Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 September 1896 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, WEJDNESD AY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1893.

THE DAILY JOURNAL - -Y . - . . WEDNESDAY. SEPTEMBER 9,1806. Washington Office HiO Pennsylvania Avenue Telephone Cnlln. Business office 23S Kditorial rooms. ...A SS

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LOUIS HOLTMAN, Chairman Committee. The two tails of the Bryan tickets do not "wag together in harmony. Candidate Watson has spoken,. "Will candidate Sewall now stand up and make a few remarks? It is obvious that candidate Watson wants but little here below, but wants that in the shape of a notification, and wants it right now. A heavy blow from a trip hammer or feven from a sledge hammer wielded by a strong man will convert the standard silver dollar which passes for 100 cents into a piece of silver bullion worth only 51 cents. Mr. Bryan has repeated many times that 'money may be too good, so good you cannot get it." A lawyer with a paying practice or capable of establishing one should be ashamed to preach such doctrine. Perhaps, however, there should be cheap money for cheap lawyers. No more outrageous falsehood has been printed In the Sentinel during the present campaign than ' the circumstantial statement, few days ago, that President Fisher, of Hanover College, a lifelong Republican, had come out for free silver. Dr. Fisher has denounced the statement as utterly untrue and 'his views as published in another column show where he stands on the silver nuestion. ' Every word said from now on until election day on either side of the great currency issue will be mere repetition, for every fact and argument have already been advanced. However, so long as "constant readers' continue to write to their favorite newspapers asking to be told the meaning of "sixteen to one" patient editors and earnest speakers will not weary in their educational work. It is only by repetition that truth is taught. in tne long list or suojects set down ior discussion at the trades union congress of Great Britain, now In session at Edinburgh, there is no mention of silver, of bimetallism or the money question In any form. The workirigmen of Great Britain arc satisfied with the gold standard, which has prevailed there, for more than three quarters of a century, and under which their country has, all things considered, the best money system in the world. Hon. Thomas E. Watson, Mr. Bryan's "other" running "mate, made a neat point against his Maine rival when he said Mr. Bryan himself had laid down a rule which, if carried out, would take Mr. Sewall off the ticket. Then he quoted from Mr. Bryan to the effect that a candidate running upon a platform should not only Indorse every plank, but every sentence and word of it. As Mr. Sewall is a protectionist and national banker he cannot indorse those parts of the Chicago platform that denounce protection and national banks. Under the Bryan rule he wiuld have to go. The Baltimore Sun points out tbat the division line in Arkansas' at th: State election is the line dividing the rices, the white race standing almost solidly together to keep the State government out of the hands of the negroes. This is true, no doubt, but the Sun need not expect many eound-money votes in that State in November. The party which deprives a large body of poor men of their political, civil and Industrial rights merely because of the color of their skins belongs naturally with the candidate who advocates a policy that will cut the poor man's hard-earned dollar in two. The large Democratic majority in Arkansas 4s neither surprising nor significant. It was a foregone conclusion that the Democrats would carry the State by a 'large majority, and the addition of a few thousands makes no difference. Arkansas is not a representative State even In the South, and of course the result has no significance whatever In relation to Northern States. In many of the larger counties the Republicans were denied representation on the election boards, and Democrats alone counted the votes. There are . several Southern States Jwhlch are far more advanced politically than Arkansas, and In which tha sound-money sentiment is much, stronger. Chairman Janes' statement that "the result shows what may reasonably be expected throughout the entire South and West," Is absurd so far a e the West Is concerned The great States of the middle West and Northwest which will decide the cpmirur election are

not to be judged by any standard that darkest Arkansas may set up. They are much more likely to be swayed by the same Influences that prevail in Vermont and Maine.

