Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 October 1896 — Page 2

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL,. SUNDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1896.

now free and Independent American eltlxens. Whether we are Knglishmen, Irishmen, Welshmen or Scotchmen, we are all ... for ' the great American Union and the glorious old stars and stripes that float above us. Yielding none of the love we

nave for the mother country, we love this iree government with its glorious institu tions. which ha become not only the eoun try of our adoption, but the country of our love. I greet you all to-day. ou are the aescenaants or men whose oioou has oeen ished upon many battlefields of this glorious Republic: men whose blood was shed in the hrst great contest for mdepndenee, a hundred and twenty and more years ago. and in every crisis of American history the "inert from the British is;es or their descendants stood for the indissolubility of the Union and the perpetuity of American liberty and free Institutions. We follow the Hate our fathers established, the same they bore, the same our grandsire lifted up in many a battle's tempest, and what God hath woven in his loom let no man rend in twain. "I am clad to have vou here at my home. deeply interested in the rightful settlement o the great questions that confront us this year. 1 am glad to welcome in the Fame body the employes of the standard T.ooi Company and ( the Standard Sewing Machine Company, both famous institutions in me city oi vieveianu. i uu are iieie. uuu nu matter rrom whence your ancestors came, no matter in what occupation you labor. you are all here moved by one common im pulse and purtKjse love ot country, lou are -here because you will never consent to have our national honor trailed in the dust and thta Nation set down as favoring re pudiation. The Standard Sewing Machine Company and the Standard u ooi Company belfevc in sound machines and sound tools. and they believe also in sound money. They want a sound government, sound laws, and they propose to use their good sound sense f this year when they deposit their ballots one weeK rrom next Tuesday. "What are you interested in? Interested, first, in the prosperity of this country: in terested In its honor and its future glory. The past is secure. Our fathers did their whole duty and they have transmitted to us the best fabric of government known among men. Shall we preserve it unim paired to the latest generation? (Tre mendous shouts of 'Yes! yes!' followed by applause.) I know you can be counted upon to do it. 'i his is no personal con test; It is no party contest; it rises above party and personality and places it upon the plane of patriotism, for patriotism knows neither party nor nationality. It is tne noruest sentiment of the human soul, for it is love of home, wife, mother and children. "With those- blessed flags in your hands and all that they represent in your hearts no danger can ever come to this great 2tepublie. God bless and keep you, and guide you into, the paths that wid give to you and your families and to posterity the highest destiny attainable under our tree institutions. Another delegation, is waiting, for this year there is no end to the army which carries the old flag. "They talk about coercion the coercion of employe by employer. They mistake the spirit bf the campaign. It is not coercion, but it is cohesion cohesion between employer and employe, made stronger by . common interest and a common experience. "I thank you for this call and your generous greetings and wish you all good might." "THE OSLY COKUCION." McKinley Tell of a. Mighty Force That In Influencing: Voter. In addressing the employes of the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific railroad, of Horton, Kan., Trenton, Mo., and Elden, la., their speakers being Major Anderson, General Passenger and Ticket Agent of the C, R. I. & P., and Mr. Ring, on behalf of the IMissourianj and Iowans, Major McKlnlcy said: "My Fellow-citizens I am more than glad to welcome to my home the employes of the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railroad Company, coming as you do from those three great imperial States Kansas, Iowa and Missouri. It is a remarkable tribute to a political cause, that so large a body of citizens should travel a thousand miles, to testify their devotion to the country and to the principles which the Republican party represents this year. You fcave come from no idle curiosity, but because you havo a deep concern for your own individual welfare and for the prosJerity of our common country. You are lere because you are citizens of the freest government In the world, equal citizens, and because one week from next Tuesday you will, exerciso that majestic power of povereignty residing in every individual citizen of the Republic, and In the citizenship of no other nation of the world. By that sovereignty you will express your purpose, so far as policies and administrations are concerned in this government, for the next four years. You are here, my fellow-citizens,, because somehow you feel, and deeply feel, that things have been going wrong with us for nearly four years. You are here because in your hearts you want to right that wrong If possible. We may differ About how to right it; we may differ about minor policies of government and about internal affairs, but we do not differ about the great vital question that this country Is suffering, and some remedy is required that will speedily bring back to us the prosperity from which we foolishly ran away four years ago. "Some people seem to think that the way to bring this prosperity is to debase the currency of the country. Some people seem to think that we can bring back work and wages, traffic and transportation by calling fifty cents' worth of silver a dollar. 3"oes anybody in this audience believe that? Tremendous shouts of 'No, no! never!') They say, too, that coercion is going on. The only coercion that is operating in the United States to-day is that of reason, conscience and experience. This is the mightv force that leads but never drives; and ail this talk about coercion comes from a Fourco that four years ago deceived vou. Is not that so. my fellow-citizens? (Cries of 'Yes. that's right!') If they want to strike a balance with us this Popocratic party we are willing io do it. We are willing to take the thlrtv-three years of Republican control of this government when we ran it under a protective tariff policy and on a sound-money basis, and uncertain' what those two policies has done for the American people, for you, the men on the railroads, the men in the factories and in the. mines, and contrast it with what the free-trade policy has done for the American people in the Jast three years and . half, for the balance is bound to be in our favor. If they want us to believe that this remedy of a fifty-two-cent dollar will be a cure for all our ills. I insist that they Fhall make up the Ions they put upon us during the last three years and a half "What you railroad men want is to put nil your cars at work, to turn all the jvheels of your great railroads, and vou Know that your wheels will not turn tmjm wneeis or inmistrv turn in the Fhops and factories. No man know better than the railroad men who stand before m.-to-day that when trains are taken oft men ore taken off the pay roil, and trains are never taken off when thev have any burliness to do. None of you want to bo sidetracked, and every one of you wants to bo on the pay roll (a voice, Ye want to be on the main line!'), and on the main line. too. You are on the main line this year. Coercion? Why. you would have to coerce men from thinking, reading and feeling to keep them away from the cause of country and public honor this year. You would have to WHAT IS IT? SEVENTY-SEVEN is Dr. Humphreys' precious Specific for Colds, Grip, Influenza, Catarrh, Pains and Soreness in the Head and Chest, Cough and Sore Throat. Tha mariner's compass Is not more trustworthy than "77"; the North Star not more fixed and reliable; with "77" as a pocket companion you can, pass unscathed through the labyrinth of fall and winter's dangers. It keeps out the cold like a warm blanket; It keeps up the vitality like a pull of brandy. It is the wonder; the "hold fast" of multitudes suffering from Colds and Chest Diseases. Dr. Humphreys' Homeopathic Manual of Diseases Freo at your drug- , gist's, or mailed on request. Small bottles of pleasant pellets, fit the vest pocket. Sold by druggists, or sent on receipt of 23 cents, or five for $L Humphreys' Med. Co., cor. William and John, fcts.. New York. CP" You can depend on "77" for

