Indianapolis Journal, Volume 48, Number 27, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 January 1898 — Page 2

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most Inferior grade. The election of 1896 cnme on. Up to that time both parties, Democratic and Republican. had been coquetting with this silver clement. Neither of them had the independence or boldness to take up the subject and deal with it as it deserved. The excuse, perhaps, for it, was that none of them .understood the subJeet v (Laughter.) "Now. in 1896. almost without either party understanding how they got there (laughter) —one of the parties certainly did not understand (laughter*—it just so happened that the Chicago convention got on the side of silver and the Republican convention got on the side of gold, and neither of them knew how they got there, except that the Other fellow got on the other side. (Laughter.) Now, in 1596, tlie discussion that took piace upon the subject was probably the most thorough, the ablest, the most profound that ever occurred upon any politii al subject in this or any other country. In every place, however large or however small, if an audience could be assembled there was a man to discuss the subject, the one side appealing to the honest feelings and convictions of the people to sustain public and private credit and discharge honest obligations in honest money; the other, and I am very sorry tj say, was in the name of the party that lor forty years I had believed was the real true party of this country. I am sorry to say that I found advocates running over this country from one end to the other proclaiming the basest principles of dishonesty and repudiation. (Applause.) They did not reckon with the force and power which existed in the Democratic party and which had been there for generations, that could not be wheedled and dragooned or driven into the advocacy of that which they believed to be unpatriotic ©v dishonest, or Improper or unbecoming In the great Democratic: party. (Applause.) WORK IN PENNSYLVANIA. "The Chicago convention adjourned, if 1 recollect aright, on Saturday. I happened to be absent from home. I saw the proceedings of that convention set forth in Sunday morning's papers. I reached Philadelphia on Monday night. On Tuesday morning I had issued one hundred notices to Democratic citizens of Philadelphia, whom I believed to be honest, upright, true patriots. (Applause.) I stated that I wished them to come together for the purpose of determining vvhut such men as they were and I w r as were to do in this position in w’hleh we found ourselves by the l*ctrayal of the Democratic party by the Chicago convention. Os that one hundred citizens whom I sent notices to, without knowing anything whatever about their views except their general soundness and honesty and integrity, .all but one responded and were present on Wednesday. I organized the gold Democratic movement in the State of Pennsylvania with the aid of these men, and as far as I recollect, it was among the earliest, if not the earliest, movement of that kind in the country. What occurred? W’e had the brains and intelligence and the honesty of the Democratic party with us all over the State. (Applause.) That thing extended itself throughout the United Slates, and with all due respect to the gentlemen now filling stations In the Republican party, let me say to them that but for the help and assistance that they received from the gold Democrats. in my judgment, Bryan to-day would be: In the White House instead of McKinley. (Laughter.) "Now, gentlemen, what had we the right to expect after the election of IS3G under the circumstances to w’hich 1 have referred? The battle was fought upon the gold issue. It was won upon the gold issue. The intelligence of the United States has demonstrated that the people intended to be for honest, money and for goid. Then it was, I submit the duty of the Republican party, having come out of that test as they did, to have carried out the expectations which we all had the right to demand from them, that they should enforce this gold standard, that they should adopt a currency system which would make it secure and which would give to the people of the United States that which they needed, that which they wanted, that which they had proclaimed by the election of 1896 that they intended to have. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I am In the habit of speaking plainly. I don’t wish to wound the sensibilities of anybody, but I think when we are dealing with great questions like this we have the right to apeak plainly, and I am saying nothing but what I have said to those who were very high in authority in this country in the Republican party, and that is this, it they are to hold the reins of power, if they are to control this government, If they are to continue to carry the presidential and the congressional elections, they cannot afford to lose the support of those who believe in currency reform and believe that they have a right to demand of them that they should establish currency reform. (Applause.) "You go to Congress and what do you ee? Have you seen any real determined effort there In the lower house to promote this currency reform movemnt? Don’t you In iyour newspapers constantly hear from thjf )se who profess to speak in the name of tne dominant party that this is not the time to act, that no action will be taken In this session: and then when you go to (the Senate, what do you . see? You see there that the majority of the Senate, gentlemen who claim to belong to this dominant party flatly saying they are in favor ©f silver and against gold. (Cries of •Shame.’) THE REPUBLICANS RESPONSIBLE. "Now, I do not mean to say that the Republican party Is responsible for all the vagaries of the senators from the six silver States, but I do say this, that we all know that when the men who control the dominant party in this countrj’, with Its vast field of patronage, into which the hungry eaVfes are looking for food, we know that when that dominant party choos-

es to put the pressure, on eeriuln individuals, as is well known In polities how it cnn be done, that sometimes an Indiana senator who was always in favor of silver, could be Induced to vote for the repeal ot the silver purchasing clause. (Laughter.) I do not say that Mr. McKinley is a bit less patriotic than Mr. Cleveland, and 1 hardly think that he is n.uch more fastidious about using his influence than Mr. Cleveland was. but 1 do think, gentlemen, that if the Republican party acting thiough the headlights, chose to put a pressure somewhere ujxm the House or Senate, that there would be a good many more favors shown to currency reform than we have now. <Applause.) And J should Im* very glad if the honorable chairman of this meeting or some other gentleman who stands high in the Republican councils, ooulti give a proper warning (and it would be heeded too) that if the Republican party proposes to themselves to perpetuate their power in this country, they must, and they must with sincerity of purpose and earnestness of conviction and promptness In dispatch, show the people of this country that they are what they profess to be, in favor of the gold standard and a proper currency reform. (Applause.) "Now. gentlemen, I don't want to talk to you too long. 1 have got out my mind on that subject, and l assure you it has been there for a good while. (Laughter.) But now, gentlemen, there are discouragements and difficulties here. We recognize the fact that no great movement was ever yet accomplished without difficulties anil delays and obstructions, and sometimes such as seemed to produce almost despair of result. We are bound to meet with them. We cannot expect anything else. I have alluded to some of the causes. There are others. But, gentlemen, l have an abiding faith in two things, one is in the force of laws of trade, and the other is in the force of opinion. (Applause.) We can rio something toward accelerating this movement ourselves. Our opponents can do a great deal toward retarding it. The force of tin laws of trade Is just as Inexorable and just as exacting as that of the laws of nature. The law® ot trade of tho world have proclaimed that gold Is the onlj true siaonatu m vu.uc. The force of that law of trade is now acting In this country. Silver has gone to a point where it has scarcely any friends except those who are forced to its side by the production of silver and, unfortunately, it '■••'s strength coming from another cause, without which it would be entirely powerless. I allude to the support it gets trom tue South. The Southern States are advocates of sliver simply and solelv because they are afraid of negro rule. They are afraid If they come to the rescue of the gold men In tho South that it will install the Republican party in power there, and that means negro rule, and they would rather take tho sliver or his Satanic Majesty himself, than the negro. (Laughter.) And that is really at the bottom of this Southern sentiment In favor of silver. Os course, as far ;us the Western States are concerned, nobody needs any argument to let him know why he is for sliver. Every man is for what lie raises on his own farm. But now, gentlemen, my belief is that while none of us can tell when or how this deliverance is to come, none of us can say it will take place this year or next year, or the year after, hut with the '""laVs of tradG operating hi our favor and pointing to that result, and with a leader who is able to organize and press on and tight the battles when the time comes, success must inevitably crown our efforts. ,—*- SEVERAL OTHER TALKS. Those by Mr. Chadwick, f Brooklyn. Mr. Cornwell, of IlnffaJo. Henry Weissinger, of Louisville, Ky., followed, saying: "We have listened with great interest and pride to the* eloquent address of Mr, Bullitt, now hailing from Philadelphia, 1 tako great pleasure and kpride m informing this convention, esIpccially in vitw of tho able rijiolutiona ■which have been read, that while he now

