Indianapolis Journal, Volume 48, Number 32, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 February 1898 — Page 4

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IfHE DAILY JOURNAL TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 1. 1898, 'Vistainjton Office—lso3 f cnosylvania Avenue Telephone Call*. Office 23$ | Kdltoritl Koome...Ak(S TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. DAILY BY MAID. Daily only, one month $ -7ft Daily only, three months 2.00 I*aily only, one year *.OO Daily, including Sunday, one year 10.00 Sunday only, one year 2.00 WHK.V 1-TK.VIHHKD BY AGENTS. Drily, per week, hy carrier !•"> ets Sunday, single copy 5 ets J 'ally and Sunday, per week, by carrier 20 tts WEEKLY. Per year 11.00 Keriueeal Hates to Clul>s. Subm rl&e with any of our numerous agents or •end subscription to the JOURNAL NEWSPAPER COMPANY, llldltl IllipollH. lnd. Persons sending the Journal through the mails In the L'nited States should put on an eight-page paper a COfE-CENT postage stamp; on a twelve or sixteen-page paper a TWO-CEXT postage •tamp, Foreign postage is usually double these rates. AH communications Intended for publication in tills paper must. In order to receive attention, be accompanied by the name and address ot' the writer. „ Smtrn""" —-•■■■ : ■ -- ■ = THE IXDIAXAPOI.IM JOURNAL Gun be found at the following places: NEW YOKK- Astor Hou-. CHICAGO —Palmer House. I*. O. News Cos., 217 Dearborn street, and Great Northern Hotel. CINCINNATI—J. U. Hawley A Cos., 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE—C. T. Dec-ring, northwest corner of Third and Jefferson streets, and Louisville Book Cos., 25ti Fourth avenue. ST. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot. WASHINGTON. I>. C.—Higgs House, Kbbttt House and Willard's Hotel. There now! which body of Congress is the “conservative” branch? At any rate the people have now no room for doubt as to which Is the “preservative,” especially when the national honor is at stake. The constituents of the Indiana congressmen who are disappointed in not seeing their representatives at the district conventions to-day will readily forgive them, considering the grand work that detained them at the national capital. Mayor Taggart will be grieved to learn that another of those whom he has commended as the promoters of law and order, after maintaining a kindergarten for instruction in propriety in his saloon until midnight, so far forgot himself as to turn his wife and daughter into the street after that hour. Representative Overstreet was paired witli a South Carolina member, who said, when the vote was taken: "I am paired with Mr. Overstreet, of Indiana: hud he been present I would have voted yes and he would have voted no.” So Mr. Overstreet is on record with the other Republicans against the Teller resolution. Now that the officers of the State Board ‘of Commerce have appointed committees to Consider various topics, it may be suggested to the gentlemen who have been made the committee on local governments that they agree upon some points and put them forward for discussion before the meeeting of the Legislature. The steamship Mediterranean landed ?20 Immigrant* in New York the other day, most of whom would be excluded by the immigration bill pending in the House. Chiefly men who can do only the most common labor, they will displace labor of the same grade already here, because they will accept for the time lower wages. The Atlanta Constitution declares that cheaper raw material, lower wages, longer hours per day and freedom from restrictions regarding labor which prevail In New England are the causes which enable the Southern cotton manufacturer to force the New England competitor to cut wages. This is frank, and, moreover, it is truth. Still, papers, of the sumo political faith of the Constitution will continue to attribute it to the tariff or the lack ol 30-cent dollars.

When a man like Senator Cockrell, of Missouri, asks in the Senate if any one will give him two standard silver dollars for a gold dollar he is either in his dotage or Imagines that the American oeople are. But any one having two Mexican silver dollars, containing more silver than the standard dollar, would gladly exchange them for a gold dollar. So if we should adopt the freesilver coinage system of Mexico and thereby fall to a silver- basis, as has Mexico, the owner of two standard silver dollars will be likely to be willing to swap them for a gold dollar. The limit to silver coinage keeps the standard dollar to the gold. It Is in order to remark that whatever Senator Pettigrew' has to say in the way of charges about the present Hawaiian government must necessarily be sustained by s übstantial evidence beyond his own word. The man who stood before a state convention and pledged himself if sent as a delegate to the* St. Louis convention to stand by th< sound-money platform and then entered it to walk out with Teller and others not a man to lie believed when there is any incentive for him to depart from the plain factß. To deny that the Dole government was not properly established was more than Mr. Cleveland undertook in behalf of the Queen. Now that Mr. Gorman will not be senator alter March 4, 1899, a number of papers have been summing up his political career in tbo Senate. The Milwaukee Sentinel seems to deny him that ability which is generally accorded him. The man who changed the Wilson bill into the Gorman bill is a. man of resource and influence. The New York Times (Cleveland Democrat) mercilessly assails him, virtually declaring among other things that he has been in the pay of the Sugar Trust. There is no evidence to sustain such an assertion, and his victory over the Cleveland tariff bill should not Inspire such resentment. Hut Mr. Gorman's defeat in Maryland goes to prove that he is not the adroit and powerful leader he has so long liad the .credit of being. Still, he may be something’of a factor In the conspiracy to undo Mr. Bryan for the Democratic nomimUion fttSpOO. The Republicans of that stronghold of Republicanism, Hamilton county, have set other counties and sections a worthy example in holding a mass meeting outside of the campaign period. If Republicans elsewhere can attain anything like the gratifying success which the meeting hold In Xoblesvilie yesterday was, they should at once make arrangements for winter meetings. The meeting of the Hamilton county Republicans and their party friends in the adjoining counties was large and enthusiasilc. The addressee set forth the Republican cT< cd and emphasized the issues which tho p;.rty in all honor is bound to meet. Minor differences of opinion there are, as there always have been, but the Hamilton coun-

