Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 January 1896 — Page 3

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o INBliNAPOLlS JOUENAJV WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 1, 1896. THE J

f i he New York Store

(ESTABLISHED 1823.) A Happy New Year o You All Closed all Day ToDay. Watch Out For Announcement of Linen and Cotton Sale In this evening9 s papers. Pettis Dry Goods Co H?xry tlxo Celebrated LEW V ALL ACE CIGAR The most exquisite 10c Cigar ever offered to the trade. S. D. PIERSON, General Agent AMUSEJIENTS. 'Robin Hood." The Bostonlans still continue to give Smith and De Koven's vlrll opera, "Robin Hood," with triumphant success. The audience at the Grand last night packed the house, and had Jessie Bartlctt Davis and Helen Bertram, and Dlake, and Cowles, and MacDonald, and Baroabee given all the encores unmistakably called for the performance would have run until nearly midnight. This opera and these singers constitute the greatest all-American combination In the operatic line ever sot together, ani from present indications It Is one likely to continue until the New Year's chimes announce the death of this century. After years of one successful season after another the Bostonlans are under contract to go Into New York" again with "Robin Hood" for a three weeks' run In February. By the end of this season. It Is said, the gross receipts for this opera will reach more than a million dollars, and the royalties paid to the author amount to over $100.00). Often as the opera has been given here, there was no appreciable falling off last night In the favor with which the tuneful numbers were received. There.' wa. even a tendency to wild, unrestrained Joy ever Jessie Bartlctt Davis's singing. .nd way not? Nothing on the American itagc can approach her as a dramatic contralto, and If all the stories are to be credited, she outranks all the alleged co.ntr.-.lMs in the European capitals. Eugene i'ovvles Is only a trine less favorite here, and In "Robin Hood" he Is at hM best. Helen Bertram, as Maid "Maries, was far more satisfying than In her trifling role in a "A Wartime Wedding," which, throwing out the music, is simple melodramatic drivel. Harold Blake. In this opera, rr.crts th demand made on his rather small voice with astonishing success. True, there is an unavoidable contrast with the resit of Robin Hood's men cn account of his slight figure and brief stature, but. with this and his voice against him. he fills the role better than any of the tenors who have tried it In years, perhaps better than all of them. Xew Year Attraction. Thoso who seen "Trilby" say It crowds mil plays for being cne of the most fascinating ever put cn the stige. They say further that seeing It once never fails to create a flcsire f0r another evening of this hypnotic drama. It has been the sensation of the season everywhere and Indianap olis is likely to prove no exception. The opening performance at the Grand this afternoon will be witnessed by a very large audience, and to-night the theater will be crowded. The cast Includes Mabel Amber as Trilby, Theodore Robert as gvengall. Frederic Conger as IJttie Billee. Herbert Carr as Taffy. Fank Ro'.leston as the Laird and Lizzie Annandale as Madame Vinard. The engagement is for the remainder of the week, with another matinee Saturday. There is little doubt that Paul M. Potter's dramatization cf Du Maurier's famous novel Is about the cleverest of this decade. The book Is deeply interesting and is being discussed by all. Like a'.l other of the idiosyncrasies of human beings, the graet desire at the present time is for something new. "Trilby" is all of this and even more. It possesses the essentials of originality and realism. It if lifelike In the portrayal of character, and nothing is lost in the dramatization. The character of Trilby is unique, strange and fascinating. Katie Emmett closes her engagement at English' this afternoon and to-night, with performances of "An American Boy," her new play, which is decidedly her most pretentious effort. The Tark's big New Year's audiences this afternoon and evening will enjoy "The fcpan of Life." It is sensational and very well staged and acted. Elmer Grandin.Eva Mount ford and their comrany follow tomorrow In "Slaves of Gold." One of the best specialty shows of the season. Harry Morris's Entertainers, Is filling a week's engagement at the Empire and no far the business has been very good, considering the very disagreeable weather. A special matinee will be given to-day. . i An Act reus' AVI 11 Recalled. CHICAGO, Dec. 31. The death of Minnie Adams Brooke, whose burial took place at Oakwoods on Sunday, recalls the romantic story of the Mandevllle sisters, popular actressess before the war, and a remarkable will made by one of them, which was probated in San Francisco. This document. It Is claimed, was written as a farewell letter on the steamer Pacific, which foundered In November. 1S73. when 185 lives were lost. The document was cast overboard in a bottle, picked up and delivered to the deceased anonymously, and after sixteen years was discovered accidentally to have the force of a holographic will. Depositions are now being taken to enter final proofs of the document. The estate is valued at C0.000. .Minnie Adams Brooke was the daughter of Jennie Mandevllle Parsons, eldest of the Mandevllle sisters, who were popular actresses in New York in the fifties. IimpirlntC Scene nt Trilby TERRE HAUTE. Ind.. Dec. 31. There was a novel feature of the "Trilby" performance given by the Palmer company at the opera house to-nlqht. The- place was crowd ed, and Just as the old year went out the play auddenly stepped, and Mlsi Annandale Ugan singing "The mar-spangled Banner. The enthusiastic audience took up the re fratn. and, seizing the flags with which the house was decorated, waved them overhead while Joining In the song. The scene was an inspiring one. The best and purest la sought by all. Be sure to order Huylera Cocoa and Chocolates

