sun. Beat the taps! Put out lights! und silence all sound! There is rifle-pit strength in the grave! They sleep well who sleep, be ti.ey crowned or uncrowned. And death will be kind to the brave. Old comrades of mine, by the fast waning year* That move to mortality's goal. By my heart full of love and my eyes full of tears, I hold you all fast in my soul! And I march with the May, and its blossomy charms I tenderly lay on thts sod. And pray they may rest there, old comrades in arm*. Like a kiss of forgiveness from God! —H. S. Taylor. XYhat Mlftltt Follow. Pittsburg Chronicle Telegraph. As regards this country the annexation of the Philippines would cause a great revolution in our domestic arrangements. It means a big navy, a large standing army, a great transfer of energy, enterprise and capital to distant territories and the exploitation of their resources in competition with the occupations and activities of our present citizenship. Our workingmen must expect to emiufe the open competition of cheap, tropical labor in every line of industry to which that can be applied. Ultimately a transformation of our constitutional system and profound changes in the nature of our politics would ensue.