halls from Pennsylvania, he was born and reared on Bear Grass creek. Kentucky. (Laughter.) We rear people there and raise cattle, and while he has gone to Pennsylvania, we still claim him as our own. (Laughter.) So the Kentucky delegation is glad to indorse every word of the resolutions, every word of thq report, and, so far as I am individually concerned, every word of the speech.” Mr. Chadwick, of Brooklyn, in speaking on the resolutions, said: "I represent the Manufacturers' Association of Queens and Kings counties. New York, an organization that has taken up the question of sound money for the past three years and given it full and caretul attention, and when the report of this commission was presented to it it was discussed, and it commended itself so strongly to that organization that by a unanimous vote a reso.ution was passed to indorse* it heartily anti in toto. I want to say that there is not a single principle set forth in that report that is not based upon sound banking and upon sound finance. The principle of a banking system, that banks should redeem over their own counters the.ir own specie and bills, is embodied in this report; the principle of the banking system of my own adopted State of New York of a safety fund is also embodied in this report; the principle* of taxation upon increased circulation, as set forth in the Imperial Bank of Germany, is also in this report. There is not, as 1 have said, a principle of sound banking or sound finance that is not here. "The principle of the French banks, of which 1 spoke one yeai ago. is also set forth here, that principle which will equalize thq rate of taxation, as so admirably put forth by Mr. Patterson yesterday; it will equalize the rate of taxation so that a person living in the remotest village of this community will be able to borrow money at the same rate of interest as those who live in financial centers. (Applause.) As I stated, if the report had set forth no other principle of banking than that, it would have been the redeeming feature of any financial question that is before* us. We believe, sir, that it is necessary that action should be taken. We are here with a united front. We are all looking to that platform and that man who is chairman of the executive committee and made possible this action on our part. Let us stand behind him; let us stand behind the executive committee; let us stand behind this convention, and do all that lies within our powqr to make it possible to have this report put into a bill and made the legislative action of this country. I tell you, w hen all the people are thinking along a given line, upon a common subject, the world moves, and all that is necessary for us to do is to think all the time), and as hard as we can, upon this subject, and Congress will move.” (Applause.) E. B. REMARKS. E. B. Martindale, of Indiana, next spoke upon the adoption of the resolutions, standing in the Indiana delegation. "I have heard criticisms that it was presumptious on the part of the organizations which started this institution to institute a great movement of this character,” said he. “There is a misapprehension in regard to this. The only instrumentality of the Board of Trade and Commercial Club of Indianapolis was simply to meet, and after conference, decide that the work was of too much importance to be undertaken by an isolated body, and asking fourteen of the Boards of Trade and commercial bodies of the Central West to meet in the city of Indianapolis and then determine whether action should or should not be taken. That meeting was called, and the gentleman who now presides wars a delegate and presided over that preliminary meeting. Out of fourteen boards of trade and commercial bodies who were invited to take part in this work twelve of them made appearance with full delegations, and after a full conference it was decided to call a general convention of people belonging to the commercial organizations of the United States to meet here on Jan. 15. That meeting was called, and l w’ant to say to you, gentlemen, that it has been my pleasure to witness three conventions that have been held in this city. The first was that of the National Democratic party, and I must say to you that I never saw a cleaner, more intelligent body of men collected In a political convention than attended that convention. Then we had the convention of Jan. 15. Y’ou all know the character of the men of w’hich it was composed; and now we have this convention, and what are they? They are men coming from the very pulse and throb of business life in the United States. They are not politicians. Asa rule they are not bankers. They are generally manufacturers and commercial men who have intelligence and have ideas such as this country requires today. The work of this commission has been done. I wish to say, in the first place, we made no mistake in the man that we put at the head of the executive part of this business. He has developed to an extent that surprises his nearest friends and acquaintances, and he has taken hold of the work and has carried it on as few men in the United States would have carried It on, and it must be carried on to ultimate success. (Applause.) We first asked that Congress make this commission a legal one. They declined to do it. We decided we would have the commission anyway. That commission is composed of a most remarkable body of men. There isn’t (i man on the commission who would not make a creditable secretary ot the treasury of the United States. They are men of brains. They are men of conservatism. They are men who reach out and take in the whole breadth and scope of this country, and have undertaken to do a work for the whole. Now. gentlemen, I may, with my short acquaintance with this report—not having studied it as they have, not having been with it night and day for five or six months—see here something I would change. 1 hope that we have no man in this convention who is willing to set up his Judgment and propose to make a change in this report, in view' of the fact that for five or six long months that work has been in the hands of men equally competent with any man who could exhibit his ingenuity in attempting to improve it. If there is anything wrong. We stand here as petitioners. We are not acting in any spirit or demand or arrogance towards the Congress of the United States. Mr. Fairchild lias presented that matter as well as it could be presented. We are simply petitioners, and that Is a right recognized in the humblest citizen. We send our petition; we frame our bill: we have performed work that they would have been compelled to perform, and the only question is whether ihev are willing to accept us as humble petitioners. I hope and pray that we will send that petition there with the unanimous vote. 1 appeal to you let us pass it as they have reported it.” MR. CORNWELL’S SPEECH.