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v. 1 a t , jln POLITICAL SCICNTISTS A VSVT urging in si ess biktiious. IN Franklin Macnh' Paper Some Difference In View an to the Povrcru of Mayor. The first paper on the afternoon programme of the union meeting of Economists was to have been read by Franklin MacVeagh, of Chicago, but it was changed, for some reason, and the paper of Clinton Rogers Woodruff, which on account of Mr. Woodruffs absence, was read by Lucius B. Swift, was placed first. Mr. MacVeagh's paper was a full and complete statement of ; the many problems of city government. 1 He Is closely indentlfled with city affairs in Chicago, and is a man well qualified to write on the subject. Mr. MacVeagh Is a millionaire grocer of Chicago, and is a brother of Wayne MacVeagh, of Philadelphia, whom President Cleveland appointed minister to Italy. Mr. MacVeagh is regarded In Chicago as one of the leading thinkers of the day on municipal matters. He is a man that never refuses to talk of such matters where he thinks It will do some good, and the organization cannot be too poor or lowly that calU for his words. He is prominent In all civic reform movements. His address in full follows: "Present obstacles to the introduction of bualnefs methods in city government divide themselves into two classes: First, defects in charters and other legal equipment; and, secondly, deficiencies in volunteer support by the people support which cannot be supplied by laws or constitutions. "By 'business methods I assume we mean good methods: which have come to be called "business methods because the corrupt, wasteful and partisan methods of unreformed city government have proven themselves conspicuously unbusinesslike, and, therefore, incompetent. I do not belong to the school that inclines to magnify the business character of city government; nor do I think it Judicious to accent property rights in this connection. City government, in my Judgment, is not the affair of the taxpayer any more than the national or Htate. government, whose revenues he al3o contributes and any tendency to think it so alienates popular sympathy, and any effort to reform it into that, in America, would forever fall. "City government is highly political, and, taking it all in all, touches more of the people's political and personal rights and interests has more to do with life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness than perhaps the federal and State governments put together. On the other hand, business meth ods are certainly appropriate to a large part of the functions of city government; and their introduction is rightly a large Dart of the effort of municipal reform. "The first clasn of obstacles to their intro duction I shall treat as summarily as possible, both from lack of time and because I am anxious to accent the other obstacles; and because it seems to me. that so much is habltualiy sail about reforms in the mechanism and laws of city government that far too mucn trust is piacea in mem. "I shall, then, in the form of a summary, and with little or no discussion or comment. enumerate those features of a city charter which are most favorable to the introduction of business methods: "I. Executlvo independence. The Inde pendence of the mayor, and, under the mayor, the independence of each head ft a department. For this the executive work of the government must be wholly In the hands of the mayor; and all appointments to office in the executive departments must be made by the mayor without confirmation by the council. "2. Executive responsibility-. Just as the mayoralty is filled by one man, not only for the sake of greater executive efficiency, but also to concentrate and make definite the responsibility of mayoralty action, so each department, -or both these reasons, should te presided over by one man. Executive beards shculd not exist in city government. They would paralyze a charter made by the National Municipal Reform League itself. "3. The restriction of the powers of the Council. This is of extreme at.d cr'tlca1 Importance. At present th council is th branch chiefly to be reconstructed. It is the seat ff the worst corruption an V the occasion Cl the worst evils of the situation. It is hsy the branch which has had the leaRt actual reform and the least attention from reformers. The charters have advanced very greatly and successfully in respect to the executive; but the successful handling of the problems Involved in city legislation have not very far progressed. The word I especially wish to speak as to charter reform is that the reform of the city council is by rar the most imperative and that the existing evils of c'ty legislation are by far the most crying evils of city gov-, ernment. HIS LIST OP REFORM?. "I shall only Indicate general lines of this reform: "1. All executive power and authority should be taken away from the councils. "2. The right of power to initiate the grant of franchises should be taken away from the council. 2. No rower should reside In tho council to increase assessments for taxation or the rate of taxation, nor to authorize or create debt, except within the strict limits laid down bv the Constitution and general laws of the State. "4. Common sense rules governing councils to prevent hasty and unconsidered action should be incorporated In the general laws of the State. "3. The number of members of councils should be carefully limited. "& Members should bo elected for two years, one-nan at a time, on general uckcts. "7. One house is enough to say the least. "8. Members should be paid reasonable and adequate salaries and ehould not be expected to steal them. "So much for charter reform. "The next great feature of good legal en vironment is civil service reform the merit system. This should embrace all appointees and employes, except the chiefs of departments and their private secretaries. "And the next is home rule. This means: "1. A -charter granted In a general In corporation law of the State. "2. The limits or taxation maae by tr:e State Constitution and strictly general laws of the State. "3. A constitutional prohibition of special legislation. 4. No appointment or city omciais made by any ttate authority. "And the next is election reform. "1. The Australian ballot. "2. Laws governing primaries bringing primary elections under the regular and rlsrld control of law as other elections are. "3. A corrupt practices act applicable to committees and candidates. "4. Separate city elections. "This Includes a summary statement of what I believe is needed in the legal environment and the mechanism of city governmenta programme of municipal reform which would remove the present legal obstacles to the introduction of business methods. "Before passing to the second class of obstacles, permit me to pause a moment to mention an interesting Item of nearlv aM programmes of municipal reform which does not seem as clear a prospect to me as it does to many. I refer to the demand for nonpartisan nominations. Most assuredly I slujuld have no objection to city government without national parties if that were possible. But having had a good deal to do. first and last, with the eiTort to separate city politics from national parties, I have come to the conclusion that, as a permanent condition, it is not possible. And it Is borne in upon my mind that we are wasting a great deal of valuable force in pursuing what seems to me. after a somewhat long and unsuccessful pursuit, a first-lass jack-o'-lantern. It would be a