Indianapolis Journal, Volume 48, Number 104, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 April 1898 — Page 2

2

In accord as the main great purpose that is to be accomplished. I desire, rtr-t. to speak of the difference between the ixoeutive and the committee as shown by these recommendations as to the form and character of intervention. The committee differed with the President in the first place if auso. in the judgment of the committee, the time had come when no further negotiations were In order. The time for action, in the judgment of the committee, has come, and the committee felt that while they had the matter under consideration they would provide for action immediate and specliic, and, as they believed, in character and keeping with the desires of the American people in respect to this matter. “As to the establishment of a stable government by the President of the United States in the Island of Cuba the committee thought there might possibly be grave doubt as to the right of Congress to embower the President of the United States, or for the Congress itself, to create and establish a stable government in the Island of Cuba for the benefit of the Cuban people. However that may be, after the committee had declared that the people oi the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be. free and independent, the proposition that the President of the United States or tlie Congress of the United States or any other exterior power should establish for that independent people a government stable cl otherwise was inconsistent. If a fi topic be free and independent, as we have n this first proposition declared that the people of the Island of Cuba are. they and they alone have power to establish their government. Independence and sovereignty go hand in hand, and any people who have independence have the capacity and the right to exercise sovereignty, and it is a denial of independence to say in the next breath, after you have declared that we will undertake, we do hereby reserve the light and power’ to establish for that independent people a government such as in our judgment and opinion may be stable. A QUESTION OF LAW. “Whether or not a people who have revolted and rebelled against a sovereign power and are striving for independence are entitled to be recognized as an independent state is always a question of fact as well as a question of law. Before you can tell what law is applicable to any particular case you must ascertain what the facts are. "What are the facts with respect to Cuba? Fortunately, in answering that question I need not long or tediously detain the Senate. Not only from the newspapers and other sources of information, but from presidential messages, from the last one received, and especially and particularly from the very able report of the chairman of the, committee on foreign relations, we have been fully advised.” Mr. Foraker-then reverted to Cuban conditions and what Spain had done. Continuing, he said: "Whenever the struggle on the part of the sovereign to recover lost authority, lost sovereignty has ceased to be attended with a reasonable hope or -expectation of success,’ then other countries have a right t 6 recognize the independence of the opposing people. Intervention goes here according to this resolution as it does naturally hand in hand with independence. When this demand, which we all agree is to be made, that Soain shall withdraw, is made upon her that minute she must either abdicate, which would leave the island free and independent to the satisfaction. I imagine, of the most hostile mind to the recognition of independence, or else, if she does not abdicate, she must then give battle, declare war. and what American can doubt or does doubt the ultimate result of war if we are so unfortunate as to have war? “Mr. President. I now wish to speak of the resolution vhich the minority of the committee favor. The minority of the committee are not satisfied simply to recognize the independence of the people of that island. We want to recognize also—and we appeal to senators in this chamber to stand by us in that proposition—the government set up by the insurgents referred to b> the President in his message as the ‘so-called’ Cuban republic.” WHY HE FAVORS RECOGNITION. Mr. Foraker then gave a number of reaeons why the Cubans should be recognized, giving details as to the chareeter of the government. The whole country and whole world knew, he said, that for more than three years war has been in progress in Cuba and in all that time Spain had been uniformly unsuccessful. Spain could never recover her lost sovereignty. All the world knew that bloody, cruel and destructive war was being waged on the island. Diplomacy and autonomy had alike failed to gain Spain’s end on the island. Following diplomacy the Spaniards had resorted to the horrible scheme of concentration and starvation, thereby shocking the entire civilized world. Yet ail these efforts of Spain had been in vain. While the insurgents were now' better equippedand more active than ever before the Spanish army had dwindled from i'.iO.OOO to bO.ftJO active soldiers and these were kept in garrisons, afraid to venture out over night lest old Gomez should capture and carry them off. All these things being true, the United States has the light to Intervene and would perform a duty in so doing. He maintained that the present Cuban republic ought to be recognized, because it was a firm and stable constitutional government. Mr. Foraker declared that in the matter of statesmanship the President and Vice President of the Cuban republic would compare favorably with the President and Vice President of the United States. Mr. Foraker discussed at length the various branches of the Cuban republic’s government, showing that the financial, school and postal systems were, in his opinion, most excellent In all results. Mr. Foraker, in concluding his statement as to the government of Cuba, said: “Some day when they will be made public, when Cuba has been made free, you will find that in the archives of our country, in the office es our own secretary of state are the official communications of the officials of the republic of Cuba, and they are as creditable as any that have come from any country on the globe, communications of marked ability.”

WANTS GOMEZ AS AN A ELY. Continuing, lie said: “We should recognize the existing government, if for nothing else, as a war measure. I do not doubt that intervention by the United States will mean war with Spain. We are bound to assume that it will. That being the case, we should hand in hand with intervention adopt this other resolution recognizing not only the people but the government also as independent, to the end that we may strengthen those who are our natural allies and who can do more for us than anybody else. Gomez has now in the field, as I said a while ago, some 35,000 or 40,(W0 men. He would have many thousand more if he had guns and ammunition for them. The very moment the United States intervenes and recognizes the independence of that republic Gomez can swell that army from 35,000 or 40.1*00 to 50.000. 60.0(h), 80.000, 100,000 men, and all we will have to do will be to put guns and ammunition in their hands and they will speedily evict the Spanish battalions from the Island of Cuba. If we will only with our navy blockade the harbors so they can Like in no boats, no provisions, the Cubans will speedily put an end to the war and there will be no necessity for this government to expose our troops to the ravages of yellow fever and to other difficulties and disadvantages that would attend a campaign in that island in the rainy season. We have all been told by the newspapers and otherwise, and I have never seen any contradiction of it, and therefore 1 have assumed that it is true, that the revenues of Cuba have been by solemn enactment of the Spanish kingdom pledged to the payment of the principal and interest of $400,000,000 of Spanish-Cuban 4-per-cent, bonds. "Mr. President, what will be the consequence to this government if we go down into that island treating them as in a state of anarchy, turning our back on Gomez and his government, denying that there is any government, banishing Spanish from the island, taking possession of the territory and appropriating the revenues either to ourselves or to a stable government that the United States of America, through the President, is to establish in that island. What would be the consequence? We would take the rights and privileges and advantages attaching to the territory and wo would take the debt fastened on to it also ju.-t as if you buy a piece of property that is mortgaged you take it subject to the mortgage and must pay the mortgage or lose your property. That Is the legal proposition that 1 assert. 1 am not going to stop here to road authorities, but I will do so if It should be challenged.” Here Mr. Elkins Gomez takes the island, what will become of the mortgage?” Mr. Foraker replied: “Tt docs not make any difference to us what happens if Gomez takes It. but I will tell you what will happen. If Gomez takes the island by revolution the whole obligation is wiped out. for those who successfully revolutionize start anew, as revolutionists have started anew from the beginning of the world, excpt only as to obligations which they might create. MIGHT MAKE PS PAY. “I say here as a principle of international law. If the United States government goes down there ami drives Spain out and puts somebody else in. forming a stable government of her making, that stable government will become responsible and the United State* will become responsible. If the United States takes that island by intermeddling, aa writers on International law call It. with the affairs of another, she, too,

