Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 September 1896 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, TUESDAY. SEPTEMBER 8, 1895.

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THE DAILY JOURNAL TUESDAY. SEPTEMBER 8,1896. Washington 01f.cc-.4IO Pennsylvania Avenue Telephone Culls. Business office 238 Editorial rooms. ...A 86 TERMS Or" SI BSCRIPTION. DAILY MY MAIL. Dally only, one month $ .70 .Daily only, three months . 2.' Pally only, one year 8.00 I'aily, Incl'jiliRK Sun-Jay, one year I'J.OO Sunday only, one year 2.00 nVHES FURNISHED BY AGKXTS. Daily, per weeli, by carrier 13 cts Bundny, ninp-le copy 5 cts Jally and Sunday, per week, by carrier.... 20 cts WEEKLY. Per year ,$1-00 It educed Kates to Clnbs. Subscribe with any of our numerous agents or end subscriptions to the JOURNAL XEWSPAPBR COM PAS V, Indianapolis, lad. Persons sending the Journal through the malls in the United States Khuuld put on an eight-page paper a ONE-CENT postage stamp; on a twelve or siiteen-page paper a TWO-CENT postage stamp. Foreign postage la usually double these rates. All communications intended for publication in this paper muttt, in order to receive attention, be accompanied by the name and address of the Writer. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOIRVAL Can be found at the following places: NEW YORK Windsor Hotel and Astor House. CHICAGO Palmer House and P. O. News Co., SI Adams street. CINCINNATI J. R. Hawley & Co., 1E1 Vine street. - IjOUFSVILLE C. T. Deering, northwest corner of Third and Jefferson streets, and Louisville Book Co., 356 Fourth avenue. BT. -LOUIS Union News Company, Union Depot.. WASHINGTON, D. C Riggs House, Ebbltt House, Willard's Hotel and the Washington News Exchange, Fourteenth street, between 'Penn. avenue and F street. Meeting of Editor. Members of the committee appointed by tha several editorial associations on codification of laws relating to newspapers are requested to meet at the Grand Hotel, in Indianapolis, Monday, Sept. 14, at 11 a. m. The codification has been completed and frank A. Horner, - the compiler, will be present at the meeting. , LOUIS HOLTMAN, Chairman Committee. ' Major McKlnley's speeches Improve as their number Increases. Mr. Bryan says he has never had a doubt of. his election. If he keeps that sweet faith till November its sudden death will go hard with him. That the silver movement was Inspired .toy the silver mine owners for their own .profit and for nobody's else is fixing itself 'upon the minds of practical people. Friends of Mr. Eckels are now claiming for him the credit of first suggesting the political movement that culminated in the Indianapolis convention and of doing more than any other man to make it a success. Xiet Mr. Bynum dfpeak up; also others. It was made evident .by his reckless behavior In the electric power house at Niagara Falls that his. Excellency Li Hung ' Chang had never been made acquainted j vith that popular American rule of con'Suet, "Don't monkey with the buzz-saw." A Western correspondent who has been in Maine has discovered that Mr. Sewall's nomination is not worth a hundred votes to the ticket. After the Maine election, when Bryan's managers shall have discovered this, it Is possible 'that Mr. Sewall may be Phoved off the ticket. ' -' On the Sunday before Labor day the Trade and Labor Assembly of Chicago made it clir, by the passage of a resolution, that Mr. Bryan was not invited to .speak because he Is a presidential candidate, and that the Invitation is in no sense an Indorsement of his candidacy. With $G30,000,000 of gold hid away by Its people, India could pass to a gold basis, and would, In all probability, if it were not for the interest of those who employ labor to iay the low rate of wages in sii,ver. If the same number of rupees were paid in gold, wages would be doubled. Next Monday evening Senator Thurston will speak in Tomlinson Hall. He is one of the ablest speakers the Republicans have in the field. He has spoken in different parts of the country since the Republican national convention, over which he presided, and everywhere he has aroused great enthusiasm. If the reports concerning the action of Governor Matthews In regard to a few prominent Democrats whom he suspects of treachery, or, at least, lukewarmness to the cause of Bryan, are true, he has set himself up as a boss of the variety that cracks the blacksnake whip. Instead of silencing him, the Governor's fiasco at Chicago fceems to have puffed him up with the idea that he Is the anointed king of the Indiana Democracy. Before the year 1S96 has passed he will know better. Lt Hung Chang thinks it unrair to shut cheap labor out of the United States, while the free-trader Is Indignant because attempts have been made to shut the products of cheap labor out of this country. There is no difference between the two kinds of free-traders. Cheapness is the central idea of both. The mass of people in this country, however, have discovered that very cheap production involves very low wages, and very low wages smites a nation's power to purchase with paralysis. It may not be generally known that Mr. Hearst, of the New York Journal, belongs to a family whose great wealth has been realized from silver mines, and that the estate, worth several tens of millions, is largely In silver properties. Recently Mr. Hearst has offered to. give a dollar for every dollar subscribed for tha free-silver campaign through his papers. He does this because he is willing to take the risk of losing a million to make a score of millions out of silver properties in the event of the selection of Mr. Bryan. For years In no branch of the public service has greater effort been made to ferret out frauds than in the Pension Bureau. When Mr. Cleveland came in, more than three years ago. a large force in tho Pension Bureau and a large force of special agents were set to hunting the frauds with which the pension rolls were said to be "honeycombed." The Commissioner of Pensions and other officers of the bureau wrote letters to postmasters urging them to report to the bureau every man drawing a pension who was not, in their judgment, entitled to it. Thousands of names were dropped without a hearing, but more than three-fourths were restored in the course of &. few months. During the eighteen months which ended Jan. l, DftfJ, tho names of 14,506 pensioners had been suspended or dropped by order of the Commissioner because of the proof or suspicion that such pensioners wer3 not entitled to the 'pension. This was the result of eighteen