W. C. Cornwell, of Buffalo, was the next speaker, and he spoke as follows: ‘The question before us is on the adoption of this report as a whole. It would be a remarkable thing if there were not some things which could be criticised or some changes which might be suggested in a subject of so intricate a character as a currency bill. There are people to-day who criticise the whole Canadian system, which has been in perfect operation for years. There are people who can suggest something better than the Bank of England and the English system; meantime England, through her sound monetary system, rules the commerce of the world. “Now, gentlemen, the recommendations of the commission are based on sound principles. They will make the gold standard absolutely sure. They will wipe out those curses of our system, the government notes. They will give us a currency based upon and secured by all the business of the whole United States and made as good as all the wealth of the whole Nation, and that is what a bank note is that is based upon the business assets of the bank, with a guarantee fund from all the banks besides. Because the representatives of a nation's business assets are gathered into a nation’s banks, and they are better than the nation’s bonds in that if the business assets of a nation are not good the government bonds cannot possibly be, whereas the government might go to smash and the busfness interests remain good and sound, as has happened many times in the history of the world. We are starving in this country for need of a sound system. I have given this subject careful study for many years from two sides, the economic and the practical. I give you as mv earnest conviction, waiving all small changes which might be suggested. that you make no mistake if you take this whole report and adopt it bodily, enthusiastically, raising the flag over it and fighting for it until victory is won.” P. T. Roots, of Connersville, also spoke on the report of the resolutions committee. SILVER VOICE AMOSG GOLD MEN. Mr. Dodge, of Xeiv York, Mnkes a Characteristically Fine Speech. W. E. Dodge, of New York, was called upon and took the platform. His manner of speaking is pleasing, his voice is well modulated and might be called “a silver voice in a gold convention.” “I listened, as you all have listened, with great delight to the admirable and eloquent address of my valued friend. Mr. Bullitt,” said he. “Every word he said we all heartily indorsed, but there was just one blue streak In his remark, which I am sure you will be glad to have corrected and which I am sure I am right in, to a very large extent. I believe he is mistaken in regard to the Southern country, with regard to the matter of gold. I have hud an opportunity during the last year to have Intercourse with very large numbers of distinguished and influential people of that section, and I believe there are as many of them In favor of gold through the South as in any other section of the country. I think with him that the politicians there have not caught on yet (laughte:), but they are rapidly learning the lesson and 1 think we can go away assured that we are going to have real, positive and distinct help from that geclioa of the country, whose people v.a til

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, THURSDAY, JANUARY 27, 1898.

love and respect. (Applause.) There has been an element of common sense about this whole movement W'hich has delighted me. All of those who are business men have had limes of depression and perplexity, when our affairs, however valuable our resources were, seemed to be complicated and tangled and troubled, and w r e have always been glad in such a time to go to wise friends and get advice, often which has cleared the way for us. They have locked with unprejudiced eyes upon the matter and have been able to help us by their suggestions. We came here a year ago vastly troubled with a chaotic condition of our financial system. QUAGMIRE OF BIMETALLISM. “We have a great and splendid country with magnificent resources, yet we have been using so many makeshifts, we have been acting so strangely in our want of method and order that we were in a very bad shape. I was very much amused in reading the life of the Master of Baliol, who was a great friend of Balfour, the bimetallist, who says over and over again, ‘I am very sorry for our poor friend Balfour; ho is in the hopeless quagmire of bimetallism.’ We were in a good many quagmires and, as wise and sensible men, put the matter in the hands of experts just as if we had been connected with corporations or railroads or large business interests that needed care and cleaning up, and they have brought us in a report better than we could have expected, a hopeful report, and I hope that it will be indorsed most heartily by all who are here. "We were most fortunate in the selection of tne commission. Its members were well known as men of high character and large experience, representing all sections of the country, and without partisan or sectional bias. They have given long months of exhaustive study, have received suggestions and advice from financial experts representing many views, and have come to a practically unanimous conclusion. "Their report is reasonable, wise and practical, and their suggestions, if adopted, will restore confidence, give promise of stability to all business affairs, and be of the largest benefit to all sections of the country. "With a clear vision they understand that the changed conditions of the world, the close connection of all countries, and the almost universal use of checks, drafts and bills of exchange make one standard of value absolutely necessary. They know that gold has become, and will continue to be, the basis of the commerce of the world, in spite of all legislation and restrictions. And they have had the courage and good sense to base their conclusions upon this conviction. GOVERNMENT DEMAND OBLIGATIONS. "Their suggestions as to gradual withdrawal of the demand obligations of the government are clear, simple and effective. No reduction of circulating medium will be needed or any disturbance to the business of the country. "Providing for a gold standard, they at the same time suggest a large increase of needed subsidiary coins of quarter and half dollars, which are easily handled, and the withdrawal of all bank and government bills under $lO, the place of small bills to be given to an issue of silver certificates sufficient to cover the silver bullion in the treasury, which will naturally be so distributed as not to be a menace, and which will give a larger use to that metal than ever before, and this without evasion of the priciple of a gold standard. "Their suggestions as to banking are equally wise and in the line of the thought of all experience in this and other countries. They would give, I believe, an absolutely safe and stable currency, which could be increased or diminished with the varying wants of the country, which would tend to relieve all sections and to safely take money from congested centers and distribute it where needed. “It is easy to criticise some of the details of the proposed plan, but as a whole it is admirable, efficient and worthy of our hearty support. "It will, I think, appeal to large sections of the West and South as generous, broad-minded and fair, and if the men of business and affairs all over the country, instead of divided and timid counsels, will only cordially unite and press this or like feasible plans, we can soon have an end of the strain to which we have all been subjected. “I want to emphasize that we must generously consider the wants and the conditions of the agricultural and sparsely settled parts of our country, where real financial privations exist, and gladly join hands with our brothers in those sections in urging such legislation as the experience of other countries, which have overcome like difficulties, has proved effective. "We must use our, perhaps, better knowledge and larger experience for the furtherance of their interests and of our o" r n. Tn this way only can we win their confidence and persuade them to join with us in combating what w’e believe to be false nereaies in finance, which, if adopted, could only lead to great danger and to the ruin of their interests and ours. "Such results of mutual benefit would, I believe, come from the adoption of the plans proposed by this commission.”