will become responsible, and. what is the consequence? The United States steps in behind $400,000,000 Spanish-Cuban 4 per cent, bonds. I understand they are held largely in Germany, largely in t rance and largely in the United States. “Does anybody imagine, Mr. President, if we should go into Cuba and there establish a stable government for which we would be responsible that the present Emperor of Germany would hesitate one moment to say to the people of the United States, you have taken by conquest revenue that Spain had a. right to pledge and did pledge to pay the principal and interest of bonds due to my subjects, and 1 will now look to you. And if Germany and France would, say, make such a demand on the United States, the distinguished senator from West Virginia. I imagine, would be one of the first to say •we ought to pay up rather than have any fighting.’ ” Mr. Elkins—l say to the senator that I would not. There is no soundness in his proposition. There is no authority in the world, and l challenge the senator to show anything that gives authority to support his proposition in law—any legal authority. Mr. Foraker quoted from Hall to sustain his contention as follows: “When a state ceases to ex,st and it is absorbed in another state the latter, in the same way, is the inheritor of all local rights, obligations and property.” Somebody says, continued Mr. Foraker, when you go there, if you recognize the existence of that government, you are compelled to report to Gomez, and there will be a question at once between General Miles and General Gomez as to who should command. “If there be any government in the Island of Cuba to-day,” said the senator, “it is either the Spanish government or it is the republic of Cuba, and when General Miles goes I would rather have him report to General Gomez than to Gen. Blanco. “The trouble has been whether it would be independence and intervention, or independence and a declaration of war, and l I would be standing here arguing for such a declaration if I were not of the opinion that armed Intervention will give us an opportunity to suitably punish Spain for the destruction of the Maine and 266 of our officers and sailors. (Applause in the galleries.) We have been told, Mr. President, that the board cf inquiry appointed by our government, by its report, has estopped us from such a declaration. I dispute it. It is true that the board of inquiry found they could not tell what person or persons were responsible for that disaster, but the context shows that in that convection they had reference only to the question what person or persons pressed the button that sent the electric current on its fateful mission, and that, Mr. President, is immaterial in the light of the other facts unequivocally found by that board of inquiry.” SPANISH REPORT A LIE. Mi*. Foraker then went into the facts relating to the Maine and declared that if a gun had been fired upon the Maine it would have been act of war. In proclaiming it an accident Spain simply proclaimed what was being announced by our own government officials. He then added: “She finds in that report that the Maine was destroyed not. by an external agency, but by an accident, by the explosion of one of her magazines. Mr. President, that report is a He to the living and a libel upon the dead. It is on its face absolutely and conclusively false. There is one circumstance that will forever keep it branded as such, as it now is, and that is the fact that the keel plates of that ship after the explosion were found thirty-four feet above where they should have been found as the ship rests on the bottom of that harbor if there had been no explosion, and tjhe bottom plates of the s)ep are bent upward like an inverted V. Spain recognized that she must make a defense. She chose to call it an accident; she so reported. This one fact absolutely wrecks and destroyed her whole defense as completely as the Maine was destroyed by her submarine mine. What is the result? The result of it is that Spain stands to-day convicted by her own effort at defense, convicted in the presenco of the nations of the earth, of that hideous and cowardly crime. “What is our duty In view of it? Mr. President, we owe it to the brave men dead to vindicate their reputations from the brutal charge that they died of their own negligence. We owe it. Mr. President, to the splendid record of the American navy to preserve it from the tarnish that is sought to be put upon it. We owe it. Mr. President, to our own good name among the nations of the earth, that, the perpetrators of such a cruel outrage shall not go unwhipped of justice. ’’No nation can afford to pass bv such an affront as that in silence. This is not a case for the application of the scriptural injunction about the turning of the other cheek, but it is a case. Mr. President, for the application of that other scriptural injunction, ’an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.’ “It is not morality; it is not Christianity; it is not religion; it is not common decency; it is not common sense; but onlv a maudlin sentimentality to talk in the presence of such circumstances and facts about the horrors of war. War is horrible, always to be deplored, and ever to be avoided if it can be avoided consistently with the dignity and the honor and the good name of the Nation. But, Mr. President, much as wails to be deplored. It is a thousand times better to have it in a case like this than to be written down before the nations of the earth—pusillanimous—as wanting in pluck and courage. “Yes, Mr. President, business interests may be interfered with, loss of life may occur. all apprehended evils may result, but no matter what the cost, in the presence of this great commanding duty, we must go forward. The time. I repeat, for the diplomat has passed. The time for’ action has come. Let the doubting, the hesitating, the opposing go to the rear, while the virile, strong-minded. patriotic, liberty-loving masses of the American people, coming from all sections and all pursuits and vocations of life, rally as one man around our gallant army and navy and. taking the flag of our country, carry it on to triumphant victory (applause in the galleries), a victory, Mr. President, for civilization over barbarism. a victory for the right and capacity of man to govern himself, a victory for the Western hemisphere, a victory for freedom and liberty and independence, a victory worthy of the descendants of heroic men who achieved our own independence and worthy of the followers of those heroic men who have since preserved and perpetuated our priceless heritage.’’ (Applause in the galleries.) Mr. Hale offered substitute for the pending resolution authorizing the President to intervene at once and to use the army and navy to this end. The substitute carries no recognition of independence. The Hale substitute went over. It is in accord with the President’s message.