months' effort, costing thousands of dol

lars more than the pensions, lt means that less than 1 per cent, of the whole number of pensioners had been suspected of drawing money to which they were not entitled. Under the act of 1890 men are pensioned for disabilities not traceable to the service, where it is proved that they are not able by their labor to support themselves. The larger part of the suspensions are made because of a changed rating as to the inability to labor. With all theso facts in official reports, it seems unnecessary that a clergyman, speaking to young men, should say that there are thousands of fraudulent pensioners, thus conveying the impression to the uninformed that a very large part of those who receive pensions are not entitled to them. As those to whom these remarks were addressed have no means of determining, they may fairly Infer that the patriotism of any man whom they know to be a survivor of the late war "is the patriotism of Benedict Arnold." The many thousands of worn-out and poverty-pinched old men cannot answer these aspersions, but they can call attention to the fact that through the organization of the Grand Army 23,000 of themdn Indiana were the first to offer their services to the Governor in July, 1S94, when the laws and social order were menaced. The Journal would not be captious about this matter, but when language Is used which, if well Intended, does an Injustice to a large class of deserving men, it can do no less than place the figures of official results against general accusation.

THE REAL CRIMINALS. The boy financier from the Platte said in one of hi3 speeches, and the Sentinel reprints It at the head of its editorial page: "An indignant people's avenging wrath will pursue the man who declares in favor of fastening a gold standard upon this people." This Is one of Mr. Bryan's highsounding but empty sentences. If the avenging wrath of aii indignant people is going to pursue all, who have declared in favor of establishing the gold standard In the United States it should begin by denouncing the memories of the dead and gone members of Congress, Democrats and Whigs, who voted for the act of June 2S, 1S34. This act undervalued silver, drove it entirely out of circulation and placed the currency of the country on a single gold basis. Among those who voted for it were Senators James Buchanan, afterwards President, John C. Calhoun. Henry Clay, Thcmas Ewing, John Tyler, Daniel Webster, Silas Wright and dozens of others of less fame. Among those who voted for it In the House were the two Adamses, John Bell, Thomas Corwln, Edward Everett, Millard. Fillmore, Cave Johnson, Thomas A. Marshall, Franklin Pierce, James K. Polk and scores of others. Democrats and Whigs. This act continued unchanged till 1853. The Director of the Mint says: "In 1850 the United States had practically the single gold standard, and not enough of fractional silver for the requirements of trade." In 1S53 Congress passed a new coinage act which made no reference to the silver dollar and no provision for its coinage. This act demonetized silver really, as that of 1831 had done practically. The Director of the Mint says: "It was intended to place the country on a single gold standard, and there were Jhose who openly avowed that such was its aim." This bill was voted for by Senators Whitcomb and Jesse D. Bright, of this State, by Lewis Cass, Salmon P. Chase, Henry Clay, Stephen A. Douglas, Hamilton Fish, Hannibal Hamlin, William H. Seward, Charles Sumner, Benjamin Wade. John P. Hale, James A. Bayard and other prominent men of both parties. In the Houne it was voted for by a majority of the members of both parties. Among the Democrats from this State who voted for it were Cyrus L. Dun-1 ham. A. P. Edgerton, Graham N. Fitch, Thomas A. Hendricks, William H. English and John G. Davis all Democratic leaders in their day. Scores of other well-known Democrats and Whig3 voted for it. In speaking for the bill in the House Hon. Cyrus L. Dunham said: Another objection "urged against this proposed change is that it gives us a standard of gold only. What advantage is to be obtained by a standard of the two metals, which is not as well, if not much better, attained by a single standard, I am unable to perceive; while there are very great disadvantages resulting from it, as the experience o every nation which has attempted to maintain it has proved. Indeed, it is utterly impossible that you should long at a time maintain a double standard. Gentlemen talk about a double standard of gold and silver as a thing that exists and that we propose to change. We have had but a single standard for the last three or four years. That has been and is now gold. We proDose to let it remain so, and to adapt silver to it. to regulate it by it. Congress indorsed these views by passing the bill. It was voted for by Whigs and Democrats alike and was approved by Franklin Pierce, a Democratic President. "Jt thus happens," says the present Director of the Mint in his last annual report, "that the real demonetization of silver in the United States took place in 1853. Its demonetization In 1S73 was only nominal. Nor was its demonetization in 1S53 the result of accident or over-sight. It was deliberate and intentional. The act of 1873 only conformed the law to the actual monetary condition so far as the metallic currency of the United States was concerned, that had existed here for nearly a quarter of a century before its passage." This, be it remembered, is an official statement of the present Director of the Mint. In view of these facts it is evident that if. as Mr. Bryan says, "An indignant people's avenging wrath will pursue the man who declares in favor of fastening a gold standard upon this people." the aforesaid wrath will have to begin its pursuit very far back and pursue the ghosts of a great many distinguished statesmen now deceased. MR. BRYAN'S BLUNDER A5iD OFFENSE. One of the few things upon which Mr. Bryan harps is that the rich are creditors and the poor are debtors. That is not the case. The truth is that those who are called poor are tho creditors, and those who command credit do so because they have property, or others who possess It have sufficient confidence In them to be surety for them. Every man and woman who works for wages is a creditor to those who employ them from one pay day until another. In large establishments 'it is impossible to make up' pay rolls to include the day of payment, t?o it may be said that the large corporations which employ so much labor are always the debtors of that labor for millions in the aggregate, and often for many millions. The largest body of creditors in this country are the 4.875,519 depositors of $1,810,579,023 in the savings banks, the average deposit being $371.3'J. None of these depositors j can be called rich, and the rich can make a better use of their money than to put it Into savings banks which pay from 3 to 4 per cent. Interest, The most of them are so poor that they canot accumulate money ith which to purchase Ik roes. Of the 1.-