great drawback to the influence of the reople if citizens' tickets can only be reckoned upon as an occasional resort, or as a sword of Damocles hanging over the head of the politicians. There are supposed to be three alternatives: No constant parties at all. constant parties divided exclusively on local issues, and national parties. It seems to me that we must deny our political instincts and habits, and the American commitment to government by parties before we can assume that the politics cf our great cities will get on without parties. PARTIES IN CITY AFFAIRS. "On the other hand, it seems to me that our Imagination can hardly grasp parties permanently divided on city issues. Certainly, I am wholly at a loss to construct permanent dividing lines for such parties. But even if we could construct such parties, where is the proof that they would be any better than the national ones? Sudden popular movements, which result in citizens tickets, may be wise and public spirited, but regularly established city parties, .f conceivable at all. would. In face of these facts of organization and the institution of unavoidable machines, have no more chance of wisdom and public spirit than any other party machines. It is not tho

tne result

"So that it Feems to noe. as we cannot American politics expect to get on with out established parties, pecause or me genius of our Institutions and the fixed habits of the people, so. if we have regular parties, we are liable to machine methods, whatever the parties divide on; and the result, to my mind, is that whether we like it or not, we mdst get on in city politics with the rational parties except that, as a last resort, there is the citizens' ticket as a corrective of a permanent party system. Even in London, with the aid of long-established English opinion in favor of nonpartisan city government, the effort to keep the new government on nonpartisan lines has wholly and most conspicuously failed a. fact, it seems to me, full of Instruction to American municipal reformers. "Since it 13 probable, to my mind, that we must get on with the national- parties, I like to think of their less unfavorable aspects; and do not at all think the case a hopeless one. It would seem that parties counted good enough to decide and direct all the federal affairs of the Nation, all the state affairs of the States, and all of our delicate international affairs, might. If properly looked after by the people, be made good enougn to handle what is left of our political affairs, to-wlt, the government of our cities, especially with the extraordinary aid or that corrective agency, the citizens ticket, which is wholly lacking in Interna tional, national or State politics. "ur course these parties won't. In cities, work exclusively the will of the people if not attended to by the neoDle. And why should they? But neither would any other parties. And if the people really Intend to run parties in their cities, after having so long neglected to do f.o. I cannot see why they cannot run the existing parties as well as new ones, and save themselves the 1m possible task of building up other parties mat cannot De Duiiuup. "The effective remedy, if you will permit me to say so, is rapidly growing up not Independent parties In municipal affairs, but independent votinz in munKMnAl n ff n i rj A phenomenal increase in this is one of the siriKing ieatures and factors of the time and has the advantage, over the establish ment or new parties, of being in the actual drift and current of the popular movement. MEANS OF REFORM. "All of which, bringing me to the second class of obstacles, brings me to what I have especially to say. which is, that no change in the mechanism of city government, nor any number of such changes, will of themselves bring us good city government or business methods in city government; and no changes In the patronage system, however helpful and beneficial, will of itself, or associated with any number of charter improvements, bring us good government; nor will the fullest measure of home rule, added to all these good things, bring ic. But something else and far different is needed as a final change, town: a change in the political habits qf the people a change from habitual neglect of political duties by the body of our pocalled good citizens to habitual attention to them. Happily, thi3 does not Involve a change of heart and habit in all so-called good citizen. That would be hopeless for large numbers of 'good citizens' are so Incapable of good citizenship that they will always steal a ride while better citizens do the work. But all are not needed: tor so potent is righteousness and right thinking in city affairs that one righteous citizen is stronger than a hundred workers or evil. It does not take all to gain control. And control is not a3 far off as it was a few years ago. When New York can have fairly good government for even one year no city need despair. A new era is at hand. The 'good citizen Is to give place to f better citizen. "j10 ,may bo done by charter changes and the like to prepare the way. but it is impossible to get good city government in America without reforming the attitude of the well-intentioned people. And one cannot too emDhaticallv against the tendency to overvalue the importance of technical changes and reforms. They are right and good but they are, after all, but the lifeless form of city government that can only bo made alive, can only be touched by the Promethean, fire, by the energy of men without axes to grind. The Ideas of good government cannot enter otherwise into these nerveless forms of reform. Public spirit, the only source, the only spring of life for good city government In America, cannot' gain a foothold In city government except through the energy of he best men in the community. I speak of permanent phases. Certainly a mayor, however elected, may turn out a public-spirited official and for the time being we may have one man striving against the tremendous odds of a corrupt system. But right citv government can be permanently brought about only througJi the reform, of the bad habits of the good people. "It Is so strongly my feeling that the trouble lies in the disused or weakly used citizenship of the honest part of tho peonle that I principally care to urge that thought. All that has been so far done I? due to the awakening of popular interest. to stirring up tne latent good citizenship of the communities. We can have business methods In city government with a good charter or without a good charter whenever the citizens who believe in these methods care to take the trouble. It is faeasier to accomplish good government with than without a good charter, and with than without the merit system, and with than without home