TOAST TO THE MAINE’S DEATH. Senator Lodge Tells Horn* Spanish Officers Expressed Joy. Mr. Lodge followed with a speech in support of the committee's resolution, in which he said: “I believe when we are face to face with a foreign power there is one duty that overrides all others—higher than po'.i* tics, higher than everything else, and that is that the Congress and the people and the executive of the United Slates should stand absolutely together. And now, Mr. President. when the President comes to Congress and invokes our aid in a controversy with a foreign country and asks to give him power to intervene I desire that that great power of war should be given to him in that way. I am against a declaration of war, but I prefer giving the President the power to intervene. I am against recognizing the government of the insurgent republic, because the President of the LTnited States, in his high responsibility, has advised Congress strongly against it. The President has nothing to do hut to ask Mr. Palma to the White House and the Cuban republic stands uu erert and recognized. We may safely trust that power to the President. When we authorize the President, to intervene and use the army and navy of the United States we create a state of war. Let us not deceive ourselves at this solemn hour. Forms of words are of but little moment in a crisis like this. The great central fact concerns the people to-day. “The President has asked us to authorize him to set up a government there which shall be a stable government and a government ‘capable of observing international obligations.’ What kind of government can alone observe international obligations? Only an independent government. If we intervene we do not go there to take Gomez by the throat and make him stop lighting. We go there to put Spain out of that island, for in no other way can we create a government capable of observing its international obligations. No one can be more averse to war than I; no one can deprecate more than I any act which will plunge the country into war. If one year ago last January we had recognized their independence they would have established their independence themselves. Both those propositions passed by the Senate were smothered elsewhere, a wisdom which I shall not question. I have also for many years advocated a powerful navy and strong coast defenses. I have advocated them because I believed that in them was the guarantee of peace. IF WE HAD SHIPS. “If we had to-day, as we ought to have, twenty battle ships and a hundred torpedo boats there never would have been a Cuban question. We are not in this crisis by an

THE INDIANATOLIS JOURNAL, THURSDAY, AERIL 14, 1898.

accident. We have not been brought here by chance and by clamorous politicians or by yellow journals. We arc face to face with Spain to-day in the fulfillment of a great movement which has run through the centuries. Out of the war which Spain wages and the manner in which she wages it has come starvation and the destruction of the Maine. “Spain is on her deathbed, buried in debt, bleeding at every vein from the revolutions in her colonies, and her officers and officials rob her, dying, as she is. in the eyes of the world. We asked General Lee yesterday. when he was before us, if the sfioo.009 said, to have been appropriated by Spain for the relief of the reooncentrados would reach them or would be spent on the Spanish soldiers, for they are starving, too, and his reply was: ’lt will never reach either of them: the officials will take it all on the way.’ That is what is going on in Spain, just as it was when Gil Bias had his adventures. That is why Cuba has rebelled. The sentiment of the American people, in my judgment, is for peace. We are essentially a peace-loving, peace-cherishing people, but there is a sentiment in the American people that is above and beyond their love of peace. I mean among the great mass of our people, whose eyes are not blinded by the glitter of too much wealth. Among those people there is a strong sentiment for peace always, but it can only be peace with honor. They cherish very deeply the pride in being Americans, and they do not want to see that name tarnished or brought to ignominy or dishonor. The sentiment of my own State and my people I have known, and now know, is for peace. They do not wish to see this country plunged into an unnecessary war. but neither would they see the country degraded. If they cannot have peace with honor, then they will meet war in a brave and noble spirit, as Massachusetts always has met her trials from Concord to Baltimore. If war must be—l hope and pray that it may be avoided—no nation ever went to war on higher grounds or from nobler or from more disinterested motives. War is here, if it is here, by the acts of Spain. “And now. in conclusion, what of the Maine? I am so merely human that that ship is nearer my heart than anything else. Suppose she had gone down to her death in an English harbor, blown up as she was carrying her men with her, what do you think would have been the voice of England—the land of Nelson? I believe if it had happened in an English port England would have said: ‘We regard this with horror: we believe that it must have been an accident, but it happened in our harbor under our flag. If you think otherwise, name the reparation that you want.’ Such, Mr. President. I believe would have been the reply of England; such, I believe, would have been our reply or that of any of the great powers. SPAIN’S COMIC SORROW. “Look, now, at Spain. She has done nothing but slander the dead officers and the living officers of the Maine. Her ambassador to Rome said but a week ago to all Europe, in a published interview, that that ship went down because her captain .neglected her and was not on board. We have the evidence of Captain Sigsbee before our committee as to the character of examination which the Spaniards made, trivial, slight, careless, done for a form, to back up a story which they had already made up their minds to stand by and put forth. That has been the attitude of Spain toward an awful disaster happening in her own harbor.” Mr. Frye—Will the senator from Massachusetts please add right here that the death of our sailors and the destruction of our ships according to General Lee’s testimony was celebrated with banquets and champagne by the Spanish officers in Cuba? “Mr. President,” replied Mr. Lodge. “I thank the senator from Maine for recalling to me the testimony of General Lee on that point yesterday. They rejoiced in Havana. and they explained the explosion by throwing it upon our officers, slandering their character and denying their words. “We cannot take money for the dead men of the Maine. There is only one reparation. There is only one monument to raise over that grave, and that is free Cuba and peace in that island. That is a worthy monument, worthy of the men who died under the flag they loved; died, in the cold language of the law, ‘in the line of duty.’ We are told that we must not go to war on the narrow ground of revenge. No, not revenge, but we must have reparation for the Maine. We cannot as a nation belittle that case or refuse to demand a great and shining reparation for our dead sailors. If we allow that to drop aside, to pass away into an endless tangle of negotiation and law and discussion, we are lost to all sense of brotherhood; we are lost to all love of kith and kin; our uniform will no longer be an honor and protection; it will be a disgrace and danger to wear. Your men on your ships are sullen to-day because they think that the government is not behind them. There are mutterings among the men who wear your uniform because they think you have not striven to redress the awful slaughter of their comrades. You must maintain the honor of the uniform and the flag under which the men died. Surely there was never a more righteous cause than this cause for any nation to ask for justice. That gigantic murder, the last spasm of a corrupt and dying government, which carried down our ship and our men, cries aloud for justice. 1 care but little what form of words we adopt. I’m ready to yield my opinions to those .about me in Congress. Still more ready am I to defer to the wishes of the executive, who stands and must stand at our head, but 1 want now to arm that executive with powers which will enable him in the good providence of God to bring peace to Cuba and exact justice for the Maine.”