743,000 shareholders in building and loan associations seven-eighth3 are wage earners. The 1,622,739 policy holders in legal reserve life insurance companies carrying $5.160,896,000 of Insurance, and whom the companies owe $1,1S3,1SO,000, are very largely men and women who put their savings into life policies because they are In limited circumstances. Outside of the larger cities, and particularly in the smaller cities and towns, a large part of the deposits of banks of discount are the small amounts of money placed in those banks for safe keeping. In this city alone the shareholders in building and loan associations hold net investments of $6,000,000 on which they receive dividends. These shareholders constitute the largest body of creditors in the city. Most of them are wage earners, and probably very few of them can be called rich. These constitute the bulk of the creditors whose aggregate savings make up the loanable money for business purposes and for mortgages. They constitute a very large army. In fact, in the three classes above named there are 8,243,000 men and women. If to these should be added those Interested In various benefit orders, to say nothing of large numbers of people of small means who have money in discount banks, the actual creditors would number more than 10,000,000 of people, two-thirds of whom, it is safe to say, are voters. Consequently, if Mr. Bryan should be able to array all the creditors against him and none but the debtors for him, he would be badly beaten. It is very strangs that Mr. Bryan does not recognize the fact that the poor are really the people who furnish the bulk of the money which is loaned upon mortgages and business securities. That he does not. Is evidence that he is a man without ordinary Information. No really patriotic man would attempt to array debtor against creditor, lt is an offense of no light degree, but when the votes shall be counted he will be punished. The million of men and women in this country who have their savings invested In the financial institutions above named are reading his speeches attacking them and their interests. They will attend to him later on, as they did in that State of savings banks, Vermont, a week ago to-day. A HOME ISSUE. The rolling mills have started up again in this city. If business i3 fair the operators promise to give employment to several hundred men. If otherwise, the mills will not run very long. These mills are making steel billets, out of which sheets for tin plates are made and rods for the making of wire nails. What are the menaces to the running of the rolling mills for a long time? First, the panic which the election of William J. Bryan would bring. The works would close in a week after such an event, and no man in the iron and steel business could predict when such factories would again light their fires. Second, competition of cheap labor. To a citizen one of the managers of the rolling mills said: "I can't tell how long we shall run. A large part of our product is turned into wire nails. Within a few weeks the Japanese have purchased and shipped to that country duplicates of the machinery with which wire nails are made. After a while Japanese workmen, to whom not over 30 cents a day is paid in silver, worth but 15 cents in gold, can make nails as well with that machinery as can those who are paid ten or fifteen times as much wages in this country. The men who are putting money into the Japanese nail enterprises propose to sell their product, made with cheap labor, in this country in competition with our product. Freights are but an inconsequent matter, consequently the Japanese nail makers will capture the market of the Pacific coast and as much more as they can supply. If there is not a tariff to make up the difference in labor between Japan and the United States, the cheap-living, low-wage Japanese will materially injure our home market." The above is the statement of one business man to another in canvassing the prospects of an Indianapolis industry. The Stewarts and the other silver mine owners urge as a remedy the forcing of this country to the silver basis of Japan, which would reduce the actual compensation of men receiving $2 per day on a gold basis to $2 per day on a silver basis. If the difference between the purchase power of silver money, in silver countries and the money now in use in the United States should prevail In the event of our going to a silver basis, the $2 now paid would be equivalent to $1 as the 30 cents a. day now paid in Japan is equivalent to 13 cents in our money. But even the defrauding of competing labor in this country of one-half the present wages by substituting silver monometallism for gold would not enable our manufacturers to hold the home markets. With the same kind of machinery we must fall to the Japanese level of wages or else the duties on imported merchandise must be made soJiigh as to make up the difference between wages in the two countries. The Republican remedy for saving our competing industries from being destroyed by the low-wage, low-living labor of silver monometallist countries Is to maintain our present monetary standard and impose a tariff which will make up the difference between the wages in the two countries. This is not a case where the tariff reform or free trade theories can be applied, since to do so would tend to degrade the condition of labor in this country to that of Japan. Such a change in wages as is involved in anything like free competition with Japan in the industries it proposes to adopt is an assault upon the American standard of living upon American civilization.