THE HOLLAR OF THE DADDIES. That was a smart scheme of. the mine owners when they discovered that the output of the mines of the world was outrunning the deraand, and the price of silver was declining rapidly, to try to create a demand where none had ever existed; hence, presuming on the ignorance and gullibility of the average American, they raised the hue and cry that they had been robbed of the dollar of the daddies because the government had ceased to coin silver dollars. The mine owners knew all the time that hardly a single dollar had ever been coined from native silver, and not many from any silver except the old smooth quarterns and bits and pistareens and marks and francs that had found their way to this country, chiefly through immigrants, and which, being uncurrent, were turned into the mint at prices that they could afford to put 4124 grains of it into a single dollar; and these mine owners knew, also, that hardly a single dollar thus coined ever went into circulation, but, being intrinsically worth more than a gold dollar, they were all exported for the bullion that wras in them, or they were converted Into silverware at home, and that the only dollar the daddies ever saw was the Spanish milled dollar, worth 9& cents in gold, or the 5-franc, worth about the same, and not one of these even had been seen for thirteen years or more. They knew, too, that while the mint was running and was not only willing but anxious to take their silver and coin it free, and without limit, they would not furnish an ounce of it without the mint's paying from 1 to 5 per cent, premium for it. The miners were not to blame for this. .They could get from 51.02 to $1.05yfc for 412 grains of silver as bullion, and their patriotism and love for the daddies never once suggested turning it over to make dollars of for somebody else to sell at these figures after being coined. In 1870, when the bill to cease coining money was first introduced, 412 grains of silver was worth in bullion $1,027, and it had not been cheaper than that for twenty years, and then only for a short time, under exceptional circumstances, the average for more than a hundred years being about five cents above a dollar in gold. It was this fact which made Senator Stewart, himself a mine owner, favor the bill and deliver that famous speech in favor of the gold dollar as the one standard. There were at that time no indications visible to any one that the almost uniform ratio of about I0V3 for nearly two hundred years would ever be changed, hence no remonstrance was heard from mine owners or anybody else, and the bill passed, after more than two years of discussion. But when, four years later, silver had declined until it would be profitable to have it coined free, they all at once discovered that by a great crime the dollar of the daddies had disappeared, and they found echoes who took up the refrain, and, now that they can get only fifty-three cents for what they once refused to take a hundred cents, they are heartbroken over the fact that the dollar of the daddies, the old Spanish milled dollar, is no more forever. It alleviates their grief not a little bit that 500,000,000 of silver dollars have been coined in eighteen years, as against 8,000.000 in the preceding eighty years. They still wane the dollar of the daddies; that is, they want to sell fifty-three cents' worth of silver for one hundred cents. They will never do it. BARE FEET OX "WET GRASS. Scores of people with real or imaginary ailments, desirjus of trying what they conceive to bo the Kneipp cure, go to Central Park, in New1 York, early every morning and walk on the grass for half an hour or so in their bare feet. After a few mornings' experience many profess themselves greatly benefited, and nearly all claim to see an improvement in their physical con-cl'tion.-According to accounts of the Kneipy cure, as It Is practiced at the home of the originator In Germany, going about .with tare feet is only an incident in the process of cure, careful dieting, bathing, rest and other hygienic features common to all sanitoriums being part of the treatment. This being the most unusual and striking feature, it is seized upon by easily deluded people seeking for what is new, as the great essential, and quickly becomes a fad. It is no doubt true that these people are honest when they assert that their health improves under practice of the barefoot remedy. If they havr a genuine faith in it it operates like any other faith cure and afftcts their physical systems favorably. And it is also probable that a certain real benefit comes from freeing the feet from their close covering of stockings and illshaped shoes and letting them enjoy the comfort of perfect freedom. Nothing so quickly affect. tha nerves or so wearies the whole body as the constant pressure upon the feet of stiff, badly fitting or tight shoes, and it is easily conceivable that even temporary relief should have a soothing influence. But that going barefooted in the dewy grass is a positive "cure" for any actual ill whatever is utter nonsense. Imaginative pec pie will take It up; It will be the craze of a Season like the blue-glass cure of a few years ago, and then it will give rlaee to some other equally efficacious panacea. But it is a harmless fad, and to those who look on is amusing, so since people insist upon being gulled, it is worth while to encourage a fancy of this picturesque sort rather than to, criticise or condemn it. AX ISCl'RABLE l)KMA(iOlE. When Mr. Bryan was invited to address an assemblage of worklngmen on Labor day at Chicago his first thought should bave been, "Now, here is a chance to disprove the charge of my enemies that I embrace every opportunity to make demagogic appeals to worklngmen and that I am" trying to array labor against capital. I will show them that I can talk to worklngmen In a way that will not sustain that charge." There were many lines of thought he might have adopted that would have enabled him to talk interestingly to an audience of worklngmen without giving any ground for the charges alluded to. He might have talked about the superiority of our free institutions which enable the poorest man and the one of humblest birth to aspire to the highest office in the Kind; he might have cited the careers of hundreds of public men in proof of this as Andrew Jackson, the farmer's boy; Tom Corwin, the "wagoner's boy;" Thomas EwIng, the daily laborer and salt boiler; Abraham Lincoln, flatboatman and rail splitter; Grant, the tanner; Andrew Johnson, tailor; James A. Garfield, tanalhcat driver, and a host of others.' He might have drawn an instructive lesson from these careers to show how wide open the