MR. LINDSAY'S ARGt MENT. Thinks Intervention Will Make This Country Liable for Boimln. Mr. Lindsay followed Mr. Lodge in a stirring speech. The resolution reported to-day would be. in his opinion, a declaration of war so soon as it should be finally enacted into law. If Spain should be driven from tlie island, what, asked Mr. Lindsay, is to become of Cuban people. He maintained that if the United States should intervene in this way the island when conquered should be under our domination and the Cuban people could only form anew government by our consent. Who lias the right to say that we shall not make war against Spain in concert with the insurgent forces on the island? Who has the right to say that we shall not recognize the Cuban republic authorities to the end that the republic shall be made free and independent. lie thought it was merely a supersensitive objection that had been raised against the recognition of Cuban independence. Mr. Lindsav held that unless the independence of the Cuban republic were recognized the United States, by intervening, would make itself liable for all the debts for which tiie revenues of the island were pledged. Mr. Hoar inquired whether -dr. Lindsay knew of any person of influence who proposed to place the Cuban people under restraint by our armies. In reply Mr. Lindsay read from the President’s message that paragraph which spoke of placing restraint upon both parties to the conflict in Cuba. Mr. Hoar said he did not believe ten men in this country held the opinion which Mr. Lindsay bad tried to put into the President’s mouth. He said that the United States could no more be held responsible for the debts of Cuba on account of interfering than could a fireman be held responsible for the mortgage on a house in which he had endeavored to extinguish a fire. Mr. Lindsay, continuing, held that in proceeding along the lines of intervention we would not be conquering individuals or parties. but a country; and when the United States had conquered tlie recognizee! government in Cuba it would have of necessity to set up a government of its own, at least temporarily. Spain had the right. Mr. Lindsay maintained. to mortgage the revenues of Cuba, and as a consequence any nation conquering Spain in Cuba would be responsible for these' bonds. The obligations of Spain are elirect. In conquering the islanel the United States would be apparently responsible to the creditors of Spain. Mr. Carter inquired if the Cuban republic should conquer its own independence and freedom whether it would be responsible for the Cuban bonds. Mr. Lindsay maintained that the case of the United States and that of the Cuban republic differed from each other materially in that the very funds derived from the sale of the bonds had been employed to hold the Cubans iu. subjection. He thought, however, that that was a question in which we were not in the slightest way interested. Mr. Carter then inquired whether Mr. Lindsay would have this government shirk the ephemeral responsibility of Cuba* bonds by falling in behind the Gomez government to escupe the legitimate consequences of war. Mr. Lindsay said, in reply, that he was not afflicted ivith the delicate sensibilities of the senator from Montana and if the United States should in waging a war against Spain find ajiofher government engaged in the same kind of war he felt that there would be justification in a union of forces. Ho maintained that it was the duty of the United States to treat with the insurgent government in Cuba so that no man should be unjustly dealt with and no man's prow-

erty unjustly confiscated. Mr. Lindsay said in conclusion that the United States was hound to intervene in behalf of the Cubans by all good faith and national honor. The separation of Spain from Cuba was made inexorable by the logic of events—by a dispensation of fate. Mr. Chandler announced that when the foreign relations committee resolution was called up to-morrow he would object to the consideration of any other business until the resolution *vas disposed of. Mr. Daniel offered a resolution requesting the President to transmit to the Senate ail diplomatic correspondence between the United States and Spain respecting affairs in Cuba, and also requesting h*m to inform the Senate whether this government has submitted to Spain the proposition of Cuban independence, and if so, in what form such proposition was made and under what conditions. Without debate the resolution was agreed to. Mr. Frye, a member of the foreign relations committee, desired, he said, to present a resolution which had been before the committee and which to his mind was responsive in its nature to the desire of the President as expressed in his message. The resolution, he further stated, represented the opinions of certain members of the foreign relations committee. In response to a question from Mr. Bacon (Georgia) as to how many members of the foreign relations committee were favorable to the resolution presented by Mr. Frye, Mr. Frye replied with asperity: “As the senator from Mainq is at present advised, he will not reply to that question.” Being further pressed for information Mr. Frye said that the resolution reported by the foreign relations committee this morning had the unanimous approval of the committee. Four members, however, believing that the resolutions ought to recognize the independence of the Cuban republic, had united in a supplemental report embodying the independence feature. When he learned that this supplemental report was to be presented he-re-served the right to lay before the Senate the resolution which he had just offered. The resolution was the same which Mr. Frye introduced several days ago and which was referred at that time to the foreign relations committee. The following measures were passed: Making Knoxville. Tenn., a port of delivery and creating the office of surveyor of customs: extending the time granted to the Gainesville, McAlester & St. Louis Railroad Company to construct a railroad through the Indian Territory, and extending the time for the construction of a bridge across the Yazoo river at Greenwood, Miss. After passing a large number of private pension bills the Senate at 5:25 p. m. adjourned.

TEXT OF RESOLUTIONS. (Concluded from First Page.) the government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. “Third, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States and call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.” Accompanying the resolutions was a very thorough review of the entire situation, and a strong jrresentation of the facts which has led the committee to its conclusions. The report takes up the Maine disaster as the leading topic for consideration and plunges into that question in its first sentence, which is as follows: “The destruction of the United States battle ship Maine, of two of her officers and of 264 of her crew in the harbor of Havana on the night of Feb. 15, 1898, excited to an unprecedented degree the compassion and resentment of the American people.” SPAIN RESPONSIBLE. Continuing, the report says: “Manifestations of that resentment were suspended, although the feeling was not allayed, by the self-restraint of our pepple, who determined to hold their judgment in suspense concerning their ultimate action until an official investigation should disclose the cause of that great disaster and enable them by direct or circumstantial testimony to impute the responsibility therefor. That investigation had been made. It was conducted with judicial thoroughness and deliberation. The difficulty of demonstrating by conclusive proof the efficient personal cause of that sinister event was the usual one of exposing plotted and mysterious crimes. No such difficulty, however, obscure its official and responsible cause.” The committee says the explosion itself of the Maine was linked with a series of precedent transactions, “which cannot in leason be disconnected from it.” Continuing. the report says; “With animus by Spain so plainly apparent that no one can even plausibly deny its existence, but one reason for the conclusion of the investigating mind must come in considering the entire subject of the relations of the United States with that government. It is the opinion of your committee that the destruction of the Maine was compassed either by the official act of the Spanish authorities or was made possible by negligence on their part so willing and gross as to be equivalent in culpability to positive criminal action. When property and life are destroyed by an act which the exercise of due diligence by the person whose duty it is to use it could have prevented the happening of such an event is sufficient proof that diligence was not employed. The time of the explosions must have been calculated for the moment when the Maine would swing within the destructive radius of the mine.'’ Concluding this portion of its presentation. the committee says: “The duplicity, oerlidy and cruelty of the Spanish charac- *. r, as they always have been, are demon* -*trated still to continue by their manifestations during the present war in Cuba. All these circumstances, considered cumulatively. warrant the conclusion that the destruction of the Maine was compassed either by the official act of the Spanish authorities fund the ascertainment of the particular person is not material) or was made possible by a negligence on their part so willing and gross as to be equivalent in culpability to positive criminal action.” In taking up the more general subjects the committee expresses the opinion that “the United States ought to at once recognize the independence of the people of Cuba and also ought to intervene to the end that the war and its unexampled atrocities shall cease, and that such independence shall become a settled political fact at the earliest possible moment by the establishment, by the free action of the people of Cuba when such action can he had. of a government independent in fact and form.” A PROTRACTED MASSACRE. The committee asserts that the cause of Spain has continually grown weaker, while the cause of the insurgents has grown stronger, and says that the few reinforcements now being sent to Cuba do not supply a tithe of Spain’s losses caused by battle and disease. The western portion of the island spoken of as a desolation created by Spain, in which portion of the island alone she exercises a sovereignty. falling attention to the policy of Spain, tlte committee says that over 200,090 persons have been killed as a result of this action, and adds: “There has been no distinction of sex or age in this protracted and torturing massacre. The children of this generation have been starved to death, and the immolation of womanhood has destroyed the possibility of posterity.” The opinion is expressed that it was the intention of the contriver of this policy to depopulate the island and repeople it with Spaniards. It is also asserted that the Spanish government has violated the laws of civilized warfare in the slaughter of prisoners and the massacre of sick and wounded. The committee discusses at some length the two propositions for the recognition of the independence of the Cubans and of intervention. They say that because of the attitude of the United States this government has placed itself in concurrence with the acts of Spain ever since fne beginning of the war. and we have in a spirit of forbearance submitted to many atrocities perpetrated by Spain on our own citizens, which, under recognition, would have had n# warrant in international law and would have afforded just ground of proeeedure by this government. Hence it is claimed that there has been no real neutrality through the entire war. as Spain has had free rights of purchase in this country, while the Cubans have not had such rights. The committee places the cost of our policing of coasts in the interest of Spain at two million dollars. On the subject of intervention the committee says: “Justification for intervention is strengthened in such cases as the present where the oppressions by a state of its subjects have been so inveterate, atrocious and sanguinary as to require intervention by other nations in the interest of humanity and the peace of the world, for the purpose of overthrowing that government and establishing or recognizing another in its place as the only means of extricating an otherwise incurable and dangerous evil. JURISTS NOT UNANIMOUS. “Conflict of opinion among jurists on the subject of intervention is very great. Arntz maintains that the right of intervention exists when one state violates or threatens the rights of another state, while, on the other hand, Guizot declares that no state has the right to intervene in another state only when its own safety renders it indispensable. Between these extremities of opinion differences among publicists are various and irreconcilable.” Quoting from Professor Hall and others in support of the