if

make them insensible to what they have experienced in their own lives under thi3 policy. "Now, what we are in favor of Is getting back confidence, which lies at the foundation of all business, and without which it is stagnated. We have had little or no confidence during the last three years and a haif. and, as though partial free trade and business paralysis were not enough, they now raise, as their shibboleth, that what we want in this country is to adopt the Mexican or Chinese sys.'em of finance. No, I answer; forever no. We want that confidence that will lead the business man to trust in the future and make plane for his year's work. We want that confidence that will induce ihe men of capital to put their money out, having faith that it will be paid back to them in as good coin as they loan, principal eihI interest, and until you get that, you will have no permanent prosperity or business activity. We have in thU country to-day the best money in the world, but the trouble is we do not get enough of it individually, and the reason of that is because we have not work. The thing the people of the country are looking for this year is the lost job. and you can't get back the lost Job by destroying business. You destroy business when you destroy confidence, and you destroy confidence when you defiantly propose to pay off debts, public and private, in a depreciated currency. "Now, what will Missouri do this year? (Vociferous shouts of 'Elect McKinley.') What will Kansas do this year? (Shouts of 'Elect McKinley.' "Give you 50,001) majority.') What will Iowa do this year? (Tremendous yelling and 'Give you 100.(K0 majority.') You are all fighting in the

same cause. You are all moved by the same considerations; you are all inspired by the same splendid principles. You want this great government of ours, the freest and the best in the world, the government that for nearly a third of a century after the war made a more splendid progress and matchless advancement than any oth er nation of the world; that gave more to labor and industry than under other sys tern since the world began. We must get nacK to that policy or confidence conn dence in each other, confidence in the fu ture, confidence, in our country and spurn the doctrine that would array class against Class, the rich against the poor, or employes against the employers. When you support such doctrines, then there is chaos and business paralysis. I would rather teach the doctrine of the common broth erhood of man. We are all equal, equal under the law, equal in privileges beneath that starry banner of the free, eeiual in possibilities and equal in opportunity. If the older men in this audience have not realized all they hoped for in their own lives, they have boys and girls for whom they want to realize them in the future. I beg you shut not the door of opportunity in their young faces. Encourage their ambitions; inspire them to struggle to the front. Under our form of government they can get the highest title which it is possible to achieve, that of being an American. You are proud of your States and you justly have a right to be proud of them: but you are prouder still to be citizens of the greatest government in the world. "I thank you for this call. It is an inspiration to the cause which I represent: it is an encouragement not onlv to me but to every patriotic citizen everywhere that you should travel thousands of miles that you might give evidences of your devotion to the great cause of protection, reciprocity, sound money, the supremacy of law, the public honor and trood erovernment. 1 am very glad to meet you, and it will give me extreme pleasure to grasp the hands of these Western friends of mine, Democrats and Republicans, for all are patriots this year." AX AMERICAN POLICY. What McKinley Favors for the Workingmen of Title Country. Major McKinley's speech in response to that delivered by Mr. W. W. Clark, who spoke on behalf of the delegations from Elmira, Hornellsville and Bath, N. Y., and Mr. W. W. Proud, of McKean county, Pa,, follows: "My Fellow-citizens I am very triad to find Pennsylvania and New York united this year, and that these States are vying with each other in the Republican majority they will give one weeK from next Tues day. I could not take sides with either State in that matter, but I wish you both success. You have my sincere thanks for this demonstration and are most welcome to my home. Steuben county represents not only your State In its diversified impr ests, but agricultural, commercial and manuiaciurmg, out arroras a good example of the advantages which you, in common with so many other communities, enjoyed under the protective tariff policy, and which our peopie ao.mcioneci py their votes in 1832. Under its beneficent influence vour enmitv and city of Hornellsville steadily advanced and became an important manufacturing center, with, I believe, manufactures