doors are to merit in this country. Among successful professional and business men he might have found thousands of other instances to enforce the same lesson. He might have urged the duty of self-culture and of every man to make the most of himself. He might have told his hearers that many, if not most, of the successful manufacturers and large employers of labor in this country were once wage earners and - that they became capitalists through industry, economy, sobriety and supe'rior workmanship, aided always by a high ideal and a knowledge of the true methods of getting on in the world. He might have assured his hearers, and ought to have done so, that capital is as necessary as labor, that one is the natural ally and auxiliary of the other, and that, so far from being .enemies, they should bj the best of friends. He might have congratulated them on the great progress chat has been made in recent years in legislation for the protection and elevation of labor, and the prospect of further legislation in the same direction. Incidentally, he might have got in a word for honest workmanship. He might have told his hearers that skilled labor should always be honest labor, and that if an honest man Is the noblest work of God, an honest job is the noblest work of man. These are only a few of the lines of thought Mr. Bryan might have followed. Instead of that he avoided them all and preached the gospel of discontent. The whole drift of his address was to 'convince his hearers that labor is at a great disadvantage in the United States; that workingmen are a down-trodden, persecuted! class; that the laws are made by capitalists for capitalists; that our boasted republican government is really a "plutocracy;" that capital is the natural enemy of labor: that employes should always distrust their employers, and if they could find out how their employers were going to vote they would be safe in voting the other way. This was not Mr. Bryan's language, but it was the undertone of his speech. Few men possess in a greater degree than he the art of insinuating ideas and arguments without putting them boldly forward, and in this regard Mr. Bryan's addrees on Labor day was one of the most artful he has made. He is an incurable demagogue. The Journal takes leave to dissent from Chairman Babcock's statement relative to the turn of the tide on the silver question in this State. He says "This has been accomplished since the adjournment of Congress," and attributes it to the efforts of the returned members and of the committee in circulating sound-money literature. As a matter of fact, the tide had begun to turn before the adjournment of Congress, and the Journal, assisted by the Republican press of the State, disseminated a great deal of sounu-rnoney literature long before the congressional committee began its campaign. The fight for sound money !n this State was begun by the Journal a year and a half ago and was kept up without cessation until the meeting of the Republican State convention, which passed the best sound-money resolution of this year up to that time. If the stemming of the free-silver tide had been left till the adjournment of Congress or to outside influences it would not have been stemmed at all.

While Mr. McKinley is presenting facts, figures and statistics to show what protection and reciprocity did for the American people and the injury inflicted on all classes and interests by their repeal, here is the way Mr. Bryan treats the question. At Aurora, 111., some one in the audience asked "What's the matter with the tariff question?" Mr. Bryan replied: We are going to regulate that by international agreement as we will bimetallism. Then we will call an international conference and adopt a foreign policy and at last we will annex ourselves to some nation big enough to take care of us and relieve us of the trouble. Evidently this was intended for smartness, but serious-minded people will call it buffoonery. Readers, city: A candidate has a plurality of votes when he receives more than any other of several opponents; he has a majority when he receives more than all others. In the case you specify, when A has 2,500 votes, B 2,250, C 750, A has 250 plurality. BIBBLES IX THE A I It. Horse and Horse. First Horse The idea! I never expected to see you going about with your hair bleached. Second Horse Had to come to it. The woman who drives me has gone in for the new fashion of having her hair dyed red. ' An Easy Jolt. "Get out a picture of the winner in that road race this afternoon," said the proud and haughty editor. "I haven't any photograph of him," pleaded the artist. t "What if you haven't? Don't you know how to draw a bicycle face?" A Producer. "My misguided friend," said the fat man with the puffs under his eyes. "I will admit that I am a capitalist. That part of your assertion can go unchallenged. But when you say that I am not a producer you are wrong. I -have -been backing a comic opera company for two months." Hotter Said Differently. "My friends and fellow-patriots," the orator shouted, as he pounded the defenseless air, "our friends, the enemy, have boasted that they can elect a yellow dog this year. Let us get together, put our shoulders to the : wheel and show them that we can elect just as yellow a dog as they can. That Is to say er " The rest was lost In the vociferous applause of the patriots. IXDIAXA NEWSPAPER OPIXIOX. It is not the scarcity of money that is worrying worklngmen. but the scarcity of jobs to earn it. Goshen Times. The people are flocking in train loads to see McKinley and Bryan is flocking in a palace car to see the people. Shelby ville Republican. This country will never be made to believe that it is right to pay for J00 cents' worth of labor with 50 cents' worth of silver, falsely called one dollar. New Albany Tribune. To urge that a crime was committed in 1S73 is equivalent to saying that all of our national legislatures and the President and his Cabinet may be included were fools or knaves. Valparaiso Vidette. The insolent abuse and epithets being hurled at the soundi-money Democrats by the Brvan wing are in keeping with the anarchistic features of the platform on which Mr. Brvan is seeking office. Steuben Republican. Bryan admits that the introduction of free-silver legislation would produce a panic, and then urges that a panic is what we iant. Most people think we have had esiough of that sort of thing already. Seymour Republican. No truor prediction than that free trade would cheapen labor and the man performing it was ever made. It has come to pass, arid if the dollar in which the man is paid can be cheapened, our measure of bitterness will be filled. Muncie Times. Mr. Bryan flippantly says that our gold will not leave us in the event that his