rule: but it is impossible with all these aids and without the aid of the well-intentioned people. BURDENS ON EVIL-DOERS. "When,' therefore, I mentioned the chief features of a good charter and civil-service reform and home rule as aids to the In troduction of business methods, however much I valued these things In themselves, I valued them also as the removals of so many obstacles to the activity of the nonmacblne citizen. Thee reforms are Intended to make it hard for tho evil-doers and easy for the righteous. But they are net panaceas, for it is not possible to get gocd city government to work automatically. No machine possible to be devised will act by itself and produce good city government or automatically work on the .incs of business methods. There i3 no perpetual motion in city government: and if there should be, with such citizens as we have now. It would perpetually produce a mass of corruntton and incompetency and public disgrace. Somebody will run the government because It cannot run alone. If the 'good citizens' who .ire in the majority, else free government would be an impossibility wish to run vhe city, they can; if they don't run it, citizens not so good will run It. A rood ystem of government won't produce good government without good citizens. It will merely make bad government more difficult for bad citizens, or good government more easy for good citizens. Wo have, fcr example, in Chicago all of these good things, except a reformed Council, including civil-service reform and home rule; but our enemies permit themselves to say that better government than ve have is still a-possibility of the future. "Now, if the obstacle of obstacles to good city government is tho nonparticlpatlon of the good citizen in city politics and city affairs and If this s not a mere vague fling at one's neighbors, but a scientific fact, let us inquire why this obstacle exists. I think it Is explained by four states of the public mind. WHY GOOD) CITIZENS ARE INACTIVE. ,"FIrst, there is the feeling of no obligation to take part in city politics and government. Nothing Is more abnormal than this, and yet nothing Is more common. One would think if a man wished to live without the duties of cltizeshlp he would find a country where government is not done by the people; and that if he preferred a country governed by the people he could net live in it without a sense of his share in the power and responsibility of government. But most of us both refuso to live In any other country and refute to rea'.ly live in this; for a man who in a self-governed country doesn't help to govern, doesn't live, but merely hangs on. The . saving clause Is that at the bottom of our minds most of us do admit the responsibility of citizenship who on the surface deny it; and certainly those of us who rise to political consciousness In occasional tpurts frhow that we might live useful civil lives if somebody would wake us really up. "Secondly, there is the cuscomary tentlment toward the city government that it is something apart from ourselves something we have a right to swear at as outsiders, fce.lng that its horribly neglected duties are enough to provoke that saint, 'the good citizen.' It Is supposed to be for us, to be sure, but not of us or by us. It does not occur to us to blame ourselves or to think we did It. "Thus we neither govern nor give up self-government, and as a consequence we .jet a government never contemplated in any pystem conceived y rro-ta; an, nh ther monarchic, absolute or limited, arlstocrat:c. oligarchic, democratic or republican. We get a government for which a new name will have to bo invented signifying a government by the greatest uMit. "The third abnormal state of mind which, according to my analysis, leads to the .rtsent attitude of the good citizen, is chiefly due to the money-rcltlng spirit of .he oge, which is to be modified in time. In its present abnormal degree, the moneysetting spirit is new, and there is no reason to fear that It can last. If It were

to last, all of the really spiritual elements

of our national life would be driven to emigrate. It would be an instance or Gresham law applied to the lactors or rational character. I mean now the feel ing of the 'good citizen" that he can treat citizenship from a pecuniary point of view and thus afford to endure bad govern ment better than he can afford to give time to get gocd government. This is not peculiar to the very rich, but to all well-ln-tentloned citizens, whatever tne amount or sources of their Income. The feeling is that one may choose between taxes or In come, or salary or wages and political effort; that citizenship can bei taken ror nothing, or, like some foreign titles, can be paid for in cash, and things squared once for all squared with the town and squared with one's conscience. THE UNPARDONABLE SIN. "There is but one step from all this sense of irresponsibility and self-separation from city government and I believe this is the very road by which the step Is taken to that deep pit of fallen citizenship. Into which men plunge who bribe their way' through city governments to what they want. Theso men commit the unpardonable sin of city life. I know of nothing In all tho range of municipal reform more important that the tearing up by the roots of the infamous practice.) of bribery. Thero is no worse citizen in America than the good citizen who pays a bribe. He 13 as much worse than the man bribed as his social and financial opportunities are greater and his temptation less. His crime is committed without necessity and without haste. It is cold-blooded, mercenary debauchery, and wholly Inexcusable. It must be stopped. It -furnishes food for the greater part of the corruption of city government; with the spoils system, it fur nishes nearly all; and it is Impossible to reform city government as long as this horrible vice, in its present infamous virulence, exists. It is not only a grand obstacle to the introduction of business methods In city government, and it is not only Immoral, dishonest and dishonorable as scarce'y anything else In the corruption of city life is, but upon the part of the bribers, is scandalously mean and degraded, in view of their chances in the honorable competition of business life, and of the absence of all serious temptation. As I believe the uprooting of these practices to be of the greatest moment to municipal reform, I beg to offer the practical suggestion that a change ought to be made in the laws punishing this crime. We have tried, without avail, laws making both briber and bribed eoually punishable, because, as both are liable to punishment, both have the highest motive for secrecy and evidence can hardly ever be obtained. We have also tried making the bribed alone