of sl oes, leather, gloves, silk goods, wire fencing, electric supplies and mowing machines, but, perhaps, not especially distinguished from other cities of southern New York. such as Bath, Binghamton, Olean and Jamestown, that come to my mind as illustrating the special advantages which the poncy ot home industry and development brought us. "How has it been, mv fellow-eit since 1S93? Have vou enioved the samp degree of prosperity since then? (Cries of fto, no:') well, I take it you know the reason why, and any argument, therefore, seems unnecessary. You know that in 112 we were In the midst of the srreatest de gree of prosperity the world had ever seen, and then, by the voice of the people, the policy was changed under which we had lived for more than thirty years, and there came a change to the business of the coun try, very much to its injury. Eerybodv knows that. The great heart of this country yearns for a return of that prosperity. I do not know that we shall be able to bring it all back again, but we can over turn the policy that deprived us of it and take back the policy that gave it to us. iou have demonstrated in your county of Steuben what was believed to be impossible namely, that you cu!d make as good cut glass as any that is made anywhere, and your cement is distinguished above all others. You want those industries promoted. This is also true of the industries of other State?. What is good for New York is good for Ohio; what is good for one sec tion of the country is good for another; what will make the citizens of the North prosperous will make the citizen of the South prosperous. It is the country's busi ness, and our chief concern is to see to it that our great family is protected from the competition of the outside world. W hat we want is to do our own work, pay our own wages to our own worklngmtn; and we have discovered that just to the extent that we havo our work done in Europe, to that extent we deprive the American workingman of the wages which are his by right. "We must return to that policy winch protects our own workingmen. and I make no apology to any man anywhere for hav ing through all my public life stood for the protection of the American workingmen and American industries. 1 want a tariff high enough to protect our industries against foreign industries whlh compete with ours. A tariff that will bring cheer and business to every American home; high enough to raise enough money for this great government to pay as it goes. Why. what have we after three years and a half experience under the policy inaugurated four years ago? (Loud cries of 'Nothing!') I hear voices say 'nothing.' Well, we have our votes left. And we have Ft ill the skill and labor of the American people. We have the same men and manufactures, and ta propose to set them to work, and when we havo set them to work we do not propose that they shall be cheated by a short dollar. When we work ail day for our employers and night comes we want to be paid in dollars that won't change in value before morning. We ought to go home feeling that we can hold that money as long as we want to without any fear of its depreciating in value. Thia is the kind of money we have now. whether gold, silver or paper every dollar worth a hundred cent a and every one good in every market place of the world. But another delegation is waiting, and I am sure you are ready to vote. I nerd, therefore, do nothing more than to thank you heartily for this kind visit." A DISCREDITED PARTY. Why IVopIp Should Xot Hnve Confidence lu the 'ew Democracy. To the delegation from Lebanon. Berks and Chester counties, the Major said: "My Fellow-citizens I give hearty and sincere welcome to my fellow-citizens of Lebanon, Berks and Chester counties, of the great State of Pennsylvania. The heart of the American people is always rii;ht. You can safely submit any great public question with confidence to the American people. Mr. Lincoln once said that there was no safer tribunal en earth than the American people and 'if the Almighty Ruler of the universe is on our side, or on your Hide,' that fide would surely prevail. The aspiration of the American people is for advancement, for advancement in the march of progress towards the realization of the highest destiny for thhs, the freest government of earth. .What our people want is an opportunity for work, an opportunity for honest labor, an opportunity to develop the great resources which God lias given us, an opportunity to work out a high and glorious destiny, not only for ourselves, but for all mankind for the higher destiny we achieve for ourselves the better and the more we benefit all the races of mankind. "Now If occurs to me that before the people of this country can be expected to have conf dence in that wing of the Democratic party that la now In control of its organization, before we can be expected to Intrust it with further power or of control