theory of bimetallism Is applied in national finances, but he discreetly does not attempt to explain how we may successfully defy natural laws. Wabash Plain Dealer. Mr. Bryan is a first-class attraction for one tour, but nobody Is arklng for return dates. His speeches are all pitched in a demagogic key. and he subordinates argument to railing against capital with all the ardor of a new convert to.communism. Lafayette Courier. Plenty of work, at good wages, paid for in good money, makes a greater demand for farm and other products. Greater demand for farm and. other products makes better prices, paid for in good money, sound money. These conditions make a nation prosperous. Corydon Republican. Mr. Bryan's speeches, with their iteration and reiteration of commonplace generalities, are becoming ; tiresome. They add nothing to the public Information, and they frequently lack the carefulness and dignity which a candidate for the presidency should exhibit in his public addresses. Rising Sun Local. The free-coinage agitation, the WilsonGorman tariff bill and the hog chwlera are working dire distress upon the farmers of Morgan county just now. The first has destroyed contidence. the second has destroyed business and prices and the last is taking almost all of the money-making stock off the farm. Martinsville Republican. As the campaign advances Republicans find occasion to continually rejoice over the exceptionally strong way in which the sound-money arguments are presented to the country by leading men. Never before was there a campaign like this and never before was there such effective talking and writing by prominent men. Frankfort News. Ridpath. the Populist-Democratic candidate for Congress, who has been writing communications to the newspapers about the crime of 1S73; did not refer to that crime in his history and did not think there had been a crime until after the political hubbub was raised about it, and he contracted a desire to enter politics. Madison Courier. Free silver is a snare and delusion any way you can fix it, and benefits no one but the silver-mine- owners who are back of it all. But it can ruin and destroy every business in the country, take work from the wage-earner, take away his ability to buy farm products and ruin the farmer who has a debt of any kind. Logansport Journal. What we want Is a sound policy, financial and industrial, which will give courage and confidence to all, for under such a policy the money now employed, because of fear for the future and lack of confidence in investment, will quickly appear in the channels of trade. The trouble is not with the character of the money we have, but with the threat to debase it. Oakland City Enterprise. THE BRVAX CROWDS.

Drawn Together by Cariosity Rather than Party Loyalty. New York Mail and Express. As for Mr. Bryan, the past week has brought to him continued applause and as incessant discomfiture. A gentleman of great political .acumen asked me yesterday: "What is the meaning of these crowds that flock to see Bryan? To this inquiry I replied that I had traveled East with Bryan during his "invasion of the enemy's country;" I had carefully observed the crowds that met him at Chicago and Pittsburg and at all the smaller towns en route, and that without prejudice 1 could not escape the conviction that the vast majority of thesa people had flocked together to behold a curiosity in American polit'cs. it was impossible to detect in the mass of these people any personal enthusiasm. This answer was confirmed by another careful observer of the same phenomenon. Still another critic of public gatherings called attention to the fact that the presence of Li Hung Chang at the display of the New York fire department, in Union Square this week, had gathered a crowd which was absolutely beyond the control of the police, and which kept ambulances flying to carry the victims of the crush to the hospitals, and this incident recalled a statement made by ex-Gov. Campbell, of Ohio, who said to the writer that once he spoke at Columbus before the largest political meeting ever seen in that city, where numbers were beyond exact estimate, and where enthusiasiu teemed unbounded, and yet two weeks later he was tremendously defeated at the polls by Maj. McKinley. So hat..".iliuithe eyes of those who have for years observed demonstrative crowds and' the real meaning of their presence, it would appear that the tumultuous gatherings which Bryan has attracted during his journey Westward have no more meaning than did the jocose, curious, scoffing crowds which never failed to come to look at his Hyperion locks and his smoothshaven Tenderloin countenance during his ride into the East in a Pullman car. In short, the tradition about what the Enory-' mous King of France did with his men after they had marched up the hUl seems aptly to apply to Bryan's invasion of the East. The Convention Hull. Philadelphia Telegraph. One of the most notable among the many model features of the recent Indianaoods convention was the absence of the mob influence in the galleries. This has lately become one of the most disagreeable evils in our American political- life. Years ago these nominating conventions were deliberative assemblies, as they were certainly intended to be, and as they unquestionably should be. Recently, however, another method has been in vogue. ' Trains filled with heelers and whoopers and rooters accompany the delegates. The greatest halls in existence are leased, or if none large enough are in existence new ones are built to accommodate these hooting hordes and a convention to nominate a candidate for the highest office! in the Renublie approaches the character of the French convention at the time of the revolution. A man who in now before the country as a candidate for the presidency was- nominated by the mob, not by the delegates acting in a deliberate way. 1 Kind of Offer Hill Should Make. Chicago Chronicle (Dem.) N. P. Hill, a former ReDubliean United States Senator from Colorado, has offered through a newspaper at Denver which he owns to nay So cents each for 1,000 000 United States standard silver dollars, delivered in London, within thirty days from dace. He kindly offers to repeat the bluff at his own option. It is evident that Mr Hill does not expect Bryan to be elected His offer of 90 cents for United States silver dollars shows that he thinks they will be kept at par through Bryan's defeat Let Mr. Hill, if he has faith in Bryan's election, offer 90 cents, or even SO certs or 70 cents, or 60 cents for Mexican dollais' which Bryan says will be as good as United States dollars if the silver ticket is successful. AVl'l Have Fun with Palmer. Washington Special. The Bryan Democrats are going to have fun with Senator John M. Palmer. They are preparing to give extensive circulation to the speech he delivered in the Senate July 7, 1SS2. on the Homestead riots, on which occasion he denounced the authorities for sending troops to the scene of the disturbance, employing language and going further, the Popocrats contend, than Governor Altgeld ever thought of doing, in criticism of extreme methods for the suppression of lawlessness. This is a great season for drawing records on statesmen of all degrees. Bryan Vs. Bryan. Buffalo Courier. In a public speech four years ago Mr. Bryan explained the cause 01" the decline of prices as follows: "You must attribute It to the inventive genius that has multiplied a thousand times, in many instances, the strength of a single arm, and enabled us to do to-day with one man what fifty men could do fifty years ago. That is what brought prices down in this country and everywhere." This declaration of his own knocks his silver argument higher than Gilderoy's kite. Peculiar Crime. Kansas City Journal. The crime of '73 was one of those peculiar villainies which let the country go on for twenty years enjoying phenomenal prosperity and then suddenly pounce upon It and give It Old Harry. Teddy Idea. Harper's Young People. Teddy brought a green caterpillar in from the garden the other day, and, showing it to his mother, exclaimed. "I've got a big worm, mamma, but he ain't ripe yet:-XVarmed-Over Oratory. Springfield Republican. The next time Mr. Bryan speaks in Madison-square Garden he will be his own hair-trigger. No notes. Date, the 23th or Kith. Xo Side Shown. Springfield Republican. , The golden rule of this campaign is: Take your McKinley straight.