ty meeting indicated that upon the greater issues affecting national prosi>erity and national integrity the Republican party was never as harmonious and strong in the faith. The excellent speech of General Wallace is a clear exposition of the essential features of the Republicanism of today. The other addresses, some by the young men of the party, show that they are animated by the same spirit of loyalty to party, and hold its tenets as convictions. There should bo such meetings in other counties within the next two months. ONE C.THHEMCV FOR ALL. Tliere are yet cheap demagogues who keep up the chatter about “the same dollar for tlie bondholder and the plowholder.” At the outset such demagogues did not include the pensioner in their list of those who should have the same dollar, since regard for that person is comparatively a new-born love. The falsehood has been so long kept up that many people imagine that the bondholder is paid a different dollar in value from that which the pensioner receives. Such is not the case. Since specie resumption, Jan. 1, M 79, the dollar circulating in this country litis had the same purchase power, whether gold, silver or paper. At tlie present time the pensioner is paid by check, which he deposits in some bank, which in turn sends it to New York to a bank. The New York bank takes the checks to the clearing house, where they are settled as are other accounts. If, at the close of the day’s transactions in the clearing house, the subtreasury owes the bank a balance, it gives its draft, which is payable in gold or other legal tender at the option of the bank holding it. Those who own government bonds, as a rule, take the coupons to a bank. If they keep an account with the bank, the coupons are credited as are other deposits, and the coupons are sent to the New York bank with which the local bank has an account, and there they go with other drafts to the clearing house and ’•“reive the same treatment as tiie checks for pensions. Now' and then the holder of coupons may take them to the subtreasury and ask for gold, which he gets, but just now' the holder of coupons prefers greenbacks, as do other people, in fact, there is now but one dollar, in effect, because each kind has the same purchase power. It has been given out that those who have forced the consideration of the Teller resolution upon Congress are moved by a desire to have bonds paid off in the same money which passes current in business. Those conspirators know that bondholders and pensioner receive the same money now. Their constant lamentation is that the country is on a gold basis and that all dollars are equal to gold in purchase power. Such being the case, it must be plain that their purpose to put all creditors of tiie United States upon a level is a shallow pretense. Their real purpose is to force the United States to a silver basis—to silver monometallism, which will as seriously affect pensions as bonds. Some of the men who are in this silver conspiracy represent States in which are silver mines, and a few of them are silver mine owners. More of them are men who are instinctively unreconciled to the results of the war and to the dominating influence of the North in the business of the country. They would be gratified to have the pensioner paid off in a dollar of less purchase power than the best in the world. All of them know that should the country adopt independent free coinage of silver, the United States will go to a silver basis. Such an event would probably make two or three score of silver mine millionaires, which is the object of Teller, Cannon and others. These men know' that it would cause all savings bank depositors and other small money savers to be paid in a depreciated dollar, and that the bondholder and the pensioner would be compelled to take a dollar of less purchase power than the dollar based upon gold. Such a prospect seems to till them with the keenest satisfaction. The passage of the Teller resolution was a declaration in their interest.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MINERS’ COMPACT. The importance and significance of the compact of the coal mine operators and the miners should not be lost sight of. For yc-ars the great industry which may be said to be the basis of all manufacturing and transportation has been much depressed. This has particularly been the case since 1592, when the closing of factories and the contraction of transportation caused the output of the mines to be in excess of the demand. Then there was one of those miserable competitions to get trade by selling cheapest. The result was u cut in wages, and then another cut, until strikes intervened. Strikes followed, operators lost, and miners have been on the verge of starvation in some sections. During the past few months contributions have been made in every State to keep miners’ families from starvation. With the reduction of wages there has come in some coal regions a low-ering of the general character of the workman. This is due largely to the vicious custom of introducing an ignorant ami cheap-living foreign element to settle strikes and force the native or naturalized miner to accept lower wages. With such forced association, with lower wages, there has come the degradation incident to a lower standard of living. Years ago the coal miner was regarded in this State as a fortunate man because of his wages and employment; yet as coal has become more ami more necessary and its consumption has doubled with the decades, the miner has failed to hold his own for causes beyond his control. The result of the long contention and of repeated conferences is an agreement which increases the wages of the miner 10 per cent, and makes his day eight hours. Taking both hours and increased pay into consideration, it means much more than 10 per cent. While this change is of great importance to the individual, ic effects more men scattered over a larger area, dealing with more important interests than any advance of wages und reduction of hours which has ever occurred in this or perhaps any other country. It affects the individual welfare of 300,000 men and more than three times as many women and children dependent u]n_>n them. These people are scattered over the States of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri. Ohio, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Virginia. The temporary cut in the wages of operatives in the New England cotton mills is of comparatively little importance compared with the betterment of the condition of the coal miner. The significance ot the movement lies in the fact that such a great advance In wages and such change in regard to hours in an industry which has long been the victim of the ruthless competition of over-produc-tion could not have been attempted at any other period since 1892. If it hud been ;.t-

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 1. 1898.