punishable; and this has not availed, because the briber Is usually a man of too much position to be willing to tell the truth about his crime and appear in his true H?ht. He is of that higher grade of criminals which can be trusted to believe In honor among thieves. I suggest the remaining alternative of making punishment apply only to the briber, for though the bribed would not always peach, he certainly sometimes would: and the briber would always regard him a3 a man who might and would be fairly sure that when exposure did not follow, blackmail would; and this would add new risks that very few moneyed men would dare to take. Moreover, In city government bribery, there are usually so many of the bribed that the risks of exposure would be immensely multiplied. I commend this reform to your attention. "The fourth and last which I have to mention of these states of public consciousness is the lack of sensitiveness to the evils of city government. The public conscience is not sensitive to the corruptions of city government. Nor is It alive to the baseness of bribery. The publla taste is not awake to the disorder and dirt and general ugliness of our cities. Tublic pride takes but little offense at those things which make our cities a reproach to civilization. The publio mind is not yet fullv alive to excess of partisanship in city affairs; nor to the excess in partisanship in newspapers, which, in purely city affairs, protect their parties when in office and keep them from serving the city at their best: and even deter many good men by their intemperate criticism from going into city politics at all. The people must blame themselves for this. because newspapers are what the people expect them to be, nothing in the world being more dependent 'upon public taste and public approval than the press. REAL CAUSE AND REMEDY. "The most underlying of all the causes of the people's neglect of city politics is this want of sensitiveness to the evils of bad city government. You cannot get people to exert themselves to cure evils they do not mind. - "The' remedy Is wlucation.' That pounds remote, and, disappointing, ;but it Isn't so bad as that. I wish' it ere" not so bad as it is, but that can not -be 'helped. You cannot have good city government without energetic good citizens to counteract energetic bad citizens; and you cannot get citizens to be energetic against corrupt public life who do not heartily hate corruption; nor against shocking incompetence and neglect who are not shocked by them; nor against bribery who do not heartily hate bribing and despise bribers; nor against filthy streets and disgraceful sanitation whose lives are not made unhappy by them; nor against prodigal, selfish and partisan waste of the public funds if their indignation is not stirred by it. Therefore you must first stir the people to see all these things with un abiding consciousness that burns into tHe rain, and bate them with an abiding hatred that perpetually stirs their resentment. Education Is the only remedy. This education has begun. It has begun prosperously and hopefully. New citizens are constantly enlisting in the fight, which Is growing warm against the auiacious travesty of free government in our cities. There Is no conversion needed, for no sane man defends American city government. What is needed is to educate and stimulate the sensitiveness of the citizens, and to stir their blood. Agitation and publicity are the chosen methods of this education. "The most essential preliminary is to understand the problem to. understand the limits and the particulars of what is needed to be done. After that we have nothing o fear; we have only to 'learn to labor and to wait:' for whatever is needed will be accomplished by the growing spirit of reform, no matter how long the effort shall need to be prolonged. "The evidences of this are stirring on all sides; but we could infer it, without present evidence from the political genlns of the American people and its exalted mission to establish and -protect self-government: for political genius and mission alike would prove the greatest disappointments of political history if city government, such as we know it to-day, could by any possibility become permanent in America." LACK OP MIMCIPAL IXTEREST. Young- Men Sec Too Mneh Opportunity In Private Life. Lucius B. Swift read the first paper on the subject, "The Present Obstacles to the Adoption of Business Methods in Municipal Administration." prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff, secretary of the National Municipal League. In' part It was as follows: "The title given to this discussion seems to Indicate that it is to be taken for granted that business methods do not prevail In municipal administration. This is true if we confine ourselves to American cities. If there is one subject more than another which has received general consideration during the past five years, it Is that of murlcipal government In tne United States." Reference was made to the widespread discussion of the question by the press, and, If we are to judge from these, but one conclusion can be reached, that, not only is municipal government far from attaining the highest possible standards, but in many instances is positively bad. 1 lUinK. It eillllCI nimui uic main i say that the people are awakening to the fact that all Is not as it ehould be, and there is something radically wrong. They are not aware of the extent of the problems; nevertheless, the fact that their attention has been directed to the situation, and that they are buy discussing ways and means of introducing a better era will ere long result in substantial improvement and permanently changed conditions. Generally speaking, we have had bad city government, and we agree that business methods should prevail in it. The question logically arises: What obstacles stand In the way of applying h'iiness methods to our municipal af fairs. Briefly stated, the answer would be: 1 American commercialism. 2. The spirit of partisanship. 3. The ml?placement of emphasis since the outbreak of the civil war. 4. An erroneous political perspective. 5. Executive legislation. 6. Want of Jocal autonomy. ... "Commercialism, or undue absorption in private business, or an undue desire to accumulate wealth, has been the distinguishing characteristic of the average American during the present century and especially since the civil war. This spirit has produced certain effects and leads to several results, the consideration of which will throw some llirht upon one obstacle to the adoption of business methods In municipal administration. Commercialism leads to the absorption of the best bigness talent in every community in private business affairs, because the legitimate rewards are larger, and because there is a permanency of tenure rot found in ppMlc afr?ira." In Illustrating this point, the paner says the returns In mercantile, manufacturing