THE SOUTHERN DELEGATES. M. L. Crawford, of Texas, Makes a Masterly Address. The remarks by the speakers in regard to the South brought Rufus Bullock, of Atlanta, Ga., to his feet, and he made allusion to the remarks of Mr. Bullitt, of Pennsylvania, In regard to the South’ fear of negro supremacy. “Tho gentleman from Kentucky, by way of Philadelphia, stated exactly the reason why the people of my section are politically wrong on many of these national Issues, which lias been and is the fear of negro supremacy in political and local affairs,” said he. "But 1 can assure you, gentlemen, that is passing away. (Applause.) With those States of the South where 'here was any danger of a numerical majority ot negro voles, we are adopting new constitutions and basing the franchise on property and intelligence, and when that danger has disappeared you will find our people as patriotic, as honest, as ready to sustain every good issue as any people on God’s green earth.” There seemed to be a disposition on the part of the convention to hear from the Southern delegates, it being an oft expressed opinion of members that the South was not wedded to silver, because of its belief in silver, but because of old political affiliations with the wing of the party which controlled the machinery at the Chicago convention. There were cries for speakers from different Southern States and quite loud cries for Texas, which being a Southern State and on the border of Mexico, the convention wanted to hear from it. When the State was called Judge M. L. Crawford, of Dallas. Tex., arose and attempted to speak from his place on the floor, but there were cries of “platform, platform,” and he proceeded to the stage and addressed the audience in what was generally conceded to be the most masterly address of the convention. The applause was great at different points in his speech, and at the close he received an ovation. Mr. Crawford spoke as follows: “As the audience has been generous enough to invite me to the platform. I desire to make a few observations only, upon two points, embraced in this monetary system. The first is, the bill comes out honestly. fairly and squarely for the single gold standard. There is nothing- in it from one end to the other that can be tortured into a dalliance with the mythical bimetallism. The same cannot be said about any political platform adopted by either of the great political parties of this country in 1896, save and except the platform adopted by the Democrats which assembled at Indianapolis. (Applause.) That has been one of the great sources of weakness in this effort at monetary reform. It has been the want of courage. (Applause.) We have known for years, or as Mr. Bullitt said. Since this agitation began in 1893. that w-hen people began to be students of the financial system of the country that the contest was between the gold standard and the silver standard: that there was no middle ground; that the men who pretended to say that the two metals, under any possible condition, except on the universal principle of equality of value, could circulate side by side, was either ignorant or hypocritical. CLUB BRYAN USES. “Now what have we got to do? Can we trust the Republican party to reform the finances? If we take their last official utterance I undertake to say that as a party the Republicans cannot be relied upon to do it, and the declarations in their St_ Louis platform—now I am not going to make a political speech—in which they dallied with bimetallism and spoke of international bimetallism, to-day furnish Bryan and his crowd the most effective club which they use against the honest money plan. It has been the habit of people of this country since 187.' not to ask Europe for what it wanted, but to light out and get it; to take it not by the consent of European nations, but in defiance of European nations, and Mr. Bryan, when he told his people that bimetallism is a good thing, says: ‘Why do I say so? Why. the Republican platform upon which Mr. McKinley was nominated at St. Ix>uis declares that bimetallism is a good thing, and pledges that party to bring it about In a certain way.’ International bimetallism is not a whit worse than individual bimetallism. He says again: ‘lt is a good tiling, for the Democratic party in Chicago declared iu favor of bimetallism. It is a

good thing, for nobody objects to it. No political party has declared squarely and honestly that they are in favor of the goid standard, except a handful of malcontents who met at Indianapolis and who failed io poll 2 per cent, of the vote. Why should w’e fail to adopt it by waiting for European nations to give their consent.’ When Mr. Bryan addresses that to the ordinary constituency. what answer are you' going to make to it? You are bound to sav that the Indianapolis crowd, small as thev are, as insignificant as their vote may have been, were the men ,ho stood earnestly and fearlessly for honest money and honest methods. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, there is another thing. A good deal lias been said about the South and the West. I have lived in the South ail my life. The complaint we have there is the unequal distribution of the loanable capital of the country. (Applause, and cries of ’That’s it,’ ’that’s it.’) "The people of Texas are not ignoramuses. We have got a schoolhouse on every hilltop in that State. We have a university which will compare favorably with any university in this Union, and we have got enough land devoted to a public school fund to make a dozen States as big as some of them. (Laughter.) Our people read the papers. They take a good many of them. We know, and the people there knqyw, that there is money enough in the country to do the business of the country. There was money enough in the country in 1893 to have transacted all the business in the country, but it was hid away. There is a superabundance of money to-day in the country, but it is unevenly distributed. It is congested in the North, in New York, in Philadelphia and in Chicago, used, perhaps, in speculating in cotton futures, which our people don’t like very well (laughter), but it ought to be in the South, devoted to legitimate business enterprises. PROSPECTS IN TEXAS. "Now, this bill piomises a more equal distribution of the loanable capital of the country, and I tell you, while I propose to be perfectly honest—l am always a frank man —I don’t believe a man running for office in Texas on this bill would stand much of a chance to be elected. I don’t believe that. The silver sentiment is very strong there, but I do believe, knowing as I do that the people In Texas and the South generally despise a hypocrite. W’e love honest, upright, outspoken men. Come out and make this fight fairly and honestly for the single gold standard and for a banking system as expressed in this measure, and I assure you, gentlemen, that you will receive support from the creeks and hollows and places you little dream of. It will not be confined to the cities. The people will respond to the measure if it is properly and fairly presented to them. Now, one more word. lam afraid that some persons may present an amendment to the currency report as prepared by the currency commission. Gentlemen, it ought not to lay on the table a quarter of a second. As quick as presented every man in this house except its author should move to lay it on the table face down. (Applause.) It wii! not do; this question is too important. It will not do for men to undertake to interpose their individual opinions against the united judgment of the men selected to draft this measure. (Applause.) I am frank to say that there are some features in it I do not approve. But suppose I don’t; who cares and w’ho is hurt by it? (Applause.) It does not affect the world or a single solitary transaction in the world whether 1 approve of it or not. I have no doubt but what that bill is prepared as honestly and as conscientiously and with a purpose as patriotic on the part of its authors as inspired the men who framed the Declaration of Independence. (Great cheering, the cheering breaking out again and again and part of the audience x’ising to their feet and waving handkerchiets and hats.) “Now. gentlemen, who are those men? Their ability cannot be questioned. Is there a man in all this country who will dare to say that any man who assisted in framing this great measure had a political ax to grind. (Applause.) What purpose influenced Senator Edmunds and his colleagues? Not to serve themselves, not to serve their party, not to serve their section, but to promote the common welfare of all the people (Cries of ‘Good, good.’), and for that reason I say we ought to stand by the measure. No man should dare to set up his individual judgment against the combined judgment of those men. Let us remember that the Constitution of the United States, which has been characterized as the grandest instrument ever emanating from the brains of man, is the work of compromise and concession. Every section in it before it was enacted was the result of the surrender of individual convictions in behalf of the common good. No man claims that that bill is perfect. Perfection is not an attribute of humanity, but we must go before the people courageously ancj advocate this meastire; not do it with qp apology, but do it because it is right; do k actuated by the same motives which influenced Colonel Bullock, General Buckner and hundreds of others to turn their backs upon their political associations of a lifetime, and stand up with their political enemies find say, ‘We won’t be a party to it.’ (Great applause.) ’’Now’, gentlemen, just one word. The people have been misinformed. Their education has been sadly neglected. With shame I confess it that in mi’ country, at least, our public men, as a rule, have been students of public opinion rather than educators of public thought. (Great applause.) But we must quit all that. W’e must go to the people in an honest, frank and manly way. and I do honestly believe we ran impress them and make them see that we are on the right line. As was once said by one of the grandest men who ever lived upon this earth, or in any age, or in any clime, you can fool all the people some of the time, you can fool some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people ail the time.” This tribute from the South to Abraham Lincoln, with which Judge Crawford closed his address, w’as received with uproarous applause. . ~, Mr. Weissinger, of Louisville. ky„ rose and said he desired to ask a question. Said he: “I want to ask one question. (Addressing Judge Crawford.) You have spoken, sir with such signal ability and honesty that it seems to mt* that the mantle of Clay and Breckinridge has fallen upon your shoulders, and I desire to ask you, ir you are not from Kentucky, by way of Texas.” (Great laughter.) A DELEGATE FROM ARKANSAS.