tempted, it would have failed. It has succeeded now because the mine operator finds a largely increased demand for coal, caused by the general revival of manufacturing industry. Tens of thousands of furnaces consume coal day and night that were cold or did not exist two years ago. These are the agencies which have made the adjustment of the wages of miners possible. During the last days of June, President Ratchford, of the National Miners’ Association, said in an address that now that business activity and prosperity are in the land, it was but fair that the coal miner should have his share of it. Had he not seen the awakening of industry, wide and general, he probably would not have sanctioned a strike which had twice failed. Because prosperity is in the land, the gratifying arrangement for the coal miners has been made. That is the real significance of the result, and it is so real that the 4.j-cent-dollar eaiamityite cannot sneer or howl it out of existence. THE RESPONSE OF THE HOUSE. Tiie House has wasted no time giving the country its answer to the Teller resolution. The Repubhean majority permitted no time to be wasted in an idle debate, for the reason that it could not have changed a vote. Every Republican voted for the order providing that the vote be taken at 5 o’clock. When tho vote was taken upon the Teller resolution, it stood—yeas, 132, nays, IS”—a majority of fifty against the proposition. Considering that the Republican majority in the House is tifty-one, tiie result is most satisfactory, because it shows entiro unanimity. It shows, moreover, that in tiie legislative body last elected by the people, upon the issue of sound money, there is an emphatic majority in favor of maintaining the public credit. The Republicans in tho House have commended themselves to tiie friends of a sound currency and of national honor, in no other way could they have made so effective an answer to the Teller resolution. They have said to the country that any attempt to create distrust by an attack upon the public credit must be repelled without debate. There is no more in the Teller resolution to debate, under the circumstances, than there would have been if, in January, 1861, tho House had been forced to face a resolution proposing to dissolve the Union. The promptness and emphasis of tho action of the Republicans gives courage and strengthens confidence in business circles. Any sign of wavering, any debate, even to enable Republicans to explain, would have been regarded as an indication of lack of courage on the part of the majority to stand by tiie implied pledges of the party it represents.

Eastern papers nearly all speak approvingly of tho defeat of the bill to admit the remaining Western territories to statehood, basing their comments on the theory that the population is composed of Indians,Mexicans, off-securings from tho older states, half-civilized cowboys, all disqualified for citizenship by ignorance and lawnessness. Western men are great travelers and have a fairly intelligent knowledge from personal observation of tiie conditions in all parts ol the country, but tho average Easterner never penetrates the lather extensive region west of the Allegheny mountains, and luus but the vaguest notion of the character of the far West. Asa matter of fact, New Mexico and Arizona have a large white population, equal in intelligence, education, morality and refinement to the people of any region. Men of wealth and character are drawn there by opportunities for investment, and others of smaller means by the openings that such enterprises make; many go because of the climate, and wit it them they take tiie accompaniments of civilization. Set the smug self-satisfied New Englander down in an Arizona town and he will be surprised to find fine hotels, flourishing schools, well patronized libraries and elegant society: while in the way of trolley cars, electric lighting and other modern improvements the place will be far ahead of his own. Many Western communities are in fact more strictly and exclusively American than Eastern cities, where hordes of foreigners of the poorest class form a disturbing element. Congress may have been right or wrong in delaying statehood, but its action was governed by political reasons rather than those put forward by the Eastern press. The general employment of convict labor in the coal mines of Georgia and Tennessee may prove a menace to the recent agreement made by the mine operators with the representatives of the miners. The employment of several hundred convicts in each state at mines without pay may enable a set of operators to undersell those who pay good wages to an extent that the stability of prices will be shaken. As negroes in those States can be convicted upon the slightest offenses, it may become an object in the coal industry to see that the laws against chicken thieves are zealously enforced. Under the present regime in the South, the enactment of such laws for the protection of labor as exist in the North cannot be expected. To force the country to a silver basis and to get rid of the negro voter seem to be the two things which commend themselves to the politicians who dominate the South. The long hours of labor and the child labor which are permitted by law in connection with the lower wages, have compelled a reduction of wages in the cotton factories of New England. If lack of labor protection can endanger one industry, others, in which large bodies of convict labor are employed, are not beyond the danger line. Just now the South is the field for the conservative leaders of labor organizations. BUBBLES IN THE AIR. The Corn fed Philosopher. “The modern drama,” said the Cornfed Philosopher, "is like a mustard plaster. The hotter it is, the better it draws.” A Distinct Advance. Watts—l’m a little doubtful about this I.ogansport man being able to bottle sunshine. Potts—lt is merely an advance on the Southern industry of bottling moonshine. ModeMy of Genius. Simmons —That was a pretty severe criticism of your stuff that appeared in tiie Bugle. Timmins—l cannot see why the fellow did not sign it. It would have gained him some notoriety—as the man who criticised Timmins. A >lau of Worth. “Someone, probably an heir,” said the chief secretary, “has written to us to know how much that last missionary was worth, who was killed in China.” “Tell him,” said the Kaiser, “that we shall value him at about a hundred square miles, more or less.” Cyclonic neurosis is what St. Louis society people are suffering from, according to their doctors, numerous suicides and prevailing ailments having their origin in nervous disturbances growing out ol the cyelotn

of last year. “Cyclonic neurosis” has an impressive sound, arid probably it wouldn’t do for the doctors to tell their patients that what ails them is living in St. Louis. In tiie elementary arithmetic classes in the German schools at present, such problems as these are no doubt common: “if the German empire charge** a good harbor and a few million acres of land for a missionary that she would not iermit to live within her borders 'in peace, how much will she ask for a sailor who was in his Majesty’s employ?” The next department to be established at Princeton University will no doubt be under the charge of Prof. Keeley. Great Britain’s Indian interests seem to be in need of Kipling and his “Soldiers Three." THE PRESIDENT’S SPEECH. It is a lofty, inspiring and statesmanlike utterance. It should be read bv everv citizen.—Springfield (O.) Republic-Times (Rep.) “Progn >s will naturally be slow: let us r.ot be impatient,” says the President. How is this from the campaign talk of St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.) President McKinley seems to have great difficulty in pronouncing the word “gold.” Strange to say, there is no similar impediment in the speech of Air. Bryan.—Chicago Journal (Rep.) President McKinley has given the country s answer both to the destructionists and the do-nothingists in the Senate, and in so doing he has satisfied the iiighest expectations of the hour. — New York Press (Rep.) To the National Association ol' Manufacturers which Jio addressed on Thursday evening, Mr. McKinley made a definition ot national honor that ought to be approved and adopted by his countrymen without reserve.—Louisville Commercial (Reia) “Senator Stewart criticised the President’s Now York speech,” says a Washington dispatch. So will Bryan, Tillman, Teller and all the other political bunko sharps and repudiators all over the country. Their hostility is a fine tribute to its financial honesty and sanity.—St. Louis Globe-Demo-crat (Rep.) The President proclaimed it to be a duty to place the intentions ol’ the country, regarding the standard of value, beyond dispute. That was perfectly proper, and until those intentions are beyond dispute one way or the other confidence will not return. Mr. McKinley could have done no less with honor.—Chicago Journal (Rep.) Os what public service is it for the President to urge action in the direction of currency reform without even by inference suggesting what form that action should take? It is idle for him to declare, as he did, that the result of the election which made him President imposed the duty of reforming the currency upon the Nation. It may have imposed that duty upon the administration. If so, what plan of reform does President McKinley advocate? He offered none to the; assembled guests last night.—New York Journal (Free-silver Dem.) In addressing himself to the currency question the President spoke seriously. His acknowledged intent was to rebuke the unauthorized declarations of a prominent free-silver advocate who had presumed to represent or echo the views held by the President. That rebuke is so clear, direct and palpable that the unrest caused by Senator Wolcott’s assurance must be quieted. The President is in full accord with his secretary of the treasury. * * * -The silver men had jollied themselves into the complacent conclusion that the administration would remain supine and nerveless While they again marshaled their hosts for a free silver victory. They have deceived themselves again, and there will be lamentations in their wigwams and tepees.—Detroit Journal (Rep.)