ani professional pursuits are much larger than those from even the highest offices,

and as long as this remains true even the honors of ofnceholJing will not tempt talented men from private business pursuits. ThP noint was made that a young man starting out In private business knows that by diligence and attention to details ne wui be able to improve his position and emoluments. "Is it any wonder," the paper goer on to say, "that private affairs irresistibly attract young men, and that we find the public servico in many cities filled with men who cannot make a livelihood elsewhere, and who resort to public patronage only when all other resources fall CommercialIsm robs the public service of the best men and leaves it almost bare." The writer contended commercialism leads not only to the absorption of talent in private affairs, but also the diversion of the constructive talents of the community to the same channels. "As a result of this tendency," he says, "we have the curious condition of great advance in business that has placed us at the head of the commercial world, while in municipal methods we are a generation or so behind. Another result of commercialism is seen in the indifference of the average voter, who is so wrapped up in his business that he forgets to discharge his few simple duties as a citizen. Most of them to whom this statement is applicable reason the emount of time they would devote to political affairs if devotee? to their private business would yield a return very much larger than the Increased tax they will be subject to by permitting Incompetent men to run the city government. Inasmuch as most of our taxation has been indirect; insignificant as compared with European taxes', voters have not felt the full effect of high municipal taxation and extravagant and inefficient local government. BRIBING PUBLIC OFFICERS. The spirit of commercialism has also had an effect somewhat different from those Just considered. Many men who devote their brains and energies to the consummation of great undertakings have found it is good business to conciliate the governing powers. Their power has been to make their interests identical." He goes on to show that the business man found It would pay him better to bribe than to pay the city the true value of privileges sought. "We 'find almost an universal complaint that important concessions are made to capitalists witn no restrictions or regulations worm mentioning, individuals and corporation desiring public wonc hnd they can make more money by bidding a low rate ror contracts ana then purchasing lax Inspection and an ignoring of. speclncatioas tnaa by oiuding a higner price wita honest official oversight." it was then snown to be true that tne present lack of business methods is more largely due to these causes than to universal suffrage and foreign population. Partisanship, or the prostitution of public otfice and measures to party success was held to be the next greatest obstacle. "A party as a means to an end is right, but as an end in itself it is all wrong, and yet we have made party success the end to be attained in the United states," said the paper. "To accomplish this wo have utilized the offices. They have not served to promote the well being of the people, but pay off party debts and strengthen the party's working force. Men are nominated to important positions to conciliate interests of value to the party. This keeps business men out of public life. It keeps young men of ability from entering the civil service. It keeps politicians in office and prevents the adoption of business methods. Undue emphasis of party loyalty has brought about a transfer of allegiance from publio to party interests. "The cry of "measures, not men,' always a mistaken and unwise policy, is still more so now when the Issues are mainly business ones. The average voter feels there is some magic in a good measure that will transform a bad man into a good one. This misplacement of emphasis has led: 1. To party politicians and machines furnishing party measures of the most inspiring character as a cloak to the candidacy of weak men. 2. To the organization of extensive political machines on the plea ' of great measures must be backed up by organization, the real purpose of the machine, however, being to plunder the public for the personal profit of the politician. American people have formed an erroneous conception of the importance of municipal government, and have awarded first place In their interest and attention to national and State issues. As a matter of fact, a citizen comes into contact with municipal government many times more than with the State and national. Second best has been regarded as good enough for the city, and the best political talent of the community has been diverted from the service of the city to that of the State and Nation. , "Most, if not all. American cities fail to endow their executive officers with sufficient power to secure A well-rounded, continuous, businesslike conduct of municipal affairs. .They permit the local legislatures to interfere to too great extent in the conduct of purely executive business. Councils should determine general politics, fix the tax rate, make appropriations and pass ordinances of general import. Their power to meddle in executive business should be verv greatly curtailed. Until such a step is taken business methods cannot be adopted, because business men will not assume important offices and grave responsibilities to be continually hampered In the discharge of their duties. Want of local autonomy is the operation on a large scale of the obstacle just mentioned." The paper closes with the statements that our local governments have ben modeled too closely after the federal plan, and that State legislatures are permitted to meddle too much In local affairs. DR. C.LADDEWS PAPER. He Given Some Pertinent Inalnncen of Corrupt Government. Dr. Washington Giadden, a minister of Columbus, O., took a leading part In the dis cussion of the afternoon topic. He agreed In general with the statements of the other speakers, but advanced some ideas that had not been mentioned. His paper is given in full as follows: The first question Is what we should regard as business methods in municipal administration. The answer might be: "1. The organization of the public business In such a way that responsibility shall be clearly defined and enforced. 2. The employment In public stations of those who are presumably well qualified to discharge their duties. 