LI HUNG CHANG AND THE IRISH. Irishmen are highly indignant over Li Hung Chang's expressions of dislike to their race, but if they were less impetuous and would pause to consider the matter from his point of view instead of calling him bad names they would see no reason why he should like them and many why he should not. For Irishmen are perhaps, without exception the cause of the illtreatment by Chinamen in this country. Wherever they have been beaten and abused, driven out of their homes, deprived of work and even persecuted to the extent of slaughter, as in Wyoming, it has been because they came, or were thought to come, in competition with Irish labor. The Geary law, which placed them under restrictions visited upon no other class of foreigners, was the direct outgrowth of the agitation led by the sand-lot orator, Dennis Kearney, who probably never did an honest day's work in his life. Many Californians are fair enough to admit now that the Chinese fill a place in the Industries of the State that no other laborers occupy as well, and that they are really In many ways a use

ful class of residents. It Is not the Intention, however, to enter into a discussion, here of the Chinese question, its merits or demerits, but merely to suggest that all the arguments are not upon one side. The Americans know the good qualities of Irishmen and that after a process of assimilation they make excellent citizens, but Li Hung Chang considers them solely in the light of persecutors of his people and naturally sees no virtue in them. He not only cherishes what must be regarded as a reasonably excusable animosity toward them, but visits a share of his displeasure upon the American people generally. Certainly his departure from the country after visiting but a small part of it, and crossing the continent through British territory can be regarded as nothing less than a direct snub to the Pacific coast States, if not to the government. The arguments raised against the Chinese in this country, however satisfactory to ourselves, have as might be supposed, little weight with him. The Detroit Free Press, for example, raises the old objection thst the Chinaman does not try to become a citizen of the United States, but saves his money and carries it to his own country to spend. Dr. O'Brien, of the Catholic Union, says they live like rats, herding by the dozen in single rooms. The Viceroy met these objections in his own way when they were mentioned to him by an American fellow-passenger on the St. Louis, whom he subiected to cross-examination. This American kindly explained to him that Chinamen were disliked because they did not become citizens, "Could I become a citizen of your country?" blandly inquired Li Hung Chang, and the American was obliged to confess that the law would not permit it. "But they take their money home to spend," persisted the rash child of Uncle Sam, to which the Viceroy responded, "In my country are many Americans who are engaged in commerce. They make much money, far more than the small savings of Chinese laundrymen in San Francisco, and they all bring it home to spend, do they not?"jAnd the unhappy American was forced to acknowledge that they did. If tne Viceroy had been familiar with certain districts of New York city he could have pointed to where Polish Jews and Italians, races not discriminated against by law or politics, swarm in crowded quarters in quite as uncivilized a way as the Chinese. The truth probably is that the real objection to the Viceroy's people grows out of a race antipathy which does not exist to an equal degree in connection with other nationalties. It is embarrassing to admit this and we seek for other grounds for our opposition to accepting the celestials as our fellow-citizens,, but it would be better to acknowledge the truth to ourselves, at least, than to put forward unsound arguments to support the prejudice. We do not want the Chinese among us on equal terms, perhaps not on any terms, but while our laws forbid his naturalization we might at least refrain from accusing him of not desiring citizenship. In his speech at Kenton, O., Mr. Bryan said that if workingmen were urged by their employers ' to, join Republican or sound-money clubs they should do so to keep their places and pretend to be soundmoney men; but when the election came they should vote the other way. Here is what he said: ( J Let him wear the opposition button if he will. Let bjra .contrumte to the campaign fund if he will, but Jet him remember there is one day in the year when he is his own master and can Use his pencil as he pleases. I am willing for you to be liepublicans every day in the year if you will just be Democratic on election day. I am willing for you to wear gold-bug buttons for all the rest of the time if, when you enter the booth, you will remember that the gold standard never conferred a benefit upon those who toil. - i Mr. Bryan is said to be a member of the Presbyterian. Church. He passes for an honorable man, and is a candidate for the high office of President of the United States, yet he deliberately advises workingmen to play the sneak, and become hypocrites and liars, if necessary, In order to deceive their employers. Mr. Bryan is either devoid of moral sense himself or else he must think workingmen are to offer them such advice as that. In either case, he is not fit to receive the vote of any honest mar.