of the government and accept Its promise that, with free silver, will come better times to all of us that before we do that it seems to me the Democratic party ought to make good the loss it has entailed upon us in the last three years and a half. (Great applause.) They can hardly expect us to have confidence in their present prescription, when the prescription that they gave us In lii2. and which they insisted was the cure for all our troubles, was so complete a failure. (Great applause and laughter.) They now say the present prescription, entirely different from the old one, will correct all our difficulties, and it does seem to me that they are asking a great deul of confidence from the American peonle. (Applause.) "We cannot very well forget their former deception, for the people were deceived. Their policy not only injured the people of this country in their occupations, not only injured the great manufacturing, and mining, and farming industries of the country, but it also wrecked the public treasury. (Cheering.) Now I do not need to make any argument to the men of Pennsylvania. They know all about this question and I think they are all ready to vote. Are you ready to vote? (Loud shouts of 'Yes,' yes,' 'We wish it was to-morrow.') Then, my fellow-citizens, it is needless for me to say another word, as another delegation is waiting, but I will be glad to meet and welcome you all to my home." Three cheers were given as the Major closed. PATRIOTISM SEVER PARTISAN.

Tribute to Democrat Who Are Fight ing: for the Nation's Honor. To a delegation from Allen and Henry counties, Ohio, principally from the towns of Lima and Spencerville, and made up of farmers, business men and citizens of all vocations, Major McKinley said: "My Fellow-citizens It was generous on your part to come to see me, inasmuch as I am not doing this year what I formerly did in going about to see you. I am very glad to meet my old friend3 of Auglaize, Allen and Henry counties, before whom I have stood many times speaking for the cause, the same glorious cause, for which our party stands this year. "The difference between the contest now and former contests is that we can count on our side hundreds, thousands and even hundreds of thousands of good old-fashioned Democrats, who are with us in the light, to maintain public order and the financial integrity of the United States. (Applause.) We are glad to have them In association with us. Patriotism is never partisan it Is above that plane. ' One thing has never been said and never will be said of the government of the United States, and that is that it is a government of repudiation. We have always paid every dollar of our public obligations, whether contracted in peace or war, in the highest and best form of money known to the civilized world. We never stopped to inquire what the letter of the contract might be; we only knew that any agreement by the United States government meant that it must be paid in hundredcent dollars at the1 time it came due. We do not proposo to commence now, after 120 years of glorious history, of glorious life and glorious achievements, to repudiate our obligations, public or private. (Cheers.) We do not propose to attempt to ever Co business with a dollar one cent short of a hundred cents. We do not propose to accept our financial standard from either Mexico or China. We propose to run our finances exactly as we have always run them with fairness and absolute integrity on the part of the government and people; and we propose another thing, and if the people are with us we shall realize It. We propose to protect ourselves against the products of the old world, to uphold our own factories rather than build up factories for any other nation on the face of the globe. The American workshop, the American farm, the American factory and the American people, cf whatever occupation or calling, are our chief concern, and we must see to it that there is no idle man in America and none of our work is done in Europe so long as there is a man in this country who wants to work. It la a policy of honesty, of patriotism and intense Americanism that our grand old party steadfastly maintains. "I am glad to meet you and to greet you: I am g!ad to know 'that this year, as in the past, the Republicans of your counties are enrolled in the ranks, and that sound-money Democrats from every walk and calling in life are with you. We welcome them as valuable allies in this great contest for good money and the supremacy of law. I am pleased that you have made this call and bid won hearty welcome. But as another delegation is waiting to see me I must bid you good afternoon." Rounds of cheers followed. TO RAILWAY HEX. McKinley Tells Why They Should Favor Republican Policies. In speaking to the railway employes from Toledo, Mansfield, Crestline and other Ohio towns, Major McKinley said: "My Fellow-citizens Tt gives me very great pleasure to receive this visit from the employes of the Pennsylvania Kailroad Company. I know something of the cities which you represent Mansfield, Crestline and Toledo and jof the great railway sys tem on which you are employed, without being invidious as to other roads, I think all will concede that it is one of the greatest railroad companies of the world. I am glad to observe the interest which you feel in the pending election. I rejoice that the railroad men of the country believe in a sound, honest, undepreciating dollar; that when they have performed their services for the railways they want to receive dol lars that are good when they are received and good for all time. This is the kind of money we have to-day. Every kind of dollar is just as good as any other dollar, and there is no better money anywhere in the world. "What you want, in common with your fellow-citizens everywhere, is employment. You want your railways to be busy; when they are. men arc busy,' and whert men are busy they receive wages which bring comfort :tnd happiness to their homes. When the railroad business of the country is dull then labor is unemployed; and when trains are taken off of the roads great numbers of railroad men are taken off the pay roll. You know from experience that unless the country is prosperous, in every part or cor ner of it. that you sutler as quickly as any other industry, for the railroads are a certain barometer cf the business of a coun try. Now. what we want in the United States, no matter what our policies have been in the past, is more business activity. Wo want ail our spindles humming, all our mines and all our factories busy: and when they are busy and products are being made you have employment in hauling those products from one end of the country to the other. We want, in short, a return of such prosperity as we had in 1SH2. I do not know whether we can get it back at once or not. 1 hoiw wo may speedily and fully restore it. and certainly the onlv way to get it back is to overturn the policy that took it trom us: and you may know what that is. No sooner had tne American people de clared in their misfit in that thev pro posed to change the government and its set tled and tried policies than the country felt the shock from one end to the other. Dis trust settled upon every business enterprise. Men who had already invested their capital In shops and factories when that election was over failed to equip them. Mmi who had given orders for work canceled these orders because they did not know what the future had in store for them and for three years and a half the business of this country has been waiting waiting for confidence, waiting for stability, waiting for wise legislation to protect our own industries and enterprises against those of all the world beside. "My fellow-citizens, I know not what your politics may be, but I believe in a protective tariff. I believe wo ought to protect every industry and enterprise in the United States against like industries and enterprises of the old world. I believe that W'3 should make our own goods in the United States and employ our own labor. When we do that we will have plenty to do, riot only in the factory, but on all the railroads of tha country, and then, more than all that, we never want to consent to do our business with a dollar that is short, even a penny, of being a one-hundred-cent dollar. We want every dollar as good as gold, and we always will have It so. We must stand by the public honor an.i credit, for th supremacy of law and our incorruptible courts of justice, which are our bulwarks in ev;ry time ot trouble. We want a sound government, a sound treasury, sound railroads, sound currency and sound laws. "You arc to determine one week from next Tuesday whether you want the con. tinuance of the industrial policy we now have in the United States or prefer to change it; whether we shall enter upon a system of finance that will debase our currency and degrade our credit, or to continue to have good, honest, one-hundred-cent dollars with which to do the business of this great country. I am glad, my fellow-citizens, to know that the railroad cm. ploycs of the United States are in earnest uion this subject. "I have already spoken this morning to railroad men from Kansas, Missouri and Iowa, the employes of the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific company. I have spoken to thousands and tens of thousands of men during the last two months, and I have been glad to note from their earnest faces that they believe in the great principles for which the Republican party stands this year principles which involve the honor, prosperity and glery of our common country. This Is our country and r.obcdy else's, and if w don't protect ourselves nobody else will. If we don't take care of our business our business will not take care of U3. Therefore I favor & policy that is purely American, that is patriotic I rem be