ELISHA GRAY'S HARD LUCK One of the Three Great Inventors of the Century Now n Poor Man. NEW YORK. Jan. 31.—According to the Herald, Prof. Elisha Gray, the inventor of tiie telephone, and the owner of a brain which has been .the means, of making millionaires of twenty men, is spending the evening of his eventful life in poverty. This genius, who is one of the three greatest inventors of the century, finds himself a poor man at sixty-three, and in the very shadow of the palaces of some of the men who have feasted from the products of his brain lie is now forced to live in a humble house, the half of whose rooms and table is shared by day boarders, who pay the regulation price of the weekely meal ticket. He can sit in his place in Highland Park. 111., and call the names of a score of powers in the world of finance who have caught him in a corner, found him without a penny, and fooled him into selling his patents for a song. The pitifui lament of his latter days is that he did not have a conservator appointed when he had money. He now fears he may die without a cent. Professor Gray knows his failing better than any one else. He has been up and down. He has made fortunes and spent them. He has never had any considerable amount of money that he did not think it was enough to last forever. He admits that it never occurred to him to be a scientist for money. He has never looked for any return save the fame. He once spent a year in devising-a-plan for an improvement in the work of the telephone. The improvement was grabed up on sight. It brought him a check for $50,1)00. He thought this was enough to last him the rest of his life. He ordered his wife and family to pack the trunks. They sailed for Europe the next week. There was nothing too good or expensive for them to buy. They brought home pictures, statuary and art treasures and the home was decorated like the palace of a king. This season of extravagance was followed by one of extreme want. The Herald's story relates several instances in which Mr. Gray secured little or nothing for his inventions, and concludes: “This man is now in abject poverty. His present plan of invention embraces a conviction that electricity can be produced without extraneous aid—such as steam. He insists that the tyiergy obtained from coal through steam will be turned directly into electricity. He claims that too much of the latent energy is lost in the roundabout transformation, and that the direct results will be sooner or later obtained without the waste of force. Time and time again he has tried to utilize the electrical current in the air. He has abandoned that theory. He says that the force manifested in the air is the result of a conflict of natural force, and exists in the air us a form of energy. It may have been light or heat before it was changed to electricity. He does not think it can ever be turned back into electricity for the generation of power. “Professor Gray talks thus of the coming inventions, even in the midst of his personal failure'. He is no longer able to provide for himself a studio which is free from invasion. There is a house full of children. The precincts w'hich have heretofore been sacred to him are now the haunts of roistering boys and girls. The reception room is perpetually strewn with toys. The boarders Hock to his house at the blow of the whistle. The young women whack at the piano in the sitting room. The grounds have been neglected. The art treasures have disappeared. The fine tapestries and statuary are gone. The old cry for a reward in fame has been supplanted by a lament that a guardian was not selected while It was not too late.” MADE HIS w’LL TOO LATE. Andrew 31. Moore’* Mlllllons May Not lie Used for Charitable Purposes. PHILADELPHIA. Jan. 31.-The will of the late Andrew M. Moore, of the distilling firm of Moore & Slnr.ott, and owner of the Girard House, was filed to-day. It was not admitted to probate, as caveats had been filed by two of the testator’s sons. The estate is variously estimated at from ODO to slo,ooo,otio. By the will the income of the entife estate, after deducting a few small bequests, it; left, in egual parts to the three sons of the deceased. The latter, however, are not to receive any of the principal. On the death of the sons the trustees will have full power to found and maintain a charitable or educational institution. The will was executed four days before tin testator's death, and one of the sons said today that it would be inoperative owing to the law which invalidates bequests made to charitable institutions within thirty days of the death of a testutor. PostoHtee Iliirglarlxed. CANTON. Mass.. Jan. 31.—The Canton postoffiee was broken, into early this morning. Blowing open the sufC the robbers carried off over $2,000 worth of stamps. 1 here is now clew to the burglms.