The New York Financier of last week has an article on the "Savings Bank Vote," in which it is declared that there is abundant' reason to believe that the large Republican majority in Vermont last week is due to the fact that the depositors in savings bank. voted solidly" for the Republican candidates, because they see in the free-silver proposition a menace. By the last report there were 94,994 savings bank depositors in Vermont, with an average deposit of $309.81. In Maine, which holds its election next Monday, there are 135,704 savings bank depositors. In Maryland there are 14S.342 depositors; in New Jersey, 137,897; in California, 172,223; in Illinois, 94,724; in Iowa, 77,809; in Delaware,. 1S.648; in Ohio, 86.1S3; in Minnesota, 42,777. In Indiana and all the Central Western States the building and loan associations have hundreds of thousands of shareholders who will be quite as prompt to protect their interests at the ballot box as are the depositors in savings banks. It i3 suggested as a possible explanation of the Sentinel's ready acceptance of any campaign lie and Bryan fake which comes along that it is not at heart a loyal worshiper at the shrine o the Nebraska Populist and prints the. false reports of accessions to his party, knowing that they will react and injure his cause. The- method is Indirect and clumsy, but the theory implies a greater degree of editorial intelligence than any other suggested, .and is offered with charitable motive. Labor day seems never to have been so successfully observed by organized labor as yesterday. There was a very general cessation of labor, and business was suspended in the cities. It is greatly to the credit of the trades unions that they succeeded so well in keeping the celebration out of politics. They may also congratulate, themselves that they have given the American people a holiday which will be as generally observed as the Fourth of July and Memorial day. , D. W. M-, Belle Union: The bond plates to which you allude were engraved by the order of Secretary Foster, and were probably utilized by Secretary Carlisle. It would not in all probability have been the same if Harrison had been re-elected, for the reason that during the fiscal year which ended. June 30, 1S92, the revenues were in excess of the expenditures. The trouble began directly after the election in a gradual lapse of confidence. Factories began to close, trade fell off, and with the falling off of trade the 'revenues were diminished so that the expenditures exceeded. them. Then followed the scare about the Sherman act, anu money was withdrawn from the banks and hid away. The Harrison administration left $24.G00,00O in

the treasury outside of the $100,000,000 of reserve. In June, 1893, the deficit of revenues Incident to the falling off of business began and kept up. Of the $232,300,000 of bonds issued by the Cleveland administration, $174,700,000, to Sept. 1, 1S96, was used to pay the current expenses of the government, leaving less than $98,000,000 to keep up the reserve. All of this, however, has nothing whatever to do with the free and unlimited coinage of silver, any more than moonshine has to do with the ripening of the corn crop. Song-writer Gaunt, who is reported to bo dying, is best known to fame as author of the popular ditty, "Push dem Clouds Away." Another production much admired was "Love Me Little, Love Me Long," of which these lines are a sample: Put yc.tr arms around me, honey, even if you have no money; Love me little, love me long; For you know I'm in a hurry, when my heart is in a flurry Love me little, love me long. I'd fly away on high, knock a hole up in tne sky. And hear the angels sing their brightest song. Get a move and do not tarry, if you do we will not marry Love m : little, love me long. He has also written some 500 other songs more or less pleasing to the public taste, and no doubt his talent supplied a want in the musical world, but, should Providence see fit to take him hence, let's wait awhile before taking up subscriptions for a monument expressing the people's woe. Does Indiana want to set up opposition to New Jersey? Else why these mosquito stories from the Wabash describing the slaughter of horses and the disabling of men by bloodthirsty gallinippers? BUBBLES IN THE AIR.

Botlt Needed. He It takes three generations to make a gentleman. She And six figures. A Dear Girl's View. Minnie What do the papers mean by the "silly season?" Mamie The political campaign season, of course, stupid! Amplification Necessary. As Mr. Wickwire came into the dinfng room he was saying; "Tell you, old man, she was just a dandy! Every line perfect, and a better knee action I never saw In my life." "Of whom are you talking?" asked Mrs. Wickwire. "Of whom? I was talking about Johnson's trotter." "Oh! I thought it was one of those bicycle girls you'd seen going along somewhere." A More Important Personage. When the Colonel came into the drug store for a little bromo seltzer he was feeling rather sociable, and tried to start a conversation with the busy prescription clerk. "Don't talk to the clerk while he is compounding a prescription, please," said tho proprietor to th Colonel. "Don't talk to the prescription clerk, do you say, sah!" roared the Colonel. "By gad, sah, I talk to the bahkeepah when he is making a mint julep; talk to him to the full extent of my convuhsational ability, sah, and if you think youah little pills and powdahs are of mo' impohtance than that neotah of the gods, sah, ycu are getting too big fo' youah business, sah!" ABOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. Mary Stuart was bald and wore a wig. Baldness was a very common affliction among the ladies of that day. Li Hung Chang is credited with telling a director of the Bank of Scotland that self-interest as a rule of business "is the same the world over, but especially in England." The largest bell in France has been hung in the belfry of the Church of the Sacred Heart, in Paris. It weighs twenty-eight tons, can be heard at a distance of twentyfive miles and its vibrations last six minutes. Mr. Beecher' once said that the Lord showed great mercy to the .members of Job's family by killing them off before the boil season set in, and he feared that his wife might entertain corresponding ideas concerning his annual attack of hay fever. Baron Rothschild maintained as his pet charity the largest school in the world. It Is in the east end of London and has 3,500 scholars, recruited from the poorest class of Russian Hebrews, with one hundred teachers to instruct them. Breakfasts are provided each morning for the pupils, and each child is given a suit of clothes and two pairs of shoes yearly. There is a little girl in Columbus, O., whose mother is in the habit of using the phrase, "Oh, don't mention it!" when any one