ginning to end a policy that would as seen think of lowering that great emblem ot freedom (pointing to the American flag) as to sully our credit or national honor. 1 thank you for this call and trui you may have a pleasant time in our city and a sale return to your homes." COXFIDEXCE IS CAPITAL.

Without It the World Conltl !ot Transact llulneK. In response to the greetings of the delegation of lumbermen and builders from Chicago Mr. McKinley said: "Mv Fellow-citizens I am Indeed glad to meet this body of representative business men of the city of Chicago. I am glad to be assured by your spokesman that your gn at city by the inland sea will give to the Republican eaufe the largest majority of any city in the American union. (Applause.) Iam glad to note that your registration is larger than that of any other city of the United States, and that registration means there is to be an increased vote for sound money and national honesty on the third day of November. "What we all want, whether we be Democrats or Republicans this year, is a return of confidence confidence that will start the wheels of Industry; confidence that will bring the money out from those strong boxes to which your spokesman has referred, and invest it in productive enterprises that will give .employment to labor, wages to working men and prosperity to all our people. We know, my fellow-citizens, that at one time we had this confidence; wo know when we lost it and we know how we lost It- We knowalso how to get it back again. We cannot get confidence back again by threatening repudiation. (Great applause.) We cannot get it back by debasing the currency W'ith which we do our business. "No man will loan anybody money who has openly declared that after he gets it he proposes to pay it back in fifty-cent dollars. Is not that true? (Cries of 'Yes, that's true!') That's the proposition of the political party that stands opposed to us this year. Confidence, my fellow-citizens, is the capital of the world. We do business on confidence largely. We do not transact all our business with actual money, as every business man knows. We do it by checks, by what we may call credit money. You draw your check on a bank and the man who receives it from you has confidence first that you have money in that bank and second, that the bank is good and will pay the check when presented. But when confidence is gone then before you can get the credit for that check It must be known that you have the money there and that the bar k is solvent. This is the condition we have been in for the last three years and z. half. "We want to get away from that condition; we want a return of business confidence, and to do that we must raise enough money every month In this country from a protective tariff and internal revenue to pay every obligation of the government and stop going in debt. We want a policy that will encourage American industry, enterprise, energy, skill and genius, it is the business of the American people to look out for themselves; nobody will do that for them. We have discovered during the last three and a half years that if we do not keep our business, our business will not keep us. "I thank you for this call. I congratulate you upon the magnificent progress the city of Chicago has made, for the greatest achievements known to the cities of the world have been those of the great city of Chicago. I am glad to know that thia year your people in . Chicago and the State of Illinois, irrespective of party, Democrats and Republicans alike, are vying with each other in patriotic endeavor to maintain the public honor and sustain the nation's flag unsullied and unquestioned forevermore. I thank you and bid you good morning." Three cheers were given for the Governor and three more for Mrs. McKinley. DOCTRINE OF HOPE Profeaaed by McKinley to Brynn'a Doctrine of Hate. To a delegation of iron and tin workers from Cambridge, O., the Major said: "My Fellow-citizens The faces about me of those who have called at my home this morning are not unfamiliar to me. I have met most if not all of you before, and when I have met you it has usually been in the midst of a political contest where parties and principles were striving for supremacy in State or Nation. I believe, in the many visits I have made to the tin mill men of Cambridge, you will acquit me to-day of ever having undertaken to deceive or mislead you. I have always proclaimed the doctrine of a protective tariff. I do not abate one bit of my faith In that great principle. I believe in self-preservation of this government of oursr In a tariff that protect our produoknthiM: maintains the American scale of wages, that gives steady and constant employment tt labor, anil that provides enough money for the government without the necessity of its going constantly in debt. I believe; in that great principle now. ' "Whenever a man Is thrown out of employment the wage fund is reduced the fund that belongs to labor and I could not calculate for this audience the millions of dollars thus lost to the wage fund of the country in the last three and a half years, the millions lost to your families and homes, and the thousands of others like you. Whenever the fires go out in the factory or mill, cheer goes out of the home of the American workingman. and whenever you want to bring comfort back to the American fireside, you must nut fires in American furnaces and American workingmen to work. When we all have work, we come to the home market of the United States the best market in the world and make -it a cash market. for we pay as we go. "Now, my fellow-citizens, I remember when I addressed you a year or two ago, I asked you to support Mr. Morgan, your fellow-workingman. for Senator, and you did so; and I said to you then that the workingmen had an opportunity to show that there was no such thing as class or caste in the United States; and that any man from the mine or from the-mill could aspire to the highest place in the gift of this iK'ople as freely as anybody else, and if you do not get that yourselves you might hope for your boys to get it. I do not teach the doctrine of hate; 1 prefer the doctrine of hope. Never give up so long as you have the ballot." BRIEF ADDRESSES. Tribute to Colored People in Iiepone to an Eloquent Greeting. Major McKinley spoke to colored citizens frcm Pittsburg as follows: "My Fellow-citizens I give you warm welcome to my home, and I cannot refrain from expressing to you my pleasure at the words so fitly, so beautifully, so eloquently uttered by the gentleman who speaks in ycur behalf to-day. I congratulate vou and him upon the marked distinction which the Republicans of Pennsylvania havo given him in the pending contest. I am glad to greet you as my fellow-citizens. It is our pride and glory that in free America we know neither race, color, class, caste nor distinction. The native born and naturalized, black and white, all have equal rights in our constitutional laws; they are equal in responsibility, opportunity and possibilities. You have always been tnif to your country, and that is a great distinction to any race. You have always followed the dear old flag wherever it led and at whatever cost to yourselves. 1 am glad to know you are enrolled in the ranks of the Republican party, and that we can count upon you as willing allies in this great contest for the national honor, the supremacy of our courts and the preservation ot" law and order." To Women Stenographer. Mr. McKinley's response to Miss Lydia Carbaugh, on behalf of the delegation of women stenographers from works of Whitman & Barnes and the Goodrich Company, of Akron, is as follows: "Ladles I have received at my home a gcod many delegations in, the last two months representing every occupation, calling and profession known in our country, except one, which honors me with its presence to-day. This is the first call I have had from the stenographers, but you are most welcome, and 1 greet you as interested, along with the men of the country, in the rightful settlement of the Important public questions which are now confronting the American people. I am glad to know that it has been demonstrated in the United States that the women of the country can do so many things atitl do them equally well with the men, and I believe when they perform like service to men they ought to be paid as well. I have always believed that was right. I a:n sure it is just and I hope the time will come when the public wiil everywhere recognize it as an act of equity and justice to all the womei who work for their living throughout thl United States. 1 am glad to meet and greet you. and trust you wiil have a pleasant stay in Canton and safe return to your homes." To Woman Teachers. To the female teachers frcm Akron, Cleveland and northeastern Ohio Major McKinley spoke briefly as follows: "Ladles It seems to me I might well be excused from making a speech, as I have already met and welcomed many delegations to-day, but I cannot refrain from greeting the teachers who have so kindly assembled at my home. I assure you I have the most profound respect for the men and women engaged in the noble calling of educating the youth of the country. Next to the home, the school lies at the foundation of all that is good and exalted In our citizenship and civilization. I beg to express my great pleasure at meeting vou and hope you will excuse m from further remarks." '

A crowning ovation. (Concluded front First Page.)