A PARTY LOVE FEAST. _ <Coucluded from First Pnge.) selves in sold, while the common, everyday individual transactions are carried on almost entirely with copper. Instead of finding a happy laboring class when he looked around he found the laboring people composed entirely of peons. In fact, slaves, without property, without hope In life. I should like to see Mr. Bryan hold up these serfs of Mexico as examples for the free and intelligent, laborers of the United States. He will not dare do that. "Upon second thought, there is another great man of the Bryan Demoevacv. This second great man is Henry M. Teller. the tearful man of the St. Louis convention. i Laughter.) He is now engaged in trying to get Congress to commit itself to the redemption ot our bonds in silver, when it was understood at the time of taking the bonds that they were to b? paid in gold. That is repudiation. That is Mr. Teller's idea of national integrity. Xow, how such great men as these can contribute a certificate of good character to the Bryan Democracy passes iny comprehension, but is respectfully referred to the people. (Applause.) A DIFFERENT PARTY. “Passing to the other great party, I ask permission to submit the Republican party to the same method of analysis and for the same purpose of ascertaining Its character. First, what is the history of the Republican •party? Were T to enter into a full discussion of this question, as applicable to it, the night w'ould bo consumed. I will, therefore, condense it into a sentence. Search the chronicles of the United States for the last forty-three years, which is the lifetime of our party, and everything good, great, patriotic and glorious in that period of time, must be taken as a part of our party history, When the Republican party came into existence it found itseif face to face with an institution now conceded to be the most barbaric possible of human conceptionslavery as practiced in the South, in a snort time the Republican party secured the presidency and then it was confronted with this institution, and with civil war of unKnown and indefinite dimensions. Without hesitation, yielding no more to sentiment than to the perception of destiny, it entered the contest. and at the end of five years, after half a million men were slain, and a debt of nearly six billions had been rolled up, this institution was overthrown, and the civil war was brought to a happy conclusion. Then followed the period or reconstruction, and the policy and efforts of the party were just as happy as in the other. Whether or not the people of the l nited States can afford, under tlie circumstances, to denounce the Republican party and deny its excellence, in deed, achievement and character I do not believe any intelligent, patriotic man will one moment hoid in doubt. “Passing to our third question, who are our great men? Here we are rich. Probably no party in the world, certainly none in America, has had such a roil oi great men. Perhaps you are running over tne list m your own mind, and I will make brief allusion to some of them: James A. Garfield, soidier and President: Rutherford B. Hayes, soldier and President: Benjamin Harrison. soldier and President. (Applause.) Going to our soldiers— Sheridan—and the mention of his name brings to us Winchester and Appomatox; Sherman, and the mention ot nis name brings with the hundred miles from Chattanooga to Atlanta and the march from Atlanta to the sea; Ulysses S. Grant, the greatest soldier of the age, if not of all time. His administration was purely and magnificently Republican. There is yet one other. I have reserved him for the last, when probably he should have been first— Abraham Lincoln. (Applause.) How often have I tried to analyze his nature, and ail attempts of the kind have left me in amaze. A mind which served under all exigencies, when required, as grave as a philosopher, as logical as a chief justice, a soul peculiar in itself. It had all the tenderness of a woman, filled with charity to all mankind. Even in the midst of the terrible conflict of his latter years the men of the South were still his countrymen. He felt for them only' pity and paternal care. So. while the stars continue to enlighten the sky, while grasses grow" and rivers run their seaward destiny, while waves run in from the main and break in thunder on the shore, while the earth stands and w hile men live with memories and responsive gratitude, Abraham Lincoln will continue the foremost man of all the world, yvith possibly one rival, the majestic; Israelite who walked and talked with God and derived his inspiration from Him. "Now, gentlemen of the convention, I have applied the same method to the analysis of the respective characters of these two parties. I leave the argument to your judgment and pass on to the topic assigned to me.

WHAT OK THE FUTURE? “What I have advanced, gentlemen of the convention, up to this point is preliminary to what I have to say touching the subject assigned me. I will now turn to the future —meaning, of course, the future of the Republican party. I have in the first place to remark, generally, that it has fallen to the party to take the initiative in every matter of reform, so that when we stop and ask ourselves what of the days which are to come, we must answer in great part, from this distinctive feature. We And new conditions upon the country and it is incumbent upon our party to take position with reference to them. For instance we have upon us now the duty of monetary reform. It cannot be expected that other organizations will set the example to us. and already we find the idea taking shape, in fact already in form for action. There are three measUes presented, one by Secretary Gage, one bv President McKinley, and still another by the monetary conference composed of business men of the country almost without reference to politics. All that remains, consequently', is that Congress shall decide between the measures; and for one I have not the slightest doubt of the wisdom and ability of our representatives. They' will, I think, do what is right. The question of policy, whether our decided majority in the lower house shall go forward irrespective of the adverse majority in the Senate, admits, as it appears to me, of no argument. The duty is arbitrary, and there should be no hesitation in placing responsibilities where they belong. “There have also arisen certain social and economic questions. The conflict between labor and capital, for instance, certainly is something to interest every intelligent citizen in the land. The Republican party has already broken ground on that issue, and when the necessity for further action arises wc should not trouble our souls. The wisdom which has governed our conventions In the past will not desert us. The justice of the case is self-apparent. The principle to he recognized is that both capital and labor are essential to the country' and themselves. The rights of both, beyond all peradventure, will be asserted and maintained. “Only one further idea. The glory of the Republican party is in the fact that in all the past it has had the courage of its convictions. It has dared do for the Nation all that was required, and it is not to be imagined that in the years to come the organization will be suddenly' bereft of its fearlessness and independence. If so, its future is assured. It will be to the government all it has been in the past. If for any reason it suffers diminution, it is not to‘be forgotten that there is a. great reserve in waiting. The time will come in Gold’s good pleasure when the two million and more Republican voters now under repression in the South will he allowed, without fear, or hindrance, to present themselves at the polls, ballot in hand, which when cast will be counted. This, it appears to me. covers the ground of speech upon this suhiecl, unless J arrogate to myself powers of prophecy, which I would have to do to speak more absolutely.” OTHER ADDRESSES. Remarks of Messrs. Wingate, Collin. Waugli. Harrison, Sheridan, Craig'. Following General Wallace came the wellknown John Wingate, of the same county, who took the piace of A. B. Anderson, of Crawfordsville, speaking on “Why We’ll Succeed this Year.” Among other things, he said: ”1 conclue first of all that we will succeed this fall because we are right; because the people will have had time to compare the McKinley administration with ihe late Democratic administration; time to compare the revenue accruing under the policies of the Dingley hill witli the continuous deficit under the Wilson bill; time to compare the ease and comfort of doing business when money is easy and seeking investment with the squirming and perplexities of trying to do business when money is locked up and credit at a permium. I take it that we will succeed this fall because the rural interests appreciate dollar wheat against 40c wheat; 24c corn against 18c corn; 22c oats against 15c oats; :%c hogs against 3c hogs; 4%c cattle against cattle, and $6 sheep against $2 sheer*. The good wife of the farmer, who is so important to our success, knows the difference between the demand for a hundred hens for potpie dinners and one aged rooster for a barrel of soup. We will succeed this fall because Mr. Bryan has visited Mexico and his party will declare for the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The free-silver people refuse to believe that the times have ehangd. although bank clearings show astonishing volumes <>f business, and their pet argument in the last campaign that silver and farm preduets go hand in hand together through the markets of the world has been robbeu of al Its poetry, ami their ealsons are filled with blank cartridges only, to lire at what they : •> pleased to call the enemy.