WORK OF A DEMAGOGUE

BRYAX'S IX FAMOUS GARBLING OF ABRAHAM LIX'COLVS WORDS. How the Popoerat Han Called and Patched PhrntieM for the Purpose of Bolstering; Up a Bad Cause. Several years ago one of the conscienceless tricksters who have been laboring to stir up strife between labor and capital, in the hope of getting office thereby, published in a magazine what purported to be an extract from one of the mesages of Abraham Lincoln. At that time the Journal showed that the alleged extract was made up of sentences taken here and there from the message, so as to entirely pervert the meaning of Mr. Lincoln. On Monday, In his address at Cfcicago, Mr. Bryan used a part of the same garbled extract as a quotation from Abraham Lincoln, as if speaking of labor and capital, when, in fact, he was speaking of free labor as opposed to slave labor. That the baseness of, this performance of the Popocratic candidate for President may be made clear in this matter, his alleged quotation is given as follows: "Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the peopie. In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit to raise a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in tavor or public institutions, but there is one point with its connection not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief attention. It is tne effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else commanding capital, somehow, by tne use of it, induces him to labor." And then, said Bryan, Mr. Lincoln added: "Labor" is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much higher consideration." Then he adds: "No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to make or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and whicn, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement agah st such as they, and to fix new taxes and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost." Those sentences are in Mr. Lincoln's first annual mesage to Congress. He Is talking of the causes which inspired the leaders of the rebellion. The sentence in the foregoing, beginning "Monarchy itself," is the last in a paragraph the whole of which is as follows: , It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely. If not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular governmentthe rights of tne people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the existing rights of suffrage, and the denial of the people to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative, boldly advocated with labored arguments to-prove that large control of the people in the government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. By whom is monarchy "hinted -at?" Very clearly by the leaders of the Southern Confederacy, who were then making war on the Union. Nevertheless, Mr. Bryan would have the people believe that Abraham Lincoln at that time was charging capital in general with a conspiracy to establish a monarchy. This sort of thing would be contemptible in an ordinary man; in a candidate for the presidency it is simply infamous. In the message as revised and printed, the next paragraph begins: "In my present position," but as used by Mr. Bryan it is made a part of the same paragraph which begins with "monarchy." That the villainy of this garbling of that portion of the message from which the sentences quoted by Mr. Bryan are taken, may be shown, the entire text is given as follows: In my present position I could scarcely be justified were 1 to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism (meaning the despotism pro posed by the Southern leaders.) It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of public institutions, but there is one point with its connection not so hackneyed as rrost others, to which I ask brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor? in the structure of government. It is assumed that' labor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else commanding capital, somehow, by the use of it, induces him to labor. Here Mr. Bryan says that Mr. Lincoln "adds," but what the Popccratic candidate says that Mr. Lincoln adds does not fol-' low. Without making a paragraph Mr. Lincoln followed the sentence ending "induces him to labor," with the following: This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire btborers. and thus induce them to work Vy'their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far. it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or what are called slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition of life. Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed; nor is there, any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both of these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless. And now follows as the beginning of a new paragraph, the words which Mr. Bryan says Mr. Lincoln added: Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the- fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much higher consideration. Here, again, Mr. Bryan says Mr. Lincoln "adds." but, as in the former Instance, something very necessary follows before the words used by Mr. Bryan came in. In the same paragraph, following the words "higher consideration," Mr. Lincoln proceeded as follov s: Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of-protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be. a relation between labor and capital, producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few assist labcr themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to Yieither classneither work for others, nor have others working for them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole peonle of all colors are neither slaves nor masters: while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families wives, sons and daughterswork for themselves on their farms, find in their houses and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves and asking no favors cf capital cn the cne hand, r or of hired laborers or slaves cn the other. It is not forgetten that a considerable number of persons mingle' their own labor with capital that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existf nc of this mixed Again, as has already been said, there is. not of necessity any such thing as the free hired laborers being rived to that condtion for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy -toois or land for himself, then labors on bis own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system, which opens the way to all, gives hope to all. and consequent energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all. After the above, without a paragraph, comes that which Mr. Bryan said: "Mr. Lincoln said:" No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty, none less Inclined to make or touch aueht which they have not honestly earned.

Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already iossess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new taxes and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost. Taken as a whole, the portion of Mr. Lincoln's message quoted Is an appeal to the people North and South not to yield to the Southern leaders who were making a war against the Union in order to set up an empire of which human slavery and degradation of labor shall be the corner stone. As garbled by the Popocratic candidate and his Populistic forerunners, the words of the greatest American are used to array labor against capital at the present time and deceive the masses by making them believe that Lincoln had reference to the present and desired to warn the employed against employers. Could anything be more outrageous and wicked than this garbling of Abraham Lincoln's patriotic words in order to array labor against capital simply to get votes?

M'KINLEY TO EDITORS. (Concluded from Flrnt Iace.) ciples out of sight, in view of the national danger from these notorious proposals, but we cannot if we would. The government is without revenue for its current expenses. It must raise more if it would not go into bankruptcy. Our way of raising it is by tariff, and there is no other way except by direct taxation or by more borrowing. Would the men who beg us to let the tariff alone favor either? And yet the tariff they are afraid we may touch is the very tariff Mr. Cleveland considered so discreditable that he would not sign it. We cannot seek the suffrages of the American people under any disguises. The patriotic Democrats who rise above party in this national peril, as they did in lStil, ought not to ask us to lower our flag on the eve of battle because they are going to bring us some reinforcements. They could not respect us if we did. and what is more, thousands of the voters we now have would desert us. "Forgive these crude hints about our editorial work in this campaign. You know I should not have ventured upon them, except at your renewed request, and that I certainly should not have addressed them to you, who need them so little. The campaign you are already making gives assurance of. the happy result In November. And yet, neither the editors nor the great orators of the party are making this campaign. The plain people in their homes are thinking it out for themselves. Even the best speeches are not those made on the stump. They are coming from the porch of a little two-story cottage in Canton, and they make u,s proud, in this crisis, of our leader as we tire of our cause. "With fraternal salutations and congratulations to the Ohio editors. I am, very truly yours, W1IITELAW RE1D." EDITOR SMITH'S ADDRESS. "What the ewipaper Should Teach In the Campaign of Education. Hon. Charles Emery Smith, in the course cf his remarks, said: "The intimate connection between politics and journalism suggests the thought of the hour. This is pre-eminently a campaign of educati.ui. It is thus peculiarly our campaign. T.ie journa'ists are the real educators. A thousand men hear a million len read. It is true there are great text-books ftom the masters. Thre is a new 'Adam Smith's Wealth f Nations," with American applications; a new 'Bjnyan's Pilgrim's Progress' through the slough of despond of democracy, and up the hill of diliiculty; a new 'Baxter's Saints' Best,' under assured Republican restoration. The other titles of these masterpieces are William Mc Kinley's complete poIitir.il economy of 'Open Mills for Full Labor, Rather Than Open Mints for Free Silver;' Henjamin Harrison's 'Satirical Reflections on the Absurdities of a Boy Orator's Idea of Independence of the Law of Gravitation," and Thomas B. Ried's 'Old Orchard Plums of Political Philosophy." But the old textbooks are expounded by the professors in the classroom, and so the new text-books are edited with notes and index and daily elucidation by the schoolmasters of journalism. "We must first educate ourselves. We must educate the people in elemental principles. We must educate them to understand that we cannot have two standards of weight or length. In our modern civilization the function of money as a measure of value is even more important than its function as a medium of exchange. Our exchanges aggregate sixty thousand millions a yar. but our money in circulation is only fifteen hunderd millions. The bulk of the exchanges Is effected with checks end other instruments of credit. But though money itself is not exchanged, all exchanges are measured in the dollar unit of value, ami the security and safety of the whole volume Jepend on the Integrity