cial nations of the world. Mr. Bryan -- he has hardly the time to consult history. (Laughter): but if he had unlimited time he could not find written anywhere in any history in the experience of any nation any instances in which, where one of the two metals was undervalued, both circuIated together. But it is not, only history; it is common sense. Every man knows for himself that you cannot maintain two standards of value unless they are the equivalent and equal of each other. (Applase.) The old maxim of the school in mathematics is that things that are equal to the same thing are equal to each other; and the converse of that is true: Things that are not equal to the same thing are not equal to each other. Unless a silver dollar is equal to just as many pounds of potatoes, to just as many pounds of sugar, to just as many pounds of coffee as the gold dollar, it is not the equal of the gold dollar. (Applause.) The law may say so. but the law does not make it so. It is the storekeeper that you have got to consult. Unless a silver dollar containing 412½ grains of standard silver will buy as much sugar as a gold dollar will, it is not the equivalent of the gold dollar. I don't care what the law says. The law has nothing to do with it; it is the merchant that settles it. If the gold dollar will buy more than the silver dollar the gold dollar will go out of use, because it is at a premium. Why? When you can exchange a gold dollar for two silver ones are you going to pay that out for the amount of sugar that a silver dollar will buy? Not at all. You will go to the broker and exchange your gold dollar for two silver ones, you will buy the sugar and have a silver dollar left. (Applause.) THE DOUBLE STANDARD FOLLY. A double standard? Why, my friends, they must be of the same length, if it is a measure of length. Think of two yardsticks -- a double standard one having thirty-six inches and the other thirty-four! Think of a bushel of wheat -- two standards one sixty pounds and the other forty! Can these two be used? Not at all. What is the effect? The smaller bushel or the shorter yardstick is the only one that is used, and the other is put out of use. When they talk of a double standard, it is absolutely foolish unless the two things will buy the same amount; and the govern ment cannot determine how much they will buy; the storekeeper fixes that. They must have the two things equivalent, or they have not got a double standard; and the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 would not establish a double standard: it would establish a single standard, and that the standard of silver. Gold would absolutely go out of use. Go to the history of England and France, to the experiments of the Latin Union; read the history of ever commercial country in the world, and I defy any free-sliver advocate to point to a single case where the cheaper money did not drive out the better money. (Applause.) But. as I say, history does not seem to be a favorite study of the free-silver advocates. (Laughter.) Again, they confound the terms "double standard" and "bimetallism." I think. I think the United States is a bimetallic country to-day. We have something like 400,000,000 silver, full legaltender dollars. In other words, about fourtenths of our coin money of full legaltender quality is silver. That is bimetallism; but we haven't the double standard because this silver is supported by the pledge of the government so that it in measured by the gold standard and is maintained at a parity with the gold standard. (Applause.) Now, it seems to me that the simplest mind can understand that when a silver dollar is worth only half as much as a gold dollar both will not be used in the ordinary intercourse of commerce. The good one will go away. GOLD DURING THE WAR. How was it during the war, when wc had greenbacks that were worth 40 cents on the dollar and the government was not able to redeem them in gold? Was there any gold in circulation? Not a dollar. Gold was a mere commodity, precisely like stocks or anything else, and men speculated in it on the New York Board of Trade, and some Indiana copperheads bet on gold against the government and lost. (Applause.) It was not in use as money. When did it come into use? In the resumption of specie payments, when the greenback dollar was made equal to the gold dollar; then, and not before, did gold come into use among the people. And why? Because a greenback dollar would produce a gold dollar. That is our own experience. Now. it seems to me that Mr. Bryan and his followers admit that you cannot circulate two dollars of unequal value together, but they say the free coinage of silver will put up the value of silver till it is worth $1.2929 an ounce, which will make it equal to a gold dollar. How do they know it will? Mr. Bryan expresses an opinion that it will. He cannot point to any case in history that supports the opinion not one. He has simply to say, "I think so." (Laughter and applause.) With all respect, I beg to say that so far as we know Mr. Bryan has had no experience in life that should give his opinion particular value on that question. (Applause.) I would not want to depend the tremendous consequences that are dependent on this issue upon the opinion of the most able and wisest financier in the world. I would much less want to depend them upon the opinion of one who is absolutely without experience in finance. What have we to illustrate this? When the Sherman bill was passed it was said by these very men who are now advocating free coinage that the price of silver waa depressed because there was a small excess of production and that if the government would buy four and a half million a month it would take up this excess, and they pledged me personally their opinion their settled and undoubted opinion that if that bill went into effect silver would rise to a parity with gold. I would like to have seen that brought about. I hoped It might be so, but I did not believe it. AFTER THE SHERMAN BILL. "What was the result of the experiment? A little speculation in silver, and it went up to about $1 and a little above, and then feil after a few years to about the lowest point it has ever reached in its history; and yet all the time the government was buying 4.500,000 ounces of fine silver a month. Who is to give us any assurance? Because, my countrymen, the most tremendous results depend upon that. If silver does not go up the disaster will be incalculable, and I submit to you to-day whether you can afford to stake these great and tremendous issues upon the mere opinion of Mr. Bryan and those who support him. (Applause.) What are these consequences? Six hundred million of gold goes at once out of circulation -- and they reproach gold for going. (Laughter.) They say it ought to stay; they say it is a coward or it would stay. My friends, precious things are always a little scary. Silver is a coward, too. When we undervalued silver in our coinage, silver fled. If we should undervalue it to-day it would fly -- fly to a place where its value would be recognized and where it would not be used at a discount. If, having Introduced silver coinage, we should next coin copper at the ratio they now propose to coin silver, silver would fly Then if we should coin lead, copper would fly. (Laughter.) Then if we should substitute encaustic tile, lead would tly. (Laughter.) It is simply the natural law that men conserve that which is most valuable; that a man does not give a gold dollar that is worth 100 cents for a silver dollar that is worth 50 cents. Gold goes out of use because it is the more valuable, just as silver would, just as copper would, just as anything else would until we had got down to the cheapest material that would stick together under a stamp. That is the first result. FIRST EFFECT OF THE COINAGE. What is the result of that? Contract in a day tho circulating medium of this country, $600,000,000. That would bo the work of a day, of an hour almost, under a freecoinage bill; and it would take some time to coin that amount of silver. What would be the result? My friends, some of the leading authorities upon this subject, favorable to free coinage, have declared that the first effect would be a great panic. Business men of Indianapolis; workingmen in these shops, who know what a panic does for you, bear in your minds that the first result of free coinage is to be a tremendous and all-pervading panic, growing out of the contraction of the currency and of the unsettling of all commercial basis. (Applause.) They say we will get over it. Mr. Bryan thinks that when we have put the ship through this tremendous gale, when she has been buffeted by the waves, that outside somewhere we will find smooth and favorable seas. He has never been out there. (Laughter and applause.) What next? We drop to a silver basis. The dollar you have been given will buy only half as much as the dollar you have now. What does that mean to the workingman? He will have to get twice as many dollars for a day's work as he gets now, in order that his wages may have the same purchasing power in supplying his wants. If he is getting $2 a day now he must have $1. How will he get it? When will he get it? Right away? I have repeatedly said, as illustrating this subject, what I repeat to you; the man in this store can take a