H. L. Remel, of Little Rock, Ark., being a delegate from another • Southern State, was recognized by the chairman and proceeded to the stage and spoke as follows: “I want to take a little exception to my friend Bullitt. I agree with him in part, but I must disagree with him on one or two propositions, one at least. He speaks of the South and says that negro domination kept many men from voting the sound money ticket. I want to say to Judge Bullitt that in my State of Arkansas last year thousands of men rallied to the sound money standard, and further than that, that in every community there is a sprinkling of sound money men, and while they have the ostracism of the Bryan element, yet they are men of convictions and they have dared to stand by their convictiohs, as my distinguished friend liom Texas, and Judge Bullock and thousands of others did, and I as a Republican recognize the value of the sound money Democratic vote in the last election. 1 will not say that we are the most intelligent people in the world in our State of Arkansas, but we have a fair degree of intelligence upon general matters, but when it came down to the financial questions, up to 1893, there was dense ignorance. As an illustration, last year a representative for the Legislature in one of our counties, had on the opposite side of his card from his name 16-1. This was true of the cards of all candidates from constable up. That was their platform. This representative went to a soundmoney Democrat, asking for his support. The voter looked at the card and said, ’Sixteen to one—you are for 16 to 1, are you?’ ’Yes.’ ’Well, what is this 16 to 1; w-hat does that mean?’ ’Why, 16 to I— it—means—why —it—means—why—it is this thing that everybody is talking about, you know r .’ (Laughter.) This monetary movement is educating the people. I saw a little piece of poetry hist fall which illustrates this point: “ ‘lf a dollar be a dollar, Honest coin without deceit. You may melt it, you may smelt it. And its value won’t retreat.’ “Now, gentlemen of the convention, in behalf of the entire citizenship of the State of Arkansas, 1 say it in behalf of those who were lured away by men like James K. Jones and Billy Bryan—why, do you know that Democracy had to go to Arkansas to get tlie* chairman of the Democratic national committee? Are you aware of that fact? In behalf of all the people I want to thank this distinguished commission for consideration in looking after the sparsely settled districts of our country. We thank the members for the proposition that $25,000 will enable tho establishment of a national bank, and where permission is given, in an emergency, by slight taxation, to increase the circulation, and where the emergency demands we can have a circulation up to the full amount of the stock. That is a proposition, my friends, that will hit the people; and I want to thank that distinguished commission for its consideration of the sparsely settled districts of this country. It is said that the money power got hold of the throats of the people and is throttling them to death, but Mr. Shaw s'.ved i thing in the form of a poetic utteian<i here yesterday, and which I read th.s morning, which I thought was a splendid sentiment, and, in fact, every word of th'> diftlnguished Governor of lowa has my hearty it dorsement, Arkansas is here to

Indorse the resolutions, and we offer to indo"L*e every word of the report of the monetary commission. - ’ ItKAD HIS LErrER. Ei-Governor Collin, of Cunnecticnt, Hud \ot Expected to Be Here. When ex-Governor O. V. Coffin, of Connecticut, was asked to speak he said he had not expected to be in attendance, and consequently had written a letter to Chairman Hanna. In lieu of a speech ho read that letter, which follows: “In behalf of our Middleton Board of Trade 1 am p'east-d to sta.te that the work of the Monetary Commission, as a whole, is strongiy approved. lam inclined to agTee with Mr. Laughlin in his expressed dissent from the position taken in the report legurding the authorization of the secretary of the treasury, as provided in Section 14, but discussion and tuller consideration might change my views. We agree unreservedly that tne coinage of silver dollars should be, for the present, prohibited. ‘"But whatever tne situation may become as to either gold or silver, we should adhere rigidly to the policy of making the best money the standard money, now and always, and would have every one of all the douars, whether gold, silver or paper, as good as any one dollar amongst them. “On the question of the banking business we are pronouncedly in favor of getting the government out of it, and of limiting tne power of issuing paper currency to the banks. We especially approve the plan of the comm.ssi' n, that the disadvantages connected with government issfues of currency far more than overbalance any advantage gained through such issues in the way of interest. The plan recommended that bank notes be issued against the assets of the banks, under suitable limitations and regulations, and, of course, under the close supervision of the government would afford currency of unquestionable soundness, and appears to us to embody an invaluable part of the scheme. We especially approve the suggested plan of branch banks, “As we understand it. though the establishment of branches of central banks, In sparsely settled sections (in which it is difticuit, and in many cases impossible, to obtain capital equal to the present minimum of lad.teO for a national bank, or even of the proposed minimum of $25,000, banking facilities would, in effect, be furnished by the business and money centers; thus not only affording bank facilities where otherwise, in many cases, none would exist, but furnishing them without, in any case, burdening the localities accommodated by the withdrawal of local capital from the channels of local business. If we are right in what we have so briefly and imperfectly stated, the conclusion appears inevitable that the plan of the commission in this direction is one which would, when fairly understood, and still more when in full operation, be very highly approved by the less favored sections and the wealthy centers alike, and could not fail to exert a. powerful influence in bettering the condition of the entire country. “The importance of the whole subject, and the large amount of special attention given it in recent months in the Congress, and elsewhere, bv sorr.e of the most thoughtful, cajiable and patriotic citizens has stirred the public interest and solicitude to such a degree that early action by Congress ought to be secured. * * * “And now', permit us to say, with all imaginable emphasis, that, in our judgment, promptness in the action of Congress is an element of importance not second to any other involved in the case. The whole country owes a debt of gratitude to the originators and promoters of the present movement, and certainly also to the members of the commission, which at no very distant day will, as w T e believe, be far more fully realized than it is now; and should the Congress act promptly and efficiently in the premises it will receive such measures of popular praise and favor as has followed very few other enactments of recent years.”