apologizes to her. The little girl was naughty one day, and her mother said to her: "Elsie, what will God think when you tell him to-night how bad you have been to-day?" "My mamma," said Elsie, "he will say: 'Elsie, don't mention it.' " An interesting comment is that of Mr. Gladstone's on the activities of Li Hung Chang: "I have followed his recent progress about the country, and what seems to me so remarkable is that he should have the physical strength to endure such a tour. The late Shah of Persia became very much fatigued when he was here, and I remember on the occasion of a visit to Windsor that I came across him fast asleep." A South American woman is quoted as saying that some time ago, in the absence of water, of which there was a great dearth at the time, she washed her face with some of the juice" of a watermelon. The result was so soothing that she repeatedly washed her face in this manner, and her astonishment was great, a few days later, on seeing that there was not a freckle on her previously befreckled face. By the will of the late Martin Brimmer, of Boston, the bulk of his estate is placed in trust during the life of his widow for her benefit. She is given the power of appointment under her will of one-half of the amount of the trust, but at her death, out of the ether half, $20,0)0 is given to the Massachusetts General Hospital. $30,000 to the president and fellows of Harvard College and the surplus of this half to the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. The late Sir John Millais was a graceful speaker, but his speeches cost him a great deal of time and labor. When a dinner was given at the Arts Club on Leighton's appointment as president, Millais was in the chair. He made an admirable speech so frank, so sympathetic, so eloquent, so unstudied. Thev congratulated him on it. saying they had no idea he had that gift of oratory or could speak so well and so spontaneously. Spontaneous'." he said. "Why, that wretched speech has kept me awake for the last five weeks." Prof. Stowe, the husband of Harriet Beecher Stowe, often said that he saw visions of people in whom ho was interested, and Mrs. Field recalls an instance of this in The Review of Reviews. On one occasion Mrs. Stowe was in her room when it was supposed she was out of town. Prof. Stowe came in, looked about him with a preoccupied air. but did not speak to her. She thought his behavior strange, and amused herself watching him. At last the situation became so extraordinary that she began to laugh. "Why," he exclaimed, "is that you? 1 thought it was one of my visions." They have got a woman's Bible, And now will some one tell, Will they have a woman's heaven? Will they have a woman's (chord, by the orchestra)? Puck. Linger longer, Lo Feng. Linger long. Lo; Tell us what you really think About us ere you go. Have you had a bully time. And did you like the show? Come again and see us all, And linger longer, Lo! Linger longer, Li Hung, Linger longer, Li; You too muchee plenty sawee Winkee bad ole eye! You no likee Mellycee. 'Poll tax plenty high; . Irishman he lovte you, So linger longer. Li! New York Evening Sun.

N INSIDIOUS APPEAL

CANDIDATE BRYAN TALKS AT CHICAGO'S LABOR-DAY PICNIC, And Take Advantage of the Occasion to Preach False Doctrine to the Assembled Tollers. TRIES TO CREATE PREJUDICE AND ARRAY THE AVORKINGMAN AGAINST HIS EMPLOYER. He Again Urges Those Who Labor to Use the Secret Ballot In Resenting Fancied Wrongs. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. CHICAGO. Sept. 7. W. J. Bryan, the Popocratic candidate, desecrated Labor day by making one of his insidious appeals to workingmen to vote against their own interests. Many Republicans who attended the picnic were disgusted with Bryan's demagogy, which was so transparent that lt was regarded as an insult to the intelligence of his audience. His speech, while pretending to be nonpartisan, was in line with other addresses he has delivered, and intended to array labor against capital. He tried to impress on his hearers that employers are a dangerous class, and that their interest is not the interest of employes. To combat this "dangerous class" he advised the use of the secret ballot. His speech, though carefully worded, was of a semi-anarchistic nature and will have little effect on the thinking workingmen. The speech .was delivered at Sharpshooters' Park, and there was a fair-sized crowd around the speakers' stand when Mr. Bryan arrived. On the stand were seated Judge McConnell, Judge Prentiss and a large number of representatives of the trades unions of Chicago. Mr. Brynn's Speech. At 2:20 Mr. Bryan began his spech, being introduced by Edward Carroll, president of the Buildings Council, in a brief address. Mr. Bryan said: "Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen I desire to thank the Building and Trades Council for this opportunity which they have extended to me to speak to the people assembled on Labor day. Labor day has become a fixed thing among our institutions, and it is well that lt has, because on this day all over the Nation those who are engaged in the production of wealth meet, in order that they may commune with each other, discuss those questions in which they are especially interested, and emphasize before the world that there is nothing dishonorable In the fact that one earns his bread in the sweet of his face. I am glad to stand in the presence of those to whom the Nation is largely indebted for all that it has had, for all that it has now, and for all that it can hope to have. 1 am not indulging in idle flattery when 1 say to you that no part of the people of the world are so important to the welfare of mankind as those whose labor and brain convert national resources into material wealth. (Applause.) I might quote to you what Dr. Carlisle said of these people in 1878. He described them as the struggling masses who produce the wealth asid pay the taxes of the country. He did not praise them too highly. The struggling masses not only produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country in time of peace, but the struggling masses have ever been and must ever be the Nation's surest protection Jl m1 of eril- (Applause and a voice. Good boy, Willie!') Let me quote what another American has said. In speaking of capital and labor. Abraham Lincoln, in a message to Congress used these words: Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.. In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit to raise a warning voice against this approach of rmw'i? dttptlsm- 11 i not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of public institutions, but there is one point with its connection not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else commanding capital, somehow, by the use of hJndiice hlm to 'abor.' And then he adds: Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor and could never have existed If labor had not first existed. (Applause.) Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much higher consideration.' Then he adds: 'No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to make or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new taxes and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost. (Applause.) SOLOMON QUOTED. "These were the words of Abraham Lincoln. They are not intended to arouse animosity against capital, but they state a great truth that is always to be remembered, that capital is but the fruit of labor, and you cannot destroy labor without destroying the possibility of future capital. (Applause.) I have quoted from two American authorities. I want an ascending scale to reach a higher authority still. Let me quote to you what that man whose words have entitled him to be called the wisest of men, Solomon, saia on the subject: 'Give mo neither poverty nor riches; feed me with food convenient for me, lest I be evil and deny Tr"" and say, who is the Lord; or lest I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain.' I want you to remember that Solomon regards not the extreme but I was about to say the golden mean I will say the golden and silver mean rather. tLaughter and applause.) He regards that condition best which is not at either extreme, but lies in between the extremes. Neither great riches nor abject poverty fuwiishes the soil in which grows the best civilization. Those who are oppressed by poverty lose the ambition, the aspiration, the lofty purpose that is necessary to lead one on to the greatest achievements; and those who possess too great wealth lose the necessity for labor, that labor which is absolutely essential to the developing of that which is best in human nature. Solomon was right, therefore, when he prayed for this intermediate condition. ine great middle classes are the bulwark of society and from the middle classes has come almost all of good that has come to bless the human race. (Applause.) "Let me recall another compliment paid to the common people. I see you know when we use that term there are some who say that we are apiealing to the passions of the masses; there are some who apply the name demagogue to anybody who speaks of the common people. My friends, let me call your attention to the fact that when the meek and lowly Nazarene came among men preaching peace on earth, good will towards men, lie was not welcomed by those who were described as people who devoured widows' houses and for a pretense made long prayers. (Applause.) But when He gave that great commandment that 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,' who listened to Him? The Scripture tells us. and in. so doing pays the highest compliment ever paid to the masses. The Scripture tells us that the common people heard Him gladly. (Applause.) And the common people are the only people who have ever heard gladly any person who preached humanity and equal rights. (Applause.) "I do not mean to say that there are no exceptions to the general rule. There have always been found among .the richer classes those who were filled with the spirit of philanthropy; there have always been found among them those who were willing to spend their lives In the uplifting of their fellows, but I am speaking of the rule that reforms do not come from and are not supported by those who consider themselves lifted above the common poeple. (A voice 'That's right.') JUDASES IN ALL CLASSES. "Nor do I mean that you have never found among the people those who would betray their fellows. You have found everywhere it is one of the unfortunate things that stands out upon every page of history that the character of Judas is not confined to any class of society. He la

found everywhere and In all ages. (Applause.) I simply mean to say this: That while the common people have among them at all times those who would betray their brethren and Fell them into bondage, if they could, yet in spite of ths the common people have been the great Impelling force that has lifted civilization from generation up to higher ground. Applause.) "There ure three forms of government best known among men. There la the monarchy, where a king rules by right divine; there Is the aristocracy, where a few control, and there is the democracy, which means the real people themselves. Why is it that the strength of democracy I do not use it in a party senfe. but in its broader sense why is it that the strength of democracy has always been found among the common people? why, it is simple enough. If a man has a high position or great wealth he may be able to stand and keep on the good side of the king. If he has great influence he may be one of the ruling elapses In an aristocracy. But you are not willing to leave any form of government to your children except a democracy, in which each citizen Is protected in the enjoyment of life and libertv and the pursu of happiness." (Applause.) The great common people believe in a democratic form of government, because ls.on'y n a democratic form of government that they are able to protect their rights and advance the interests of a se!fL.. nimnt tnat can advance human lnterSi 4 . m? dwell for a moment upon ,? J,ect of government. In this land it ?, IVT .boast at our government derives its just powers from the consent of th governed. What kind of government will P!tSon!nt to hen they are free to consent? There is one kind of government above all other kinds that they love. (A voice Bryan s government.' and applause.) A government which knows no favoritism; a government in which everv citizen stands on the same plane anil where the government treats them all alike, without regard to position in society, or even .without regard to wealth; a government which gives equal rights to all. but confers special privileges upon none. (A