of that dollar unit. You can make a yardstick of wood or of ivory, but they must have the "same length. You can make a dollar of gold or silver, but they must have the same value. You sell cloth and measure the quantity in yards; you pay and measure the amount in collars, and whether you measure in half yards called yards cr in fifty cent dollars called hundred-cent dollars, the transaction Is equally fraudulent and dishonest. Our existing standard of value is the hundred-cent gold dollar; free-silver coinage would make our standard the fifty-cent silver dollar and that is the reason why it woull be a crime of repudiation, dishonor and disaster. CANNOT MAKE FIAT MONEY. "We must educate the people that government fiat cannot make money. The government stamps, weighs and certifies, but does -not create. Money is of two kinds real money and representative money. Real money has Intrinsic value eoual to its face. Representative money is a promise to redeem in real money. The gold dollar Is real money, because It Is worth 100 cents, whether coined or melted. The paper dollar is representative money because it is simply a promise to redeem in a real dollar. Its value Is not In the stamp, but in theN fact that the stamp pledges a real dollar behind it. The present silver dollar is partly real and partly representative. It lias 52 cents' worth of value and 4$ cents' worth of faith faith that the' government will fulfill its pledge of keeping it at a parity with gold. The proposed silver dollar, under free coinage, w-ould be neither real nor representative. It could not say even with the paper dollar, 'I know that my redeemer liveth.' for there would be no redemption; and without redemption its value would sink to its bullion value of 52 cents. We want neither cheap dollars, nor cheap men, nor cheap Presidents. "We must educate the people that political independence is one thing and independence of the laws of trade and nature is another. The most puerile and grotesque idea, even of the 'Boy Orator' in his repeated and pet notion that because this country declared political independence of Europe in 1776. it ought to declare an independent monetary standard in ISM. He seems to think that we ought to have a distinct American measure of value because we have a distinct American measure of liberty. We can have American geogranhy because our rivers and mountains and glorious fields, with their rich harvests, are our own. but we cannot have an American arithmetic because two and two do not make five, and fifty does not make one hundred in the Uni:ed States any more than in Europe. We can have" an American political economy, because political economy is partly a matter of conditions, and our conditions are different from those of Europe; but we cannot have an American algebra, because algebra is not an experimental, but an exact science. In algebra 'X' represents the unknown quantity, and thus it represents Bryan after the election, and not even the 'X' ravs will be able to disclose his scattered and shadowy remains. A distinct American measure of value! Why not have distinct American measure of lensrth? Why not have an American yardstick different In length from the English yardstick? This talk of an independent measure shows a callow and shallow mind. Do we not want commercial relations with Eurone? Do we not seek to extend our trade? Then why do we not want a common medium of exchange? "Above all. and beyond all. we must educate the iwople that national honesty and individual honesty are the best policy. Nations and individuals cannot close out witn the world on one transaction and quit. They must keep up the account, and for every act of fraud they will pay double the next time. We are against the emigration of good gold and the immigration of bad blood. Ye are against the outflow of good circulation and the inflow of bad citizenshin. We find communism, revolution and anarchy no more attractive and no l?ss dangerous when urged by the rhetoric of Bryan than when enforced by the bomb of Altgeld or the pitchfork of Tillman. "We teach unceasing lessons of patriotism and rectitude and must educate the people to maintain the national honor as sacredly as they maintained the national life, and to be no more ready in 1:W to cut in two the standard of value, which is the basis and measure of nil business security, than they were in 1SC1 to cut in two the Union, which is the basis and measure of our national greatness and glory. "We are met at the uome of the great patriot and statesman, the boy soldier, and the man orator and leader, who, by an unerring choice, is fitly made the standurd