stub pencil and mark up his goods the night the silver bill passes; mark them up 50 per cent; mark them up until he will be getting in this depreciated currency the same value he was getting in the gold. How about the workingman? Can you mark your wages up over night? Have you access to the pay roll? Is your pencil allowed to touch it? How is it with the soldier who is drawing a pension? Can he write ten where there is five now in his pension certificate? How is it with everybody that is drawing a stated salary? Can he double it? No, he cannot. He takes the depreciated dollar; he finds the cost of living has doubled, but his wages have not doubled; and he enters upon a struggle to have them doubled. SNAIL PACE OF WAGE INCREASE. Ah, my friends, you know what that means; you know how slow it is, and your own experience has been supplemented by a most careful inquiry made by a nonpartisan committee of the Senate of the time during the war. They wrote to hundreds of little merchants all through the country, and they said: "What did you charge for bacon, and what did you charge for sugar, and what did you charge for rice in those years when we had the greenback that was depreciated?" And then they wrote to the factory men and they said: "What wages did you pay to the blacksmith?" What to this kind of labor and what to another? They traced it through all the years of the war and found that the prices of things that a man had to have to live went up on a gallop and that wages came on at a snail's pace. (Applause.) That is the result of a cold, careful, statistical inquiry; and it will be so again if ever we commit the folly of putting this country, prosperous, great and wealthy as she is, upon the basis of depreciated silver. You who toil; you who have stated salaries or wages; you who have pensions; you who have small investments, will all find this blighting and damaging effect upon your lives. Where is the help to come in? The cry has been wringing over this country for somebody who advocates free silver to show the workingman how he is to get a benefit, and the question is still unanswered. But who is to get a benefit? There will be a distinct enormous benefit to a class, to a class now enormously rich, to a class rich, not by steady, quiet toll, not, by business management in the conduct of great manufacturing establishments, but rich fortuitously, rich by chance, rich by luck In having discovered a great mine. No, my countrymen, a good dollar is none too good; the best dollar is none to good for him who gives an honest day's labor in exchange for it. (Applause.) It is false doctrine, this idea that somehow or other the workingman needs a poor dollar. Of all men he needs the best; of all men he needs a dollar that is uniform and stable; that if he has saved one he can put away and keep for a year and take it out and have the same value he put away. (Applause.) There Is only disaster in this projuct of bringing this country to a silver basis. THE ASSAULT ON THE GOVERNMENT. There is another proposition in the Chicago platform that stirs me deeply. It is what I conceive to be a most dangerous assault upon the powers of the national government. The Constitution commits to to the national government the establishment of post routes and the carrying of the mails of the country. No State has anything to do with it. The national government has, by law, declared every one of our great railroads to be post routes. The Constitution commits to the national government the regulation of commerce between the States. No State has anything to do with it. It cannot lay its hand upon It. It cannot levy any execution upon it. It cannot make any regulation concerning it. The Constitution of the United States has established a judicial department and has lodged In that department the entire judicial power of the United States. With these things the State has nothing to do. The jurisdiction of the United States Court is defined and limited. These are national powers. The United States Constitution requires the President of the United States, in the presence of that great assembly that greets him on inauguration day, to swear that he will faithfully discharge the duties of that great office, and one of the duties enjoined upon him is to see that the laws are executed. (Applause.) In the Chicago convention they passed a resolution denouncing federal interference with local affairs. As a general proposition that might pass unchallenged, but it had a particular application, and that application was this: That on a certain occasion in Chicago the mail trains of the United States were stopped; interstate commerce was stopped; the United States marshals were resisted in their attempts to execute the writs of the United States

court; trains carrying passengers between the States were stoned and the lives of innocent passengers put in jeopardy; tracks were torn up; stations and cars were burned; a mob had seized into its own hands these great powers confided by the Constitution to the federal government. Mr. Cleveland quietly, without any disposition to hurt anybody, used the power and forces of the United States to open a way for the United States mail, to open a way for interstate commerce, and to reinforce the United States marshal that he might execute the writs that the court had put in his hands. What was the result? In that act he was supported by every Republican newspaper in the State of Indiana. (Applause.) No man thought of politics then. Everybody sald he had used the just powers of his office to preserve the peace of a great city and to keep open its great avenues of commerce; that he had done it wisely, moderately and justly. I never was more proud in my life of the attitude of my party and of its newspapers. There was no party advantage to be made of this; it was not a party question any more than it was a party question whether this great country should stand behind Lincoln In 1861. (Applause.) CLEVELAND AND PATRIOTISM. It is nobody's right to burn cars. It is nobody's right to tear up railroads. Labor can do Itself no greater hurt than to allow itself to be associated with acts of violence. The laboring men felt this and repudiated these acts. They said "they are not ours; we have a right to strike, to work or not as we please," and so you have, and every man will maintain it. But in this country no man has a right to advance any supposed Interest of his by destroying property, by tearing up railroads. So the whole country approved; and not only so, but in the Senate of the United States the very man who presided over the Chicago convention Senator Daniels, of Virginia introduced a resolution affirming that the President had exercised the just powers of his office and pledging the whole law-abiding people of the United States to stand behind him. (Applause.) No Senator ventured to vote against !t. Every one voted "aye." But when the Chicago convention assembled the man who had wrangled with Mr. Cleveland over this matter: who had protested against the interference of the national rities -- Governor Altgeld, of Illinois -- asserted his power and procured a resolution be passed which, in his speech in New York, he applies to this incident in Chicago, declaring that the act of the President in opening a way for the malls and for interstate-commerce, and reinforcing his marshals, was an invasion of the rights of the State of Illinois. He procured that to be put in the Chicago platform; and Mr. Bryan stands on the Democratic platform adopted at Chicago. He has said so that he approved every sentence of it. I have said before and I say now that he is pledged, if he is elected President, to ask the consent of Governor Altgeld. if he is chosen Governor of Illinois, before he executes the laws of the United States in Illinois. No, my countrymen, we cannot have that. Lincoin met that issue. He met it in the spirit of a kindly and yet a broadminded statesmanship. In the face of States in arms, in the face of a Union that seemed to be tottering to its fall, he lifted up his voice to say that the laws of the United States should be executed according to his oath in every State. We cannot consent that Lincoln shall have a successor who will ask the consent of the Governor of any State before he executes the laws of the United States according to his oath. THE COURTS ASSAILED. The courts of the United States are assailed. They talk about government by injunction as if it were some new writ that the courts had devised. It Is an old and familiar writ, as old as the courts of chancery, exercised by the national and by the State courts, familiarly, constantly, to restrain the commission of acts that tend to irreparable injury to others, or if not restrained would result in a multiplicity of suits. I mentioned the other day a familiar instance of it in our own city. The strawboard works poured the defilement of their works into the river and poisoned the drinking water of the city of Indianapolis and lined the banks of the stream with the putrefied carcasses of ash. It was a case to which the power of the United States courts extended. The Judge of the United States Court issued an injunction and said: "You shall not do this." When afterwards the dyke they had built broke and again the water supply of our city was poisoned, the Judge called those people before him to answer for a violation of his restraining order. Is that an arbitrary writ? Is this a writ of tyranny? Is this a thing to be denounced by conventions? It is a familiar, it is a useful, it Is a wholesome writ, always exercised by these courts, and only de-