right of intervention in eases similar to that of Cuba, the report continues as follows: “If these opinions state the correct rule, as we believe they do. the right of intervention by the United States in the present instance is indubitable.’’ The balance of power and the Monroe doctrine are both policies of intervention, to be effected in certain contingencies in furtherance of national policies, and to justify which no canon of international law was ever invoked. The former has profoundly affected the relations of the European states and the independence of many of those sovereignties. The latter has kept the powers of Europe out of the American continents ever since it was promulgated. It was a distinct announcement that the United States would intervene under certain expressed circumstances, in the affairs of every Central American and South American state. The United States did intervene by threat and show of force in the affairs of Mexico and France, and compelled the evacuation of that republic by a European power whose own prior intervention in Mexican affairs had overthrown a republican establishment and established the monarchy upon the ruins. No publicist has ever Asserted that either of these policies is part of the law of nations. "Further justification for intervention in the present case is 'found in the fact that it is the only means of extirpating an otherwise incurable and dangerous evil. The conduct of the European pow'ers respecting Turkey has been pursuant to the policy which impels one nation to intervene in the affairs of another state to stop cruelty and massacre and if necessary, to depose it from sovereignty. The fact that Spain is a Christian state does not give her greater warrant to exterminate her subjects than Mohammedan Turkey possessed to extirpate hers. The recent intervention by the European powers in favor of Turkey and against Greece in her endeavor to assist the Cretan insurgents is familiar history. So, also, is the intervention of the same powers which checked the advance of the armies of Turkey into Greece.” The committee then quote from the messages of President Cleveland, of Dec. 7, 1896. and from President McKinley’s message of Dec. 6, 1897, in support of the committee’s contention that the attitude of the United States toward the present question has been based on the right of intervention and the intention to exercise it in certain contingencies. “These declarations," the committee says, in conclusion, “more than implied that this government would interpose in the event of failure, within a reasonable time, to conquer the insurgents or to induce them by concessions of home rule to lay down their arms. They have not been subdued. The autonomy proffered was specious and illusory. It has been rejected by the insurgents not because it was specious and illusory, but because they will accept nothing short of complete national independence. The suggestion of a more complete autonomy has also been rejected by them. They declare to the United States and Spain alike that no terms short of independence. which those powers may attempt to prescribe to them, will be accepted. Spain refuses to grant independence. The w’ar, then, must go on, and the misery which has shocked the civilized world must continue and increase unless it is terminated by the triumph of Cuba or Spain or by the interposition of the United States. TIME TO INTERVENE HAS COME.