hearer- In this' second mihty - battle for national safety and welfare. "Let; us go' from his enkindling prc!enc and Mis glow ing words with fresh inspiration atid renewed strength for th campaign of education."

WOES OF W. P. ST. JOHN A CAMPAIGN SOXti MAKES TROUBLE FOR POPOCRACY'S TREASURER. . 3(HMKM) CopieM of "The American MarNelllalae" for Sale Dirt Cheap "Ike" Steven Horror. I 1 CHICAGO. Sept. 8. The Times-Herald says: A little song has torn great holes in the Inner circle of William J. Bryan's campaign managers, W. 1. St. John, of New York, treasurer of the Democratic national committee, has drawn down on his head the wrath of Isaac N. Stevens, of Denver, acting chairman of the National Sliverparty's executive committee. Chairman Jones and his associates on the Democratic national committee must turn their backs on Mr, St. John or lose a big sum of Colorado money for which they have been yearning and waiting many weeks. Mr. St. John, acting for the Democratic national committee, ordered for campaign use 5O0.COO copies of a song entitled, "Tl:j American Marseillaise." He expected the. bill to be paid out of the fund of J50.OW) raised a couple of weeks ago among Colorado millionaires. Mr. Stevens is custodian of that fund. The title of Mr. St. John's musical find settled the fate of the bill with him. He does not believe Bryan can be elected by reminding the American people of the French revolution and the Parisian reign of terror. His veto of Mr. St. John's expectations still reverberates through the halls of Democratic headquarters. The order for the 500.000 copies of "The American Marseillaise" has been canceled temporarily, probably for all time, and Mr. Stevens is going toward Mr. St. John's hunting ground with a scalping knife in his teeth. Readers of the newspapers are well aware that for several weeks Mr. St. John has been steadily pushing toward the grave of his political prominence. The silver-mine owners having made Mr. Stevens controller of their contributions to the Bryan campaign fund, he is a Mg wheel in the Bryan machine, and he has the look of a man who would line to givo the final push to Mr. St. John. The spectacular New York banker lias done several tilings which have alienated Mr. Stevens's affections. This "American Alarselllalse" incident is the last straw. Mr. Stevens had in mind the expenditure of 50,0u0 right away in the printing of free-silver campaign documents, lie heard what Treasurer St. John had done and his face fell. The disbursing agent of the mine owners does not-care much for music under any circumstances. He believes in pamphlets and stump speeches. STEVENS IN A RAGE. ' Opposed as he was to the song idea, Mr. Stevens preserved outward calm when he first heard of St. John s half-million order, and expressed his dissentient opinion in the language of good society; As soon as ho had leisure he commanded that a copy of "The American Marseillaise" be brought to him. The sheet was handed to him open. He read the first stanza and muttered "Not bad." lie read the second, and his brow grew dark. At the end of the third there was lightning in his eyes. Hastily ho looked at the song sheet's cover, then cast it into the waste-paper basket, planted his ciiff -climbing foot upon it and turned loose his mountain-trained voice in one mighty roar. When he became articulate his language for a moment transcended the bounds of good taste. He grew calmer later, but -not reconciled. "That song would beat Bryan if it was a campaign ot music." said Mr. Stewns, In later moments of calm. "If given official recognition by the committee it would give the McKinley managers an excellent opportunity to demonstrate that silvcrltes are trying to get up another French revolution, and they are talking enough on that line already. Look at the title: Look at the story! Great Scott! To think that St. John would order half a million copies of that, to throw around the country. How many farmers or miners could read music at sight, anyhow? I shall never consent to paying such a sum of money for that song or any other suggestive of revolution. I'll never give up a dollar of funds until the order Is canceled." The song which has thus roused Mr. Stevens's wrath, and which threatens to extinguish Mr. St. John, is the work of "Frederic Lowell." who is said to be 8. G. Pratt, a composer well known in Chicago. It la dedicated to Wm. J. Bryan and Arthur Sewall. The music, though not exactly borrowed, suggests the real "Marseillaise," as if the French air had been the composer's Inspiration. The first two stanzas are comparatively mild in sentiment. The third reeks with blood. It sings of a workman who kills his wife and children and then completes the butchery by slaying himself "because the rich heeded not his voice." Mr. Stevens thinks wage earners would be disposed to resent the suggestion that they slaughter women and babies when they get out of employment, The fifth stanza brings the dead to life and pictures spectral forms clamoring out of graves to vote for Bryan. This campaign lyric is between covers p:entifully besprinkled with red ink. ThH features of Bryan and Sewall are depicted in lurid colors, along with a, yellow cross, and a crown of thorns is tossed over the top of the cross. "No crown of thorns, no cross of gold" is the catch line below the title. ST. JOHN'S SONG. The words of this wonderful song run as follows: "You shall not press the crown of thorns Upon the toiler's brow; This we jpiose In freedom's name And pledge o'j; solemn vow. You shall not crucify mankind Upon that cross of gold. A time has come when freemen's votes Cannot be bought or sold. "ChorusNo crown of thorns S'.iall press this toiler'3 brow; No cross of gold Shall crucify the poor man now. "Our :hll Iren cry to us for bread. And. while for work we strive, The corporations water stocks. And on our sufferings thrive; In vain we prayed, no more we be,j. But on our causa rely; Demanding equal rights to all, Their power we now defy. "The crisis of mothers rend the air. Her childr ?i round her cling. For lack of work strong men grow weak. No succor can they bring. . Thus, driven to slavery, crime or death, He proudly tik?s his cholo'. And slay his chillren. wife and self. For the rich heed not his voice. "Our court supreme, a hundred years. The i.tcome tax sustalmd: Its Justice no one dared deny. Its right our sires maintained. Each honest toller pays his tax. As each day's work is dene; But the wealthy cla.M, their duty, plain, Like craven cowards rhun. ' The souls of thousand:, slain by greed. From graves arise, and call To us to save our country now 1.-. t .........' o ..u'fn! ttirull From farm and shop, freemen arise! As did our sires of oid; And rally to pratct your homes From the cru;l horJe of gold. f "The waving wheat and ripening corn Bring not the farmer joy : For irrain cheap, and the bankers lean l roie is iui -"j w,w. The tvrant multimilllo aires "... rt r- Imti.I tnfi Innir. nave ,uiv ,. v... - - --- 1 n-v... m,,HImllll,lllC nOW Will Sl)(llt' And the world will hear their sprig:" Proved It. V.ihinz' VhSt. The Tcxaii who cbjectcu to 1tliiK h::ngid alOIlg Wltn IWO negfurs, mmy lllMSU'll Oil mnbinir his exit ill advance ff the duskv murderers, was a "gent ' vyJ to the vtry fir isn. " relKht lltil)ieH. PHladelr el.gi.'iph. freight iJ. t ues much inu.'er it won't yniake any dif--ftience wheih r we have !old tr siWvr ail transportation i r.i be uorj,- just tor love. I.oueli New York Commercial Advertiser. The lonliest person tin the country next to Arthur Sewall Is lb man who wants to. vote for him.

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