voice uooii boy.') That is the kind of government that appeals to the affections of the common people. "There are two things to be considered in government. The first is that in the enactment of legislation you shall be careful to give no advantage to one person over another. If that advantage can be prevented. In other words, it is the duty of government to avoid acts of affirmative injustice; but that is only part of the business of government. Jefferson has stated the other half of it. He says that government must restrain men from injuring on another. That is one of the important duties of government to restrain men from injuring one another and the government that fails to restrain the strongest arm that can be lifted from injuring the weakest citizen in all the land is a government which fails to do its whole duty. (Applause.) AN IDEA FROM HOGS. "I was passing " through Iowa some months ago, and I got an idea from soma hogs. (Laughter.) An Idea is the most important thing that a person can Tret into his head and we gather our idea&i from every source. As I was riding along I noticed these hogs rooting in a field they were tearing up the ground; and the first thought that came to me was that they were destroying a good deal of property, and that carried me back to the time when as a boy I lived upon a farm, and I remembered that when we had hogs we used to put rings in the noses ot the hogs, and then the thought came to me: Why did they have to do it?' Not to keep the hogs from getting fat. We were more interested in their getting fat than they were. (Laughter.) The sooner they got fat the sooner we killed them; the longer they were .in getting fat the ionger they lived. But whv were the rings put in the noses of the hogs? So that while they were getting fat they would not destroy more property than they were worth. (Laughter and applause.) And as I thought of that, this thought came to me: That one of the) duties of government, one of the important duties of government, is the putting of rings in the noses of hogs. (Applause.) "Now, my friends, do not consider this a reflection on your neighbors. We are nil hoggish. We are all. selfish, my friends, and we must not appl" this lesson simply to someboly else. If you tell me that you are not selfish I can prove by ypur neighbors that you are. (Applause.) And if your neighbor denies that he is BeltisH I can prove by you tint he Is. (Applause.) We ace all selfish. The Creator did not make any class of people who were entirely unselfish, but I have faith in our form nf c-nvernment because I believe the peo ple. In their better moments, will adopt laws wnicn restrain inemscivcs in nours ot temptation, in order that their neighbors may also be restrained In hours of temptation. (Applause.) And when 1 say that one of the duties of government is to put rings In the noses of hogs I simply mei this: That while society, Is interested m having every citizen secure enough of this world's goods not simply to supply!.! own wants, but to educate his children and leave him something for his declining days. But while society Is interested in this., society Is also interested in having laws that will prevent him destroying more than he is worth while he Is securing his own independence. (Applause.) Our government is the best form of government known among men. "Our government is the best form of government known among men, not because every law is good, not because we have upon the statute books 'every law needed to protect each citizen in the enjoyment of his rights. Our government is the best form of government known among men because it is possible, under our form of government, to have just as good a government as the people deserve. Ours is the best form of government because it is possible for the people to make it reflect the best intelligence, the highest virtue and the broadest patriotism of the people. "Let me warn you against confusing government with the abuses of government. Andrew Jackson said that there were no necessary evils in government; that its evils existed only In its abuses. He was right, my friends. There are no necessary evils in government, and no man who understands the advantage of government will ever raise his voice or hand against government itself. It is the abuses of government against which we have the right to complain. There are some who would silence every criticism of existing law. There are those who would denounce every one who advocates a change a? a disturber of the public peace. There arj those who would call him a disturber; one who breeds discontent. I want to say to you that discontent lies at the foundation of all progress. (Applause.) So long as yon are satisfied vou never go forward. It Is only when you are dissatisfied with jour conditions that you try to improve theso conditions. THE SKCRET BALLOT. "Now. my friends had our forefathers been satisfied with English political supremacy we never would have had a Declaration of Independence. (Applause.) They were not content with the conditions under which they lived, and they put that expression of discontent In the form of a Declaration of Independence, and they maintained that declaration with their blood, and it gives us this form of govern ment. There is this difference between our form of government and the monarchical form: If you aro discontented tinder a monarchy, how can you get relief? You can petition, but your petition may be disregarded. Discontent tinder a monarchy may end In despair, or It may end In revolution. Discontent under our form of government ends in reformation through the peaceful means of the ballot. (Applause.) "I am not going to violate the proprieties of this occasion by entering into a discussion of partisan questions, but I desire to call your attention to certain broad questions which cannot be confined by party' lines. The ballot is the means by which the people of this country must rlsrht eery wrong, and if the people have? not the Independence, if they have no', the Intelligence to right their wrongs at the ba'lot box. they have not the co'ir?e to M-euro their rights in any other way. iApplnise. But. my friends, conditions n-nsc in this country which made lt inipondble for th people" to use the ballot s.ox which they hul. (A voice. 'That's risht!') There were certain influences so strong, to powerful, that men were afraid to exercise freely and upon their own conscience the political rights given them under our Institutions. What did they do? I honor tho laboring men of this country. nd organized labor, standing at the head of the laboring men (applause), because., they secured to the people of this country the Australian ballot. A voice, 'Tlnst ballot will put you in. too!' Renewed applause.) That b-illot did not come to you from above; that ballot is the result of your own demand, lt Is the result of your own lntluence. The laboring man to-day enjoys the advantage of an Australian ballot because the laboring nu-n of this country compelled the adoption of the Australian ballot-laws. (Applause.) ) "Now. my friends, among all th agencies which for the last few years hav? been at work bettering the condition and protecting the rights of the laboring men of this country, 1 believe that the laboring organization stands first among them all. (Applause.) It has brought them together where they could consult with each other; where thev could compare their views, where thev could unite their Strength, where they could make their Influence effective and the laboring man has his or ganization and his own efforts to thank for such blessings ns he linn secured. "Now, mv friends, some have criticised labor organizations. (A voice 'Hanna,