“It is the of this committee that the time to interpose has arrived; that intervention which will stop the war and secure the national independence of Cuba should at once take place. If under all the circumstances Spain shall choose to regard such action by this government as a cause of war, that consequence, however, deplorable, will be accepted by the American people with all the fortitude that confidence in the justice of their action can inspire. Such intervention is justifiable and necessary for the following reasons: The present situation in Cuba has become a menace to the peace of the world, and especially to the peace and safety of the United States. Spain has bid for European intervention, thus far apparently without success, but the conditions which make such intervention possible should be removed at once. "For nearly three years the hostilities in < ‘uba and the Spanish administration of that island have involved this government in perilous relations with Spain and raised questions of right and responsibility, of which no prospect of settlement is apparent. So long as these conditions are allowed to remain unsettled they wall increase an irritation which has already become intolerable and which will inevitably ultimately require adjustment by measures much more vigorous than now seem adequate to compose existing difficulties. “Spain has Called to perform her treaty obligations and other international duties toward the United States. To give a minute specification of these derelictions would unnecessarily extend this paper. They are the familiar matters of current history. American citizens have been seized and imprisoned without shadow of right, and have been proceeded against by violent and irregular forms in violation of treaty obligations. The assination of Ruiz, an American citizen, was the act of the Spanish officials who held him in a custody unwarranted by his treaty rights. No reparation has been made for this act. although it has been demanded by this government. “A justifiable case for intervention has been afforded by the barbarity with which Spain has conducted her military operations: by her slaughter of captured insurgent soldiers, and by her extermination of not less than 1)00,000 of her own noncombatant subjects—men. women and children —by driving them from their homes Into places of concentration and there suffering them to die of starvation and disease. "In 1893 there were $50,000,000 of property in the island of Cuba belonging to the citizens of the United States. Much of this has been destroyed, and much of that destruction lias been by the acts of Spain. The destruction of the remainder she has been unable, or unwilling to prevent. The claims on file in the State Department against Spain for indemnity for this destroyed property are about $16.000,000 in amount. Her military officers have levied contributions upon American planters as the price for tile preservation of their estates and the continuance of their agricultural operations. In 1893 the commerce of the United States with Cuba had reached the annual sum of nearly $100,000,000. Since that time it has been substantially annihilated by the methods of Si>anish military arid civil maladministration.” Senator Turpie presented the report of the minority committee, as follow’s: "The undersigned members of the committee on foreign relations cordially concur in the report made upon the Cuban resolutions, but we favor the immediate recognition of the republic of Cuba organized in that island as a free, independent and sovereign power among the nations of the world.” It was signed by Senators Turpie. Mills, Daniel and Foraker. The statement in General Lee’s testimony which has had an influence with the more radical procuban members of the Senate committee on foreign relations, was to the effect that the present Cuban government was a government on paper only. He said, however, that he had no real facts on the subject; that this was merely an opinion. General Lee also said that it was true that the lights in Havana went out on the night of the explosion. The conservative Republican members of the Senate held a meeting to-day in the room of the Senate committee on judiciary after the close of the Cuban debate for a general discussion of the situation. They did not attempt to reach a definite conclusion as to the course to be pursued by them in the present emergency, hut the exchange of views so far as indulged in indicated a decided preference for the House resolutions over those presented by the Senate committee on foreign relations. Those present at the meeting were Messrs. Allison, Hoar, Platt of Connecticut. Hale. Elkins. Hanna. McMillan, Spooner, Aldrich, Fairbanks and Eurrows. Senator Hole’* Substitute. WASHINGTON, April 13.-The substitute for the committee resolution on the Cuban question, offered by Senator Hale, is in the language of the President’s recommendations and is as follows: T.ie President is authorized, directed and empowered to intervene at once to restore peace in the Island of Cuba and to secure to the people thereof a firm, stable and independent government of their own. and is authorized to use the army and naval forces of the United States to secure this end." This will be supported by the conservative senators. Xltgelri Denounce* Cleveland. CHICAGO. April 13.—At the Jeffersonian celebration at Central Music Halt to-night ex-Governor John P. Altgeld, of Illinois, was the principal speaker. He eulogized Jefferson as “the great defender of human liberty" and declared he was one of the greatest, figures in American history. The greater portion of the address was devoted to a denunciation of ex-President Cleveland. Would-lte Jack Tarn Killed. MOBILE, Ala., April 13.—Two men, names unknown, were crushed to death at Magazine point, on the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, this morning by the sudden shunting of a car. Philip Kaumm. of Pittsburg, Kan., was fatally injured. Kaumm said one of the dead men was from Pittsburg, Kan., and the other from Milwaukee. All were en route to Pfnsacola to enlist in the navy. GodkinV* Idea. Memphis Commercial-Appeal. Possibly Larry Godkin Is in hopes that the SjMininrds, in the event of an invasion, will extend to him the same immunity that Jcshua extended to Rahab in Jericho.

ONLY 19 NAYS. (Concluded from Firs! ParJ cussed, but the rule which now prevails is that when the House finally determines to decide a question that is the very time the House refuses to allow debate upon It. You will suffer debate to proceed day after dav. I have seen it proceed more than a week upon a question which you had no purpose of deciding. I have heard this very question discussed in a general way twenty times within the present session, debated in a general wav it is true, and yet having allowed the debate while you did not intend to decide, now that you are going to decide you deny the deb? ;e. But, sir. we are as readv to meet the question, we are as ready to decide it. we are as ready to take our responsibility as gentlemen on the other side and we invite you to call the roll.” (Applause and cries of (“Vote, vote.”) MR. JOHNSON PROTESTS. At this point Mr. Johnson (Rep., Tnd.) loudly protested against cutting off members of the House. He entreated Mr. Henderson “not to be ungenerous enough to move the previous question until other gentlemen have had the right to be heard.” Mr. Henderson declined to yield, but he granted a few minutes to Mr, McMillin (Dem., Tenn.), a member of the committee on rules. Mr. McMillin said the most momentous question that has confronted the American people since the close of the great civil wa** confronts us to-day, and he did not agree with the sentiment which seemed to be strong on the other side that there ought not to be a candid and ample presentation of the great question to the representatives of the American people and through them to the American people. (Applause on the Democratic side.) If we had recognized the independence of the republic of Cuba long ago, he contended, Cuba, would have been free to-day and we would have been free from obligations. (Applause on Democratic side.) Mr. Clayton—And the Maine would have been afloat. Mr. McMillin—And to-day 266 gallant American sailors whose glory will not fade until the flag fades, on account of their sacrifice to their country, would have been living American sailors. Now, Mr. Speaker, what excuse are we going to give the American people for hasty action in this matter? The resolution of the majority does not propose to recognize the republic of Cuba and the resolution of the minority does. The resolution of the majority does not force the President to send our army and our navy to back up this action immediately; the resolution of the minority does. They differ as the poles differ, and their differences ought to be shown and the representatives here given an opportunity to show' which one of the resolutions best accomplishes the work to be performed. You heard the President’s message. You know' the spirit that it breathed. You know the indecision that characterized it. You know there was no free Cuba in it; and yet you propose to turn over to him the army, you propose to turn over to him the navy and turn over to him the treasury and give him discretion to fight or not to fight as he pleases. So far as 1 am concerned, and I believe I represent the members on this side of the House, we are not only in favor of free Cuba, but we intend that the President shall not stand in the way of that freedom. (Loud applause on Democratic side.) HENDERSON SCORES BAILEY.