it does not require the gift of prophecy to see that it will be the battle of the las: campaign over again. We will win because the men and women yet living, who followed that Hag with their lives, their prayers and their tears, through tne carnage of w-ar until the stars which had been plucked from its blue title! by u misguided state’s rights autocracy, were restored to the constellation of its firmament, now as then will stand for the* Nation’s honor and the Nation's glory. Finally, Mr. Chairman, we will succeed this year because we have for the foremost candidate to succeed to Mr. Turpie’s place on March l. 1899, a son of Indiana. who in war, diplomacy, statecraft, literature, art and business economy has no peer. The name of General Lew Wallace is blown in the bottle and is a household word in the remotest section of our commonwealth. We may well feel assured. Mr. Chairman, that the leadership and courage which so gloriously contributed to the perpetuity of the American Union in saving Washington from tin- invasion of Early’s army in July, 1864, supported by the earnestness and zeal which is so manifestly in evidence iu our party on every hand to-day will save Indiana from Bryanism in 1895.” Judge Gould, of Carroll county, was detained at home and Editor A’. L. Ricketts, of Delphi, spoke briefly for him. His topic was, "What We Think of McKinley Now.” Mr. Ricketts said this question could best be answered by the thousands of toilers who a year ago were idle. He should like to put the question to the farmers who a year ago listened to the wails of Mr. Chcadle over 50-cent wheat and to the farmers who are wool growers, who were the constituents of William J. Bryan. MR. COFFIN S REMARKS. Charles F. Collin, of Indianapolis, was the next speaker, and he stirred up the enthusiasm frequently during his talk. Mr. Coffin began by saying: "Inasmuch as I was honored with a place on this programme, my theme assigned me, the programmes printed and distributed before I so much as knew of the distinction conferred on me, 1 will doubtless be pardoned if I take somewhat of the same liberty with my subject that our good friends, the preachers, do with their texts.” He then went over the records of the two parties in an eloquent manner, after wdiieh he said: "Aptly, indeed, did General Garfield describe the camping ground of the Democratic party as ‘billowed ail over with the graves of dead issues, of buried opinions, of exploded theories, of disgraced doctrines.’ I would not for a moment deprive any individual Democrat of the honor due him for his loyalty, his patriotism and his devotion to his country, in spite cf his party’s declarations. Thousands of good and loyal Democrats took their lives in their hands when the Union was threatened and bravely fought to maintain the supremacy of the flag, but their party was against the war and would have* allowed the ‘erring sisters to depart in peace.' in the great campaign of ’9B thousands of loyal, patriotic Democrats repudiated with indignation the socialistic and anarchistic platform adopted hy the Demoe-atio party at Chicago, and did heroic service in the campaign in compassing tho defeat of their own party. There have always, in every important campaign, been individual Democrats whose faces turned steadfastly toward Jerusalem, but the Democratic party has always been beaded toward the flesh-pots of Egypt. The Democratic party has not stood for anything but has stood against everything. As General Harrison said, 'lt has been an against party.’ From Jefferson to Jackson, from Jackson to Cleveland, the Democratic party has never displayed any evidences of constructive statesmanship. It may he able to tear down, but it cannot build up. It can criticise, but it cannot cure. The commerce ot the country is paralyzed during every presidential campaign for fear on seme pretext the Democratic party may get control of the government. “It is in the light of these facts that I say this is a time to take courage from the counsels of history. Confronting the Republicans of Indiana in the present campaign, is an issue of the first importance, an issue that should and will call every true Republican to his post of duty. In the sixties the issue was, a stable or an unstable government: in the nineties, it is a stable or in unstable currency. In the sixties the Democratic party arraigned itself against a stable government; in the nineties the Democratic party has openly declared itself against a stable currency. The people repudiated her then, they will repudiate her now. Through the light of history, and in view of the character of the great issue before us. to me the outlook in Indiana is most cheering. With harmony in the counsels, with enthusiasm all along the line, with a determination cn the part of every loyal Republican to bear an honorable part in the coming battle Indiana is safe. I plead especially for harmony. Where differences of opinion occur let mutual concession prevail. Keep the one great end steadfastly in view and let all minor differences be forgotten; and if the Republicans of Hamilton county and the Ninth congressional district, and the Republicans of the other counties and of the other congressional districts will see to it that the right men are nominated for the various legislative and administrative offices ,a Republican Legislature will be sent to Indianapolis and a Republican senator will be sent to Washington.” JUDGE WAUGH ON PROTECTION.