MR. RHOADES'S SPEECH. Ltteranees of the Xew York Savings Bank President. John Harsen Rhoades, of New, York, was called for and spoke as follows: “As I stand here during the closing hours of this convention and realize what it has done in the past and is prepared to do in the future, I take on new courage and new hope and new aspiration of what there is to be. It is to me a source of sincere pleasure to be present to-day to share wdth you the gratification that we all feel at the great progress which has been made in drawing the attention of the country to our work, and to bring you cheering words of support from the members of the Chamber of Commerce of the city of New York. “Whatever is for the welfare and prosperity of the whole country is for the welfare and prosperity of the great metropolis of the country, and the prosperity of New; York is dependent upon the prosperity of the whole country, and it cannot be otherwise. There are certain laws which govern the operations of trade and commerce which are beyond the power of man to alter, and we must be honest and true in our dealings with our fellow-men or suffer with them, the evils which either they or we create. “If gold has been deemed by civilized nations to be the best standard*of value on which all mercantile transactions are to be based, we must adhere to that standard or falter, grow weak and suffer in the race for commercial supremacy with those who are our keen antagonists. This is the law which . experience and practice have proved over and over again, while high credit can alone be maintained through a fixed and unchangeable standard of value upon which all mercantile transactions shall be based, and high credit alone can build the prosperity of a nation upon foundations sure and lasting. What is needed in this country to-day is not more currency, but better credit, wnich alone can come from a desire and will on the part of the legislator ami Individual alike to deal in honesty and with honor among our fellow-men. When this great truth is recognized and followed in all sections of the land, then, ar.d not until then, will it be found that capital will flow freely into city and town and hamlet, and peace and prosperity will follow everywhere in its train. , , “New York may be the head or the body or the feet, if you choose to call it so, of the great giant of commerce which rules and sways with imperial force, but the one heart beats for all and sends its rich currents of trade through artery and vein for the benefit of all, and no part of the body can suffer for lack of nourishment without the returning flow' carries w'ith it the effect of imperfect circulation to the great central force of action which keeps life and vitality in the giant itself. It is because we know that this must be so that after thirty-five years full of experience with fiat money, imperfect currency and a system of banking created for an emergency and entirely unfitted for the needs of a great and growing people, the business men of the country have, through their boards of trade, sent their delegations to this convention to endeavor. if possible, to unite upon some plan of solution of tho great financial problems which confront us, which will appeal, by its force and its logic, to the Nation at large and around which the thrift of the people can gather, demanding from their constituted authorities at Washington that they shall hear and heed the voice of those best fitted, because they, themselves, are the creators of all wealth and prosperity, to solve these intricate questions which disturb us all. PERILS TO WORKING PEOPLE. “I stand here to-day an officer of a savings bank in the city of New York, having $25,000,000 on deposit, wfith 70,000 depositors, and an average deposit for each ol about $500; and as president of the Savings Banks’ Association of the State of New York I Indirectly represent the interests of over $800,000,000 of similar deposits in the entire State, and the management of this vaSt sum is in the hands of trustees who give their service gratuitously, receiving no pay whatever for such service, and giving it for the purpose of encouraging thrift and economy among the working classes; and we officers and trustees, knowing that our depositors must suffer grievous loss and depreciation if the standard of value representing their deposits is lowered, are deeply solicitous over the situation now existing and feel the imperative need of arousing the people to a consciousness of the perils w'hich threaten them through fiat money or free silver coinage. We who are the guardians of these great storehouses for the savings of the people must not stand idle and allow the country to drift longer, but join hands with all who hold with us that the best interests of all—rich and poor like —demand and must have a dollar in circulation which will buy a full dollar’s w*orth of supplies and give a full dollar’s worth of money in the payment for labor, alike in this country and in every market of the world, and any dollar Inferior to that must and will, in the end, impoverish the people and contribute to the grow th of poverty and pauperism. ‘•Gentlemen, it will interest you to know that the laboring classes in the Htate of New York, as represented through their deposits in our banks, are to-day the largest creditors of the State of Indiana, holding through us, as trustees, millions of dollars of its State debt and probably more than one-half of the entire amount now in existence. This money was loaned to the State in gold or its full equivalent, and in their name, these workers in tho humble walks of life, 1 solemnly protest against this State ever being compelled to repay them in any coin or currency which bears the stamp of repudiation or dishonesty upon its face. “As I have said before, I say again—theories are one tiling; but when an indi-

vidual or a nation departs from that which is the recognized standard of value throughout the world and agrees to accept at the same value something which the world will not recognize as of equal value, they will suffer fearfully through a depreciated currency at home, place themselves at great disadvantage in parting with their products to other nations, and place other nations in a position to realize larger profits out of the products they send us in return. This is the law of reason and experience, and it Is as solid as the foundations of the earth itself. “Be not deceived. A year of plenty, the success of a party pledged to maintain the existing parity between gold and silver, the natural reaction from a long period of depression, the confidence created through the cessation of immediate danger, together with an increased output of gold, have all combined to lure the business community into a feeling of security for the future, but the same forces which have created the trouble in the past are still united and actively at work, and have for their allies every disorderly element in our population, backed by the unrest which comes from machine methods of political rule all over the country. Besides, it must be remembered that every man of forty years of age and under has been living his life breathing the vitiated air of unsound currency and imperfect methods of banking, and it is only the intelligent portion of them who have left their fatherland during the past twenty-five years and become American citizens by the right of adoption who fully realizo what a sound currency and gold values meant to them in their old home; it was such as these whose votes were found on the side of sound money in the late campaign The great mass of our population are honest, but they must be taught tho lesson of sound money and made to realize what the experience of that portion of the world—older in the march of civilization than ourselves—has found to be the best for the moral and commercial development of tho race. While every impulse of our being, from selfishness to the highest aspiration of patriotism, demands that those we represent—the business men of the country—should awake to duty and begin a fight for currency and banking reform, w'hich must not cease until victory shall be won. A year of bad crops and the sluggish movement of capital into sections where credit and confidence is not of the best will be sure to revive animosity, to create prejudice and make the issues of 1900 most grave and threatening. Therefore look tho issue squarely in the face, and, conscious of right, iet us arise in our strength and in the name of the people, and for the people, let us end at once and foiever tho doubt and uncertainty which still hangs, a heavy cloud, over tho land, restricting progress, staying development and blocking the wheels of commerce. “So tar, the work of this convention has been well done. It lias selected a body of men well trained for their work; it has placed in their possession the best thought of those who have tried in their own way to solve the problem. The commission itself has been free from political bias, free from a desire to force individual views, free from every motive except that which has been prompted by patriotism and a sincere desire to reach a settlement upon which each and all its members could unite; and it has called to its aid the experience of those best fitted to give it counsel. Asa result, it has formulated a plan of action, backed by solid reason and indisputable fact, and placed this plan into our hands as the best solution obtainable. “The plan has met our approval, for it addresses itself to the common sense of every intelligent student of tinace. and it now only remains for us to do our part to bring into action the great forces of commercial activity which employ the labor of the people, make up the push and drive of daily life, and create the power to employ and be employed.