Mr. Henderson in closing the debate criticised severely the position taken by Mr. Bailey. "He has presented a singular spectacle here to-day,” said he. “He has attempted again and again to force action in this House, on his own statement, under any circumstances, on any bill, and at any time. And now he pleads for time because the Senate is going to deliberate,'and urges that as an argument, and winds up by wanting us to call the roll now. 1 regret the attempt to make partisanship out of this great national question as unwise. (Cries of ‘oh,’ on the Democratic side). When he attacks the chief executive and the Repjublican party for deliberation, the care that has been taken in making contracts with every powder manufactory in the country, preparing shot and shell to overcome the difficulties that have been forced upon the country in the past by false policy, he is unjust to himself, to the party, to the President. We have examined with care the great dangers that confronted us. We have weighed, as lias the President, with brain anu heart the whole question and all that confronts the country in settling the great problem. That lias been done wisely, and if done wisely and well, it is well it was quickly done. Now, we are here for action, and I want to say that with scarcely a dissenting voice we are ready for the roll call in this House.” (Applause on the Republican side.) Mr. Henderson thereupon demanded the previous question against the loild protests of Mr. Johnson, of Indiana, who became so violent in his denunciation of this effort to stifle debate and not allow a “remonstrance against this unnecessary war into w'hich the country was to be plunged” that the speaker had to appeal to the sergeant-at-arms to compel him to take his seat. The rule was then adopted, and the resolutions were again presented, together with those of the minority, which were to be offered as a substitute. Mr. Adams yielded to Mr. Dinsmore (Dem., Ark.), the senior member of the minority. Mr. Dinsmore said he regretted as much as any other man on this floor could the manifestation of partisan feeling and partisanship that had occurred during the afternoon. “It appears to me, sir,” said he, “that if there was ever a period in the history of this government when patriotic dignity should have been shown and partisanship should have been subordinated to statesmanship that period is now. (Prolonged applause on the Democratic side.) We are confronted here by the most critical situation witnessed in many years by the people of the United States. Our people have long recognized that this point would ultimately be reached unless those who represented the people in the Congress performed their full duty and took the courageous stand dictated by prudence and statesmanship and common sense. (Applause.) A STANDING MENACE. “As has been well said by my friend from Tennessee (Mr. McMillin), it has been and is now my conviction that if we had 'done our duty, if we had taken this position a year ago this matter would have been settled, Cuba would have been free and the sailors of the Maine who sleep now in a watery grave would have been alive to bear aloft in their arms and carry to victory the flag of our country. (Applause.) Throughout all of the history of the government Spanish civilization on the American continent has been a menace to us and to our institutions. And now we are called upon again to-day to extend help to patriots who for thirty years have fought Spanish oppression, Spanish brutality, Spanish butchery and Spanish wrong. (Urolonged applause.) “But,” he continued, “the majority propose to go and say to the people who have for years past in an unequal fight been compelled to see their wives suffer and starve in the eause of liberty that we are coming with an army to establish a government which in our judgment will be a stable government, which will be a possible government and a peaceful government. The minority, on the other hand, proposes to recognize the fact that the Cubans have an organized government. We are not going to force upon them a government that may be a carpet-bag government, run by somebody else outside of your own dominion. (Applause.) What are they now? Are they Cuban belligerents? Let us give to the Cubans liberty. (Applause on the Democratic side.) We talk about freedom. Let us give them the right to elect a government which they think will be a free government, and which does not reserve to us, whoever we may be. the right to say after that is established. ‘Ah, this is not a stable government, we cannot turn it over to you yet.’ 1 understand it was stated by Mr. Foraker in the Senate to-day. asserted as a fact of international law, and I have thought myself all along that there were grave difficulties upon this question—he asserted as a fact that in case we go and intervene in Cuba, without giving recognition to the government which there exists, that we hereby become responsible for the payment of the bonds which have been floated on the credit of the revenues of Cuba. We heard the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Grosvenor). say the other day that Cuban independence was going to be recognized. Uuban independence? There can be no Cuban independence except in the independence of it-* government in the hands of its own officials. (Applause on the Democratic Mde > BLOWN UP BY SPANIARDS. “.Mr. Speaker. I for one. have become convinced by deliberate consideration of the testimony brought before a legally constituted naval court, composed of officers who have honored commissions, who have been honored by commissions of the United States government without going into details. for that time is not permitted to me— I believe that the Maine disaster was the result of deliberate official action of the Spaniards. (Applause.) Not that Blanco knew it. not that he ordered it. but that it must of necessity inevitably have been done bv some official of the Spanish government familiar with and having the secrets of the submarine mines deposited there for the protection of that harbor. We ought to do that which would be an honor to the American colors, because if we impose a wrong on Cuba it* redounds to the dishonor