3. The greatest economy in administration, consistent with good service. These would be business methods, I should say. In the way cf the adoption of each and all of these there are many obstacles. "The first of these principles seems to me to be essential. I do not know of any kind of business, from that of managing a railway to that of managing a church, which does not require the definition and location of responsibility and a central power to enforce it. But we often encounter, in organizing municipalties, strong objections to giving the executive any power. In the State of Ohio this prejudice frs exceptionally strong. Unluckily the first territorial Governor, General St. Clair, was a very dictatorial and domineering person; and when the Constitution of the State was formed the convention took good care to limit in every possible way the authority of the executive. Our Governor is, therefore, so far as his official powers are concerned, a very insignificant functionary. He has no influence over legislation: he does not possess the veto power; his duties are chiefly to appoint a few inferior State officers and the trustees of the various charitable institutions. You may not. have got this impression about our Governors; indeed, they re sometimes men who are capable of filling much more responsible positions, and some of them have thought so themselves. One of the advantages of the Ohio governorship is that a man has not much to do but aspire. But what I am trying to point nut is that the prejudice against a Ftrong executive is traditional in Ohio. We do not nropose that any man shall have executive newer enoue-h to do anv harm: and governments in which the executive is stripped of power will not be managed on business principles. THE MAYOR'S RESPONSIBILITY. "This traditional prejudice has lately been overcome among us, to the extent of giving to the Mayor, In a few of our cities, a considerable measure of responsibility; but the power thus conferred Is in some cases timidly and tardily accepted; the executive seems very loath to imitate Andrew Jackson and take the responsibility. I apprehend that something of this fear of enlarging executive power prevails elsewhere than in Ohio, and leads to the adoption of methods of administration which are as far removed from business methods as the East Is from the West. "With respect to the other two principles named the employment of competent officials and the enforcement of a rigid economythe obstacles in the way of these are very numerous. We may say that the political machines, all of them, are obstacles to the adoption of these methods. The entire organization of modern politics tends to defeat the introduction of these methods. Every political machine is. In effect, if not in purpose, an organization for the prevention of economy. Men who are in politics for what there is init would naturally be opposed to the diminution of their resources. Thev want the salaries to be large, the fees and "perquisites to be numerous and extra vagaill, tney prtirr umi i.it? uicuiuua oi irwting contracts should- be so loose and collusive that work of all kinds shall cost the city far more than It costs private citizens; they prefer this because the contractor can be made to share these ill-gotten gains with themselves. To the man who makes a business of politics the treasury of the city or the State is the source of supplies, the

true objective of nhl?orst' cess consists In getting as large a portion

The more loo?e. Irregular, irre?ronlDtle. wasteful are the methods or aammisirauua the better his ends are served Tkno tf th dnartmentS Of one Of Our OWn city governments lately purchased 5f a local firm between fifty and sixty-Jive extinguishers for public buildings at $2 each, when private persons were purchasing the same articles at from ten to thirteen dollars each: The same department lately ordered J1.0W worth of books from a publishing house through an agent, of course at 3 per pent, discount on the highest retail price. It Is evident that these were not b-siaess transactions, and it is equally evident why they were not. If goods were purchased for the city by business methods there would be little inducement for certain classes of people to go into politics. THE TAN P AY ERS ROBBED. "In this morning's Columbus paper I have been reading on my way over the report of an Investigating committee appointed by the City Council, which shows the fraudulent overpayment to a gang of contractors of between $40.0jO and 0,000 upon tho construction of a sewer. The report says: 'That the city and taxpayers have been openly and flagrantly robbed by Us dishonest, or. to say the least, negligent officers or agents in the construction of these sewers goes without saving.' That the engineer in charge 'entered upon the wholesale plunder or tne public funds by dishonest methods' this committee affirms, and the neglect of his superiors, under which this was suffered to go on, can bo little less than criminal. The evidence shows.' says this committee. 'that the engineer had the contractors begin their work near the middle of the different lines of sewer, making no provision for on outlet: before the work was half completed the funds were all exhausted, and the por tions of the sewer finished had been, studiously made useless until another appropriation could be obtained.' I suppose that he began it In the middle because he meant that. If he coula help It, it should never come to an end. The dishonest officials arraigned In this Investigation are of the same political party as the majority of the committee arraigning them, so it is pretty safe to conclude that, the charges are not exaggerated. "For the last year It has been my un pleasant duty to spend a good deal of time in the careful examination of the business method3 of our own municipality, and the amount of iniquity disclosed is positively sickening. Our city has been pretty ex tensively paved within the past ten years, and competent engineers express tne opm ion that the pavement has cost the city from 30 to 50 per cent, more than it should have cost. All this is due to a combination of rascally contractors with dishonest poli ticians. Hard things are sometimes said cf Columbus, but in one respect, at any rate, it is not like hell: it has not been paved -w ith good intentions. The Intentions of the contractors and officials managing the mat ter must certainly hsve been bad. And if the proverb tells the truth about the con structlon of the pavements down there, I feel pretty pure that when our Columbus contractors get there they will find their occupation gone there Is a crumb of com fort in that reflection. HOW;OFFICE3 ARB REGARDED. "Sc far as the selection of the most competent service Is concerned. It is evident that the political machines have only a sub ordinate Interest