A TIME TO ACT. “It is full time, therefore, that the merchant, the maunfaeturer, the farmer and the artisan—nay, all who by thrift and enterprise have accumulated property, be the sum great or small, should arouse from their lethargy and spring to the front to defend the rights of property and establish a standard of value and a system for the exchange of commodity which will place and keep this country in the foremost rank of all the civilized countries of the world; first in liberty, first in commercial development, first in the arts and sciences, a leader and not a follower in the race for social, economic and mental development. “And, gentlemen, if these serious questions are ever to he solved rightly, they must be solved and can only be solved by the men who make up w’hat are called the business men of the country, for they alone are in touch with the great natural forces of trade which enables them to judge correctly w'hat is needed and must be had. “A gold standard of value must be maintained, for such is the standard agreed upon by the civilized nations of the world; and banking upon assets Is the only banking that is real, and positive, and lasting, and which remains when governments fall and government credit has ceased to exist. “Let these two great fundamental principles be our rallying cry as we go before the people and ask them to enlist in our support. • Lp to this time the forces which make for free silver and fiat money have been united and aggressive, while the friends of sound money have been passive and widely separated with conflicting views and impracticable plans; but this has all changed, and to-day we offer to the people a solution so simple, so well balanced and so practical in its operation that it is gaining friends and followers everywhere. Upon this plan we must unite, kruming that if it has imperfections they will be remedied before final action, and knowing, also, that the foundations are sure and the superstructure well welded together. United, therefore, we will win, and winning we will gain not alone the great benefits which will come to us us individuals, but restore to the people at large the means w hereby comfort and thrift shall find their way in the home of every humble worker In the land. A giant’s task is before us. Let us, therefore, be up and doing. “What is nedded now is active, aggressive work to arouse faith and courage in the ranks of the great commercial bodies we here represent, and to make them know as wa know that this convention has produced results and will continue to produce results which will bring victory to our cause, and if w'e choose to have it so, will accord to us no mean part in this royal battle for the right, which is marking an era. in the financial history of this country, which will leave behind it a beneficent effect upon generations yet unborn. “Well may tho forces which make for repudiation feel alarmed at what we have done and are doing. Well may Senator Teller introduce a resolution in the Senate w/ritten all over with fiat money and threat of repudiation as a challenge to the Nation. Shell the woods! Mr. Teller; shell the woods', and well you may; for hidden in their leafy coverts rest an army of the faithful, who will yet overwhelm your cohorts of evil and restore prosperity to your country, which you seek to destroy. Shell the woods! Mr. Teller, shell the woods! with your guns shotted with dishoner, but beware the wrath of an outraged and indignant people. “I nm glad, sir, that this movement for sound currency and a comprehensive banking law has come out of the West. We of New York look with pleasure upon the growth of our sister States, and we share with the whole country all the pride they feel with the progress we as a Nation have made in wealth, population and commercial development. We of New York, citizens of one State, and that of older growth, yet know that the state lines which divide State from State are but shadowy threads, crossed and recrossed by the great arteries of commerce, which bind all States together. bearing the burdens of commerce and trade to the great centers for distribution, each contributing its share and each one proud and glad that they are sharers together in the activities of a common people, rejoicing that they are bound together by ties of country and race and kindred, which make the very name of American citizen bring a flush of joy to the face of one and all and a thrill of pride that we were born into and are brothers together in a common destiny. “Let us all, therefore, return to our homes filled with the ardor of the hour which is upon us, determined to act and to work to bring the labors of this convention to a successful issue. So shall prosperity remain with us as a people, and so will we he p lay the foundation for America’s progress and greatness, which will dim the past glories of her birth and childhood and bring her to tho full stature of manhood, standing before tho world an emperor among his peers.” © LAST TWO SPEECHES. They Were Made by General Huekner and Judge Taylor. At this point there were cries of “question,” and it was evident the convention was getting tired of speech-making, but the chairman recognized a gentleman In the Ohio delegation, stating that Ohio must be heard, and recognized Mr. John T. Itarnett, of Piqua, 0., who said, in speaking of Ohio: “You will find tho majority of the Ohio people right on nearly every question—political, moral and otherwise. (Laughter.) It is my pleasure to announce to this convention that the Ohio delegation unanimously indorses this report, and it is the duty of us, us numbers of this convention, not only to enthusiastically Indorse this report, but to go forth from this hall as missionaries to carry the gospel of this convention everywhere, and thus get forever rid of tho silver question and take It out of politics.” Chairman Stanard said he did not think th* convention should adjourn without hear-