Judge Waugh, of Tipton, followed with remarks on "Benefits of Protection.” “The policy of protection has always been a cardinal principal of the Republican party,” he said, “it would seem unnecessary to speak of its benefits to an audience like this of believers; in fact, the whole country is about the same way of thinking now. Since our short experience of free trade under the Wilson bill, with but a few months of protection under the Dingley hill we hear no more about robbef tariff or paternalism. The worst tiling that its enemies can now say of the Dingley hill is that it does not produce revenues enough. I understand the author of this bill has served notice upon all these erokers that they had better hurry up, because the time for such talk would soon be over, as it would not be long until there would be a steadily increasing surplus. Since our return to the protective policy, which is less than a year ago, we hear no more chatter about the endless chain and have ceased to he frightened about the gold reserve. There is something said about the pressing need of monetary legislation or reform. There may be some need of legislation on this subject, hut that it is pressing, I seriously question, or that the financial depression of the country from which w r e are speedily recovering is traceable in any degree to the condition of our finances. Every dollar that we now have is worth 100 cents, and the people are not clamoring for a ehafige. While the country has been blessed with a Republican administration and protection there has never been any trouble with our finances or our monetary system. Our trouble about our finances has always come with free trade, when we were not making enough to pay our debts or the current expenses of the government and. threatening to pay our creditors in tt depreciated currency. This apparent demand is the effect remaining upon the country after a short experience of free trade under the Wilson hill. It does seem strange that one generation will no-t benefit by the experience of another. With the amount of false teaching we have, almost anything can he expected. I do not presume that it would just haAe been the proper thing prior to the year A. D. 1897. for a presidential candidate to go to Mexico, the land of the Aztecs, to learn wisdom and find out what consummate fools we Americans are on those great economic and governmental questions; but it seems that with 16 to 1 everything goes. “This district is one of the best agricultural sections in the State, and our farmers have become the great conservative force in politics. They are patriotic, solve all problems by facts and experience, and not by theories. Our farmers have become our strongest advocates of protection and sound money. They are coming to the rescue of the country from the foPies of the cities and towns, where we find too frequently a sentiment that wealth is made by law and not by labor.” BOONE’S ALL RIGHT. R. W. Harrison, of Lebanon, had the subject, “Boone’s All Right,” with u question mark after the title. Mr. Harrison said: “The subject assigned in* reminds me of the old colored preacher who was asked to define the difference between preaching and exhorting. He said, ‘preachin’ was takin’ n text atul stickin’ to it. but in exhortin’ you may branch.’ As my text needs no explanation. I claim the privilege of branching. Boone's all right without interrogation. Boone is the lest agricultural county in the Ninth congressional district, which is equivalent to saying it is the best in the Slate. It is an off year whan we don't raise plenty ot corr. and Republicans, and then we generally manage to raise Cain. From a business standpoint. Boone is a hummer.’ Though not quite in the gas belt, it is as gassy as any place that I know of. Our women folks have as many clubs as any other place and know how to use them. When the last campaign whs over, we thanked God for McKinley. and settled down to business. “It would stem that in view of the past that the people of this great land would net entertain the thought of another Democratic administration. This country has improved more since the Republican party went into power in the last forty years than any other country ever did In five bundle i years. It would he presumptuous to claim that such improvement was the result wholly of Republican ascendancy; hut the stubborn fact is history and will remain. Is there no reason? The m< u on one side inspired confidence; on the other, produced

discontent. On the Republican side we had Lincoln, Grant. Hayes, Oarlield, Arthur. Harrison and McKinley. Against all these they put up Cleveland, in whom they have no confidence and then sneer at the very word confidence. The Republicans have had hundreds of able, great leaders, such as Morton. Sherman and a host of others. The Democrats have lost their great leaders, such as Carlisle, Watterson, Lindsay, Palmer. Buckner and even Mr. Cleveland himself. Their great ami trusted leaders now are such as Bryan, who captured a presidential nomination with one little haif-bla.*-phemous speech about crucifying labor on a ‘cross of gold.’ Altgeld. Debs, Lewelling, the limi ting Governor Waite and Mary Ellen Lease.” H. C. SHERIDAN S SPEECH. H. C. Sheridan, of Frankfort, wa* called to speak on tho subject, ‘‘Can We Bring Clinton In?’ Among other things he suid: “It is a peculiar fact that the first taste of political success enjoyed by the Republicans of Clinton county came with the return of the Democrats to the control of national affairs, and the first substantial defeat that we met thereafter came with the turn of the tide in favor of McKinley, sound money and protective tariff in 1896. The sting of defeat was keenly felt. We of Clinton feel it now and acknowledge it. We regard it as unfortunate that we snoultl fall when others enjoyed' such abundant success. It was like a famine in the mid_J of plenty. In the campaign of 1596 the qu„. was, ‘Where is tlu disease?’ ‘Where are the free-silver Republicans?' By our oppomnts they were claimed to be everywhere in Indiana, but when the votes were counted it was found that nowhere were there s< many, and nowhere were they so successful as in Clinton county. "To answer ihe question pronounced by your committee it is essential that we review somewhat the conditions that attended us in the last campaign. We had twelve years of practically uninterrupted control in county aflaits. Conditions were such that, men sought the offices ami not the offices the men. Candidates for each position to he filled were plenty and zealous, ami in their zeal came to believe that a nomination was equivalent to an election and each, candidate aild hia friends were led to believe that they were the only proper persons for the respective offices for which they offered themselves. The result was that a bitter strife was engendered in the conventions, so bitter indeed that the wounds made in those preliminary battles had not healed when voting day came around. Then, too. one of our former leaders, a man with many elements of