nounced here because It was exercised to restrain men with whom Governor Altgeld found sympathy. (Applause.) The United States Court is assailed. Senator Hill said in the face of the convention (he is a member of the committee on resolutions) that that resolution meant, and was declared to mean, that if they got the power they would reorganize the Supreme Court in order that, instead of recording the decrees which their deliberate judgment found to be the law, it should register the decree of a tumultuous convention. Has anybody justified this? Washington, when he wrote to John Jay notifying him of his appointment as the first Chief Justice of the United States, spoke of the Supreme Court and the federal Judiciary as the pillars that held up the great structure of our civil government. But here it is assailed. Is there any defense of it? No; Mr. Bryan has only to say that in 1866 Congress reduced the number of judges in order to prevent Andrew Johnson from filling vacancies. Yes, when Mr. Johnson was believed by a majority of the House and by nearly two-thirds of the Senate to have himself been guilty of impeachable crimes, for which he was afterwards impeached before the Senate, Congress did say, "We will not trust you to fill these life vacancies on the Supreme Bench." That was the precedent he referred to. But can he himself justify it as a principle? Are we to set up the doctrine that whenever the Supreme Court makes a decision that is not approved by a political convention that party shall increase the number of its judges or otherwise disturb its orderly constitution and administration in order that it may be forced to adopt the decrees of a convention? My countrymen, when that time comes we have overturned the fabric of our political institutions, we have unsettled that secure foundation upon which we have rested and from which we have grown this magnificent and stately edifice of government which we all now admire and love. BRYAN AND ALTGELD. Mr. Bryan may say he is as good a patriot as Gen. Lew Wallace. He may say that he has never said that he would not enforce the laws of the United States. He does not meet this question until he says: "If the mall trains are obstructed I will open a way for them without asking Governor Altgeld to consent." (Applause.) He does not meet this question until he has said: "If Interstate commerce is interrupted I will restore the free transit of it." He does not meet this question until he has said: "If a United States marshal is impeded in executing his writs I will lend him the strength to execute them." My countrymen, he has not said that, and he will not say it; for the platform is against it. (Applause.) Governor Altgeld in his speech in New York stated that the United States marshal of the Southern District of Illionis had called upon him as Governor to help execute the writs of the court, and he complains that the marshal of the Northern District of Illinois, who better understood his duty, did not call upon the Governor, but called upon the President as he ought to have done. And now, to what a feast are you invited? Indiana is called doubtful. Indiana it is said has always gone for any vagary in finance that has been suggested, and she can be dependent upon now. They talk as if we were wild enough to believe that money might be supplied in the sum way that Eugene Field supplied sugar plums to the children through -- the intervention of the chocolate cat and the gingerbread dog. They say we went against resumption; that fiat money had a great hold here In Indiana and they count upon us now. INDIANA FOR M'KINLEY. My countrymen, shall Indiana fall in this great exigency? (Cries of "No! no!") The East they have abandoned. In New York all the leading Democrats have declared against them. The State is conceded to McKinley by a tremendous majority, larger than ever has been recorded before. Connecticut they have given up; New Jersey they have given up, but they talk about Indiana as being doubtful. What different interests have we in this question? There is nothing that so much kindles my indignation as this attempt to array section against section and class against class this appeal to workingmen against capital, as if any man could get work if somebody didn't have capital; these attempts to stir up bitterness and put envy and jealousy into the hearts of men. It is the sowing of evil seed. The man who receives the seed into his heart is not made happy, is not made a better citizen. We have common interests. What is good for New York is good for Indiana. What is good for Connecticut is good for us. We have a common interest; that everybody shall have a fair chance in life; that labor shall have employment and shall be paid in honest

money; that capital shall have a fair return for its investment, and that peace and good nature and brotherly kindness shall characterize all our communities and neighborhoods. Indiana? Indiana will vote for McKinley and honest money. (Great applause.) These workingmen will not be coerced by the beck or nod of any employer; they will defy him. But they will be coerced by their own sense of their community of interest with the people among whom they live. They will be coerced by a conscience that judges rightly that an invitation to pay the public debt at 50 cents on the dollar and to pay individual debts at the same rate is not an honest proposition, and that honest men cannot find profit in it. CITY NEWS NOTES. Mrs. Samuel Hanna will lead the gospel service at the Y. M. C. A. at 4 o'clock this afternoon. Miss Florence Gildersleeve. of New York, is visiting Mr. and Mrs. John W. Holtzmau, on North Illinois street. To-day Is "prison Sunday," and a numlv.of ministers in this city are expected i , speak on the subject of prison reform. Mr. Dewhurst vvill preach the seventh sermon on "Civic Religion" this evening at Plymouth Church. His subject will bo "Clvll-servlce Reform Once More." The Society of Hygiene will meet on Wednesday at 3 p. m., at No. .",34 North New Jersey ptreet. There will be an exhibit of reform dress. The meeting will be k an open one. Arthur Judel, three years old. ton of- A. A. Judd. of 21'4 Douglass street, was burned yesterday while playing with a fire In tho yard. His clothing caught fire, and before he was rescued his right arm was badly burned. An effort Is being made to organize a new telephone company In the city by W. J. Kurtz, of the Kurtz National Telephone Company. His system does away with poles by using towers i:!S feet high or underground conduits. Several larse cities, he claims, are using his system. The Kurtz National Telephone Company, of Muncie, was incorporated yesterday. Once in a while a man surprises the watchers by sitting up in his coffn, and asking why in the world they put him in there. Such tbinrs. when they happen, are published far and wide. Thejr are considered well nigh miraculous. Is it anv less wonderful when a man is cured of a disease presumed to be fatal ? When physicians say to a man that he cannot live, he considers himself just about as Rood as dead. He can almost feel the cofSn closing1 upon him. And yet, frequently these men who are sentenced to death by "their doctors, are raised up out of their fiekness to perfect, hearty health. Dr. Pierce's Golden Medical Discovery has lifted thousands of men and women right out of the grave. After doctors had given thrm up, they have in desperation turned to this preat remedy, and to their neat astonishment have found themselves jrettinj? well. Skepticism in regard to this wonderful medicine has cheated many a man out of his health. If people could only be made to believe the truth about the " Discovery," half the sickness could be avoided and cured. The "Golden Medical Discovery" will cure ninety-eight rer cent, of all cases of consumption. This great " Discovery " will also cure all of the things that lead to consumption lingering coughs, throat and bronchial troubles, general debility, loss of flesh, loss of sleep, loss of appetite, loss of nerve force. Its effect is immediately seen. As the patient begins to feel better, he begins to look better, and the hollows and wrinkles are filled out with sound, firm, healthy ilrsh. Druggists 6ell it. If you want toknowthegreat secrrtsof lieu 1th, end 7t otte-ent stamps, to pay the cost of mailing onlv, aud rective ree a copy of Dr. Pierce's" Common Sense Medical Adviser, at cents in paper covers, jt cents in cloth. It ! n complete medical librnrv in ore volume. World's Uia peasary Mcdkal AMockMoa, liu&lo, N, V.

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