ing from General Buckner, from Kentucky, with which sentiment the audience was In hearty sympathy, and calls were made for the gentleman, who responded. “As you have been kind enough to call on me,” said he. ”1 wish to say that I was honored in 1896 as one of the leaders of National Democracy. (Applause.) Wa enunciated the doctrine of a single gold standard, and It has been said it was the only party in this country that ever did enunciate such a doctrine. VVe did it. sir„ and 1 advocate the report of this committed because if proposes to carry out that axiom: in finance. < Applause.)' It has become au axiom. Mr. Chairman, for as long ago as the Grecian era of civilization it was discovered that an inferior coin would drive out of circulation one of superior value. At that ago the philosophers attributed it to the bad taste of mankind. If they could have survived to this period, what would they havo thought of the manners of this people upon that subject? But this report proposes to carry out, as I have said, an axiom. It was demonstrated to Charles V of France that the inferior coin would drive out of circulation the other. That same Idea was subsequently demonstrated by Copernicus, and afterward most ably hv Locke, as fully and completely as Mr. Carlisle in our present day has demonstrated it. Thut has become an axiom, and we simply propose to carry out that axiom in finance, aii axiom which secures also honesty- and itegrity in the payment of debts by individuals and nationalities and by states. An allusion has been made to a proposition now pending before one of the bodies of Congress, which proposes a double repudiation of the debts of this country and a double dishonor upon this Nation. I allude to a resolution recently introduced by a senator proposing to pay the debts of this Nation in a currency which will become valueless as soon as that shall become a law.” JUDGE TAYLORS REMARKS. Chairman Stanard slated to the convention that Judge Taylor, of Indiana, a member of the commission, was present, and although the convention had been in session four hours, the audience signified their desire to hear from Judge Taylor, who spoke as follows: “I suppose I need not assure you that I am in favor of this report. You may take that for granted. I am not only desirous that it shall receive the seal of your approval, but that it shall receive the approval of the great American people to whom it is addressed That that may occur two things are necessary of which I will opeak for Just a moment. First, I will illustrate by two little stories, not funny, but significant. During tlie campaign of 1896 I was on on© occasion driven from a country appointment to th railroad by a plain, unlettered man, who made his living by driving horses for a livery stable. I drew' him into conversation on the money question. He said to me: T cannot understand this free-silver business. A silver dollar is good enough for me. 1 think it is good enough lor anybody, and I don’t see the harm in having a quantity. But I see this: I see tho business men do not want free silver, and what w© would do without business and the business man no one knows better than 1 do. I will vote ag’in free silver, but damn me if I can tell why.’ I had unother conversation with another man on that question a couple of weeks ago. lie was a prominent representative of his State. He said he believed in the bill, but that ho did not believi that th© country was ready. 1 said to him, ‘All th© business men favor it.’ He.said that it was u remarkable movement: that it represented the w ishes of a large body of very well-informed business men, but that the business men of the countt *• generally did not share the same view, ut that whenever he was convinced that it was the wish of the business men of the country that steps of this kind should be taken he was ready. Men are not unlike after all, whether they sit in Congress or drive a livery wagon. As all the business men of the country w’ant currency reform, and you know it, you will see that you give information to Congress by the resolutions of this convention. That information must come to them from every business organization, little and great, from the press, by correspondence, by letters, by petitions, by every means of information by which the people can convey their desires to their representatives. “When you have done that, another work remains. It Is to convey to the minds of the people generally, a consciousness of tho justice and the necessity of the reform which you propose. It is to reconcile tho people to the idea of giving up a torm of money which they have used for a generation, to which they have become attached and atound which associations cluster which go far to influence the minds of men. The greenback is and has been in the banks anil hands of the people, which has well answered their purposes, of which they have been proud. And as they see it. it is as good and answers the necessities and has all the qualities which they attributo to good money. , “Vou sometimes see a man who is in all the ordinary work and business of life & useful man. but pet haps three or four times a year when you least expect it, he will have a tit. Such a man you could not trust for an important and serious piece of business. Now. as good as the greenback looks, us useful as it has bqen, It has thin serious disqualification, it is liable to have fits. Now. to provide a substitute for that form of money you must see tc it. And now. do you understand what a vast undertaking that is? Nobody, no set of men have ever undertaken such a work as that, but to that work you have committed yourselves to take action tins day, and may God speed you with it.”

TUB HESOLI JTIONS ADOPTED. >ot a. Vote AKidnMt Them—The Adjournment. At the close of Judge Taylor’s remarks the question of the adoption of the resolutions was put by the chairman, and a rising vote being called for, the entire convention rose as one man, und the resolutions were declared by the chairman to be unanimously adopted by the convention. Augustus Willson, of Louisville, presented the following resolution, which was also unanimously adopted: “This resolution of the Indianapolis monetary convention, of January, 1898, of representative of the business men and business interests of the United States, chosen by the boards of trade andjother representative commercial organizations, makes this public testimony and record of thtj very earnest appreciation and gratitude, which all the business men whom we represent, and this convention and each of its members feel, and by this resolution witness, to Hon. George F. Edmunds. George E. Leighton, T. G. Bush, W. B. Dean, Charles S. Fairchild. Stuyvesant Fish. J. W. Fries, Louis A. Garnett, J. Laurence Laughlin, C. Stuart Patterson and Robert S. Taylor, members of the monetary commission ohosfjn under the resolution of the Indianapolis convention of 1897, for the splendid usefulness to our country and to mankind of their report upon the cond.tions, faults und dangers of our present laws, regulations and customs governing tho currency, hanking and standard of value of the United States of America, and their plan for the changes recommended. They have given to their country, without compensation or reward, qxcept the consciousness of duty well and faithfully done, many months of most arduous and priceh ss work, investigation, thought and study, at great sacrifice by each of them, in absence from home and invaluable time needed for their own serious and important duthu, and we declar' our earnest conviction that there has never been in the history of our country a oody of men more truly representative of all that Is best in American life, manhood, patriotism and Intelligence, nor one that undertook and fulfilled a great task for the general welfare in a spirit of more unseliislt devotion to our country. ~ . . „ “Their report and plan, wldch so fully cover the wide and complicated field of the duties intrusted to them Is such a model of brevity, dearness, wisdom and practical common sense and is so rich in great, wise and just recommendation, rising so far above all personal preferences, limitations and theories in the wide scope of its bencllcent plans and purposes, that we feel it duo to all whom we represent and to ourselves, even as it is to them, to make tills public acknowledgment of our profound appreciation and never ceasing gratitude. “Resolved, That a copy of this resolution, suitably engrossed and bound, btj sent to each member of the commission as a token of this convention's sense of their country’s great debt to them and to each of them.” W. T. tenton, of Chicago, introduced the following resolution, which was adopted by the convention unanimously: "Resolved, That the thanks of this convention be tendered to the Commercial Club and Board of Trade of the city of Indianapolis for the very hospitable reception tendered to the delegates last evening." On motion of Henry iietitz, of New York, the following resolution was also adopted: “Resolved. That a vote of thanks be extended to the executive committee, presiding oliicera, secretary und sergeant-at-arms of this convention.” Mr. Hcntz also Introduced a resolution to the effect that the proceedings of the convention, or such part as the executive committee think proper, be presented to Congress. On motion of Mr. llentz, tho convention adjourned, to meet at the caJi of the executive committee. RELATION TO FOREIGN TRADE. I. D. Etldy Dlzeuasea This Feature of the Money Rnextioii. The attitude of the New York delegation on the report of the commission was not one of ful^'accord previous to the assembling of the conference. But yesterday not ajjaember of the delegatipn expressed himvlOUtTuot'il on Eleventh Puge.)