strength, was the opposition candidate for Congress, not. to use his own version, the Democratic nominee, but the candidate of the discontented, free-silver element of the Republicans of the county and district and indorsed by the Democrats. Posing as a Republican, with heretical ideas, he ingeniously sought the support of his old-time friends, not for himself alone, but for the combination ticket, Democrats, Populists. Prohibitionists, free-silver Republicans und all other elements alike, as against the party with which he had formerly served, and this was not done without a great degree of success. "Can we bring Clinton in? 1 answer, yes. The sting of defeat is yet upon us, but the effect will be the adoption of our oldtime organization and a fight in Clinton in 1898 equal to the one of ISS6, at which time we acquitted ourselves so creditably as to win the praise of party management throughout the State.” EDITOR CRAIG, THE LAST. Editor Will H. Craig, of the Noblesville Ledger, was called to give some points taken down from an editor’s standpoint. Among other things Mr. Craig said: ‘ With editors the pencil is mightier than the tongue; and their hearts are larger than their pocketbooks. They, as a class, believe in peace oil earth, good will among Republicans ami a ‘hot time' in the Democratic party. This meeting to-night, with its patriotic, eloquent, enthusiastic speeches will give us courage and inspiration in our warfare against the ‘powers of evil’ and the isms and heresies that afflict mankind. I believe I cap truly say that the editors of tiie Ninth d'strict have on the full armor for the battle of ’9B: they are lined up In battle array ready to go on to victory and to conquest; entrenched as they are behind the strong wa"* of protection, sound money and a busine- . administration, they have full confidence in the triumph of the party in this good year of 1898. And further they are willing, if need be, to break over the Popocratic troeha, enter the ‘enemy's country’ and there force the battle. We may differ, as we have a right to differ, as to the details of organization and as to choice of candidates, but w r hen it comes to the great fundamental, underlying principles and policies of the Republican party, we are a unit. I believe that an editor should have the courage of bis convictions, and that from his pen should emanate the honest thoughts and sentiments of his mind and heart. 1 believe also that it is the duty of Republican editors to tight the battles of the people, for when thev fight the batt'es of the peqple they are fighting the battles of the Republican party—for the Renublican party ’is of the neople. by the people and for the people.’ They should fearlessly defend the right and condemn the wrong and by so doing they will make their own party stronger and better and promote in their communities more organized public snirit and civic virtue. I believe that the bone of the country is in the people; I believe that the hope of the people is in the honor, integrity, civic virtue and business capacity of its public officials.”

A WINCHESTER “LOVE FEAST." Demonstration !y ReimbHenn* LargeI y In He'ctlf of A. O. Marsh. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. • WINCHESTER. Ind.. Jan. ,U-The largest and most enthusiastic Republican rmiss convention in the history of Randolph coun* ty was held here to-day. After the convention was called to order Oscar A. White, of Ridgeville, was made chairman and Prof. C. W. Paris, of Farmland, and the Republican editors of the county secretaries. After an earnest and able address by Mr. White, Hon. J. Frank Hanly made a splendid address. He was followed by the Hon. Theodore Shockney, of Union City, in a happy talk. At the noon recess delegates to the congressional, state, district and other conventions w’ere chosen. At the afternoon meeting resolutions indorsing the administration and approving and commending the official record of Hon. Charles L. Henry, were passed. Resolutions strongly Indorsing the candidacy of Hon. A. O. Marsh, of this city, were passed, and the delegates chosen to attend the congressional convention Were instructed to vote solidly for Mr. Marsh. After the report of the committee on resolutions was heard Mr. Marsh was called for and responded In his eloquent and forcible way. Much interest is being manifested in the local canvass going on in this county, there being twemv-two candidates for the six offices to lie filled.. The primary election lias been set for Feb. 22. Tlie Eighth District. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. MUNCIE, ind., Jan. 31.—The Eighth congressional district Republican convention meets in this city to-morrow afternoon to elect a member of the state committee, and to-night several delegates are here in advance. The prospects arc that the meeting will be well attended. M. L. Case, of Dunkirk, Jay county, is a candidate for reelection,‘and the only opposition that has developed thus far is from the same county, in the person of E. J. Marsh, editor of the Portland Commercial. Mr. Marsh arrived early to-day. , „ . The Republicans of Blackford county met in Hartford City on Saturday and perfected a reorganization. Mayor A. F. Kinsley was unanimously re-elected county chairman. r >-'o was chosen secretary, and Roilanu C. Manor treasurer. Fourtli-Ulatrlet Gathering. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. GREENSBURG. Ind., Jan. 31.—Delegates are arriving to attend to-morrow’s district convention, which meets here to select a district committeeman. Persons mentioned for the place are McNutt, of Madison; Overstreet. of Columbus: Lewis, of Seymour; Greeinafl. of Butcsville: and Captain Low - stutter, of Aurora. The convention will he composed of 114 delegates, and for the information of Congressman Griffith, the district is composed of the counties of Bartholomew, Brown, Dearborn, Decatur. Jackson. Jefferson. Jennings. Ohio, Ripley and Switzerland. Among those present are Hon. M. R. Sulzer and Cos!. W. S. McClure., Judge Bar and Col. Garber, of Madison, and Collector A. E. Nowlin, of Eawreneeburg. Flintil> Run Down l> n Train. ;COH Mill’s. 0.. Jan. 31.—At :-'<) to-day, three miles from Greenville, a Dayton & l nion passenger engine caught C. F. *oun,*, wife and tour-year-old girl in a top buggy, killing father arid child and terribly injuring the mother. A shed obstructed the view of Engineer Creagan. Felt run rj . The old. eld wonder of the lengthening days Is .vlth uh once attain; tlu; winter’s sun. Slow sinking to the west whfii day U done. Kach e\e u tittle longer with us stays. And cheers the snowy landscape with his rajs Nor do WO notice that he lias begun Until h month or more of days have run. When we exclaim: “How long the lighi delays:" So let some Kindly deed, however Allglti, Bo da it) done by it*, that to the want* 1 Os 8* itlshness some light It may impart,— Mayhap uot noticed till we test the night Is less within our souls, und broader tqweed ltus grown the cheerful sunshine id the heart. —iSamuel Francis ba tube tiler.