of our own republic. The people have become irresistible in their demands for the action of this body, else we all know that this action could never have been brought about. We offer to you and to the country our substitute for your resolution and appeal to the wisdom, and patriotism and judgment of our fellow-citizens, and for the rectitude of our intentions, the integrity of our purpose, the justice of our position, to that high court which must pass upon the actions of all men, and ail nations. “Our fathers’ God. from out whose hand. The centuries fall like grains of sand.” Mr. Adams, the acting chairman of the committee, closed tin* debate. He reviewed the half of a century of Spanish misrule in Cuba which had kept the United States in a ferment politically and financially- add the history of the cruelties and barbarities *>f the present war on the island. "This country would not deserve to stand in the domain of civilized nations,” said he, “it would not be entitled to rank among the Christian stutes, if it should not intervene in order to stop this cruel warfare which l Spain has practiced.” He stated the arguments against recognizing the insurgent government and concluded as fallows: "Wo stand, as I believe, in one of the greatest and most momentuous < ras in the history; of our country, and as an American representative I want to make one appeal to the men of this house w ithout respect to party. When the roll is called and the demand is made upon them to defend American honor and American principles, which have been assailed by the Spanish nation. I ask that one and all arise in their places and cast their votes to show the world, as we did a few weeks ago, that, however we may differ upon mutters of detail, we are Americans one and ail. and that i>olitics cease at the seacoast.” (Loud applause.) SUBSTITUTE DEFEATED. The vote was then taken on the substitute resolutions and they were defeated— l 47 to 190. The vote in detail follows: Yeas—Adamson. Allen, Bailey, Baird, Ball, Bankhead. Barlow-. Bartlett. Beach, Bell, Benner. Benton. Bland, Bodine. Botkin, Bradley, Brantley, Brenner, Broussard, Brucker, Brundige. Burke. Campbell, Carmack, Castle, Catchings, Clardy, Clark of Missouri. Cochran of Missouri, Cooney, Cooper of Texas, Cowherd. Cox, Cranford, Cummings. Davey, Davis, De Armond, Degraffenfreid. Devries. Dinsmore, Dockery, Driggs. Elliot, Ermentrout. Fitzgerald, Fitzpatrick. Fleming, Fowler of North Carolina, Fox, Gaines, Griffith, Griggs. Gunn. Handy, Hartman, Hay, Henry of Mississippi, Henry of Texas. Hinriehsen, Howard of Alabama. Howard of Georgia. Hunter, Jett, Jones of Virginia, Jones of Washington. Kelly, King, Kitchin, Kleburg, Knowles, Lamb, Lanham. Latimer. Lentz. Lester, Lewis of Georgia, Lew-is of Washington, Little, Loyd, Love, McAleer. McClellan, McCormick, McCMlloch. McDbweil. McMillin, Mcßae, Maddox, Maguire, Mann, Martin, Maxwell, Meeklson. Meyer. Miers, Moon. Newlands, Norton of Ohio, Norton of South Carolina! Ogden. Oshorne, Oley, Peters, Pierce of Tennessee. Rhea. Richardson, Ridgeley, Rixey, Robb, Robertson. Robinson, Sayers, Settle. Shafroth. Shuford, Simpson, Sims. Skinner, Slayden, Smith of Kentucky. Sparkman. Stallings, Stark. Stephens, Stokes. Strait. Stroud of North Carolina, Sullivan. Sulzer. Sutherland, Swanson, Talbert, Tate, Taylor of Alabama, Terry. Todd, Underwood, Vandiver, Vehslage, Vincent, Wheeler of Alabama. Wheeler of Kentucky, Williams of Mississippi, Wilson, Young of Virginia, and Zenor. Total, 147. Nays—Acheson, Adams, Aldrich. Alexander, Arnold. Babcock, Baker of Maryland, Barber, Barham, Barney. Barrett, Barrows, Bartholdt, Belden, Belford, Belknap, Bennett, Bingham, Bishop. Booze. Routellu of Illinois, Boutelle of Maine, Brewster, Bromwell, Brown, Brownlow-. Brumm, Bull, Burleigh. Burton, ButlOr, Cannon, Capron, Chiekering, Clark of lowa, Clark of New Hampshire. Cochran of New York, Connell, Connolly, Cooper of Wisconsin, Corless. Cousins. Crump, Crumpaeker. Curtis of lowa, Curtis of Kansas. Dalzell, Danford. Davenport. Davidson of Wisconsin, Davison of Kentucky. Dayton of Ohio, Dingley, Dolliver, Dovener, Eddy, Ellis, Evans, Paris, Fenton, Fischer, Fletcher. Foote, Foss, Fowler of New Jersey. Gardner. Gibson, Gillett of New York. Gillette of Massachusetts, Graff. Griffin, Grosvenor, Grout, Grow, Hager. Hamilton, Hammer, Hawley, Heatwole, Hemenway, Heni.erson, Henry of Connecticut, Henry of Indiana, Hepburn, Hicks, Hilborn, Hill, Hooker, Hopkins, Howe, Howell, Hull, Hurley, Jenkins. Johnson of Indiana, Johnson of North Dakota, Joy. Kerr. Keteham, Kirkpatrick, Knox, Kulp, Lacey, laindis, Lawrence, Linney, Littauer. Lorrimer. Loud. ludenslager, Lovering, Low. Lybrand, McCall, McDonald, McEwan, Mclntyre, Mahany. Mahon. Marsh, Mercer, Meriek, Miller, Mills, Miner. Mitchell. Moody. Morris, Mudd, Northway, Odell. Olmstead, Otien, Overstreet, Packer, Parker of New Jersey, Payne, Pearce of Ohio, Pearson. Perkins, Pitney, Powers, Prince, Pugh. Quigg. Ray, Reeves, Robbins. Royse, Russell, Sauerhering. Shannon, Shattuc. Sheldon, Shermaji. Showalter, Smith of Illinois. S. W. Smith of Michigan, William Aiden Smith of igan, Shover, Southard, Southwick. Spalding, Sperry, Sprague, Steele, Stevens of Minnesota, Stewart of New Jersey, Stewart of Wisconsin. Charles W. Stone of Pennsylvania, Strode of Nebraska. Sturtevant, Tawney, Tayler of Ohio. Thorpe, Tongue. Updegraff, Vanvoorhis. Wadsworth. Walker of Massachusetts, Walker of Virginia, Wanger. Ward, Warner, Weaver. Weymouth, White of Illinois, Williams of Pennsylvania, Yost and Young of Pennsylvania. Total, 190. Answered present—Berry and Brewer. Messrs. Beach (Rep., O.). Dorr (Rep., W. Va.) and Mann (Rep., 111.) voted with the Democrats anAPopulists for the substitute. Mr. Dinsmore then moved to recommit with instructions to report back an amendment recognizing the independence of Cuba. It also was lost—l 46 to ISO. The vote was then taken on the adoption of the majority resolutions and they were adopted 322 to 19. The names of the Democrats as they voted for the resolutions were cheered. The negative votes were cast as follows: Democrats—Adamson of Georgia. Bankhead of Alabama. Brantley of Georgia. Brewer of Alabama. Clayton of Alabama, Cox of Tennessee. Elliott of South Carolina, .Griggs of Georgia. Howard of Georgia, Lester of Georgia. Lewis of Georgia, Maddox of Georgia, Strait of South Carolina. Tate of Georgia, and Taylor of Alabama. Republicans—Johnson of Indiana, Boutelle of Maine, and Loud of California. Populist—Simpson of Kansas. The House then, at 6:30, adjourned.

NATIONAL. |jt|. Tube Works m |NB| Wrougbt-lron Pipe for Gas, ■HtoL Steam and Water. Boiler Tube*. Cast and Mall*fflK m ’ ‘'-JR. aWe Iron Fitting* (black and HhSI _ galvanized), valves, St o9 1 r Cocks. linglne Trimming, IMIII nJ Steam Causes, Pipe Tonga, HH Mill Pipe Cutters. Vises, Screw Plates ami Dies, Wrencbet, gml fp3l Steam Traps. Pumps, Hitch-■sijS-il ® : 3l en Sinks, Hose. Belting, BabHI Kdß bit Metal. Solder. White and HUH Colored Wiping Waste, and Bit all other Supplies used In connection with Gas, steam ■M H.j and Water. Natural Gas pif' Supplies a specialty. Steam. heating Apparatus for Public Buildings, Store-rooms, Mills, Shops. Factories, Laundries, Dumber Dry-Houses, :?*; etc. Cut and Thread to orif der any size Wrought-Iron S' IH Pipe, from % inch to 13 inches diameter. f I OUGHT 6 £JILLSOM f 9 V >• nKHSILTAMU 8t Don’t Neglect That Cold No matter how slight it may seem to you, for Coughs* Colds, Hoarseness, Influenza and apparently insignificant Chest: Pains olten lead to Pleurisy, Pneumonia, Consumption and other fatal Lung Diseases if neglected. / Avert All Danger ly Promptly Applying m Benson’s Porous Plaster to the chest 1 front and back 1 upon the first appearance of such warning symptoms. It affords prompt prevention against these dangerouscomplications and sure rnre.„ Always reliable. But only the geuumu effective. Price 25 cents. Refuse nubsutute*rr: 5 To Your Profit |£ mil All the skill, knowledge, ami re- JS 'Hill sources of our great factories are Ufjb ill i this year concentrated into making mu. "11l one utitchlesa model—the ill 1 S Waver ley l ■ll , c S> ■Hill Bicycle SKQ mu, ,ii The Wiirerley Catalogue is Ut, ij|j|| sent for the asking, ft is Bn dim ' vonh P Jur carefill study. ! l]j| Indians: Bicycle Cos„, Indianapolis, Ind. [|jli *“£*■ ~;ir rs? '~2F