in them. The offices are not regarded as positions of public responsl bllity and duty; they are regarded as the rewards of faithful work for the party. The question is not whether this man is the best man obtainable to do this work, but whether he is entitled to the place, in view of what he has done or may do for the machine. When Frankfort-cn-the-Maln wants a new system of sewerage she searches through Germany and finds a man who, by his scientific attainments and his business experience. Is best fitted for this responsible task. When one of our American cities contemplates such an enterprise the man put in charge of It is apt to be the man with the strongest pull at the headquarters of the party in power. Jn short, it may be said that all the Interests, traditions, purposes, ideas of the men who make a business of politics are naturally adverse to the adoption of business methods In municipal administration. The more businesslike these methods are, tho more rigidly efficiency, and economy, and skill, and experience, and responsibility were insisted on. the smaller their opportunity would be. The great obstacles In the way of the adoption of business principles in municipal government are the political organizations, controlled by the men who make a business of politics. These people are greatly strengthened in their work of obstruction by those who have nothing to do with politics. There are a gTeat many men in all our cities who are both capable and honest, who might render the city efficient service, but who refuse to do so because of the sacrifice Involved When our present Mayor took office he ma.1e a strenuous effort to secure as his heads of departments several able men, but they declined to come to his aid. By this unpatriotic reluctance to make the necessary sacrifice of ease or gain for the public good the rule of the bosses is continued. THE MXCHINE THAT WINS. "The political machine, whose interest lie3 in the obstruction of business methods of administration, is also bulwarked by the abject partisanship of the great majority of voters. It is the machine that wins the party victories, and almost everything will be forgiven to those who will lead the party to victory. A man like Quay, of Pennsylvania, or Gorman, of Maryland, or Piatt, of New York, is a great man in the eyes of the sincere partisan. If the city patronage will help him he must have it. by all means. What are business considerations compared wiin the success of the glorious old party? "Finally, if 1 may use a kind of liiber-' nlanism, I would say that one of the great oustacies to tne. adoption of business methods in the city affairs, something that isn't there. The apostle say that things that are not something bring to naught things that are, and we ha v here an illustration of It. The lack of public spirit of an active, effective municipal pride and patriotism, on the part of the people at large, is the great hindrance to municipal reform. Service and sacrifices are required not only of the few who aro summoned to take office, but of all the rest of the citizens. The business of governing a city is an arduous business; it in entrusted, in our country, to the people of the city not merely to those who happen to be in office; not merely those who run the political machines, but to the whole voting population, find it will never be well done unless thoso who are charged with it attend to it. It will take time and patience, and perseverance, and knowledge, and skill, and fidelity, and courage on tut part of the citizens; it will require from them a willingness to forego some of their gains, to risk unpopularity, to undergo discomfort and some hardship in order that the plunderers and the parasites may be dilven from power and kept from power, and the government of the city be kept in tne nanas oi tnose wno nave Doth the ability and the will to govern well. It requires of old citizens more than most citizens are willing to render. We are too busy most of us. with our shops and our merchandise, our briefs and our sermons to give much attention to this great business of governing the city. We leave that, mostly, to the men who make a business of it. By so doing we openly confess to them that public interest may be sacrificed to private gain. How can we complain, if when they Hnd themselves in office they act upon our principles? "All then, I fear, is dismally commonplace. I am well aware that I have not succeeded in saying anything new or interesting. I do not know that there Is anything more to be said than this, that the people of our cities will have good government whenever they are ready to take the same pains to secure it that they expect to taKe in getting any otner good thing on wnicn tney set incir nearts. THE COXCLVDIXG DISCTSSIOX. Professor Jenks Doe Xot Believe In Mayor n Autocrnta. Trofessor John II. Gray, of the Northwestern University, In discussing the topic of the afternoon held that the municipal Ideas of most of the people were those of the eighteenth century, while the de mands were those of the nineteenth cen tury. People have lost sight of the proper standard of municipal government, and in turning out one set of rascals have only put In another. The reform Council re cently elected by the Civic Federation of Chicago was cited as an example to the point. Professor E. "W. Bcmis considered the iopic briefly. He insisted that honest regulation of powerful corporations Is one Important reform needed. More needful. Indeed, is this than a reform among ward politicians. Professor J. W. Jenks also spoke for the need of a better civic spirit. He did not believe the idea of minimizing the powers cf city councils and placing autocratic power in the hands of the mayor was no more useful than a temporary expedient. He thinks It best to reform city councils and then trust them with powers. He favors the plan of proportionate representation in a council. If one party or group casts one-tenth of the total rote

that party or group should be entitled to

one of ten representatives. In concluding he said: "I can but touch upon one more tplc. Another useful change would be or.c tl at has been started in a fw State far an some county officers and State Institutions are concerned. I refer to the Inspection by a ttate officer of the accounts and of the work of local oKlcers. "The raters Just read have objected to the supervision of city governments by State legislatures. That Is. perhaps, wise. Supervision is an executive function, jl.it supervision is needed, an-i a reort or the work of the different cities in the Stat-, made by an intelligent. exiert official, which should Fhow liow the city business was done in each place, how revenues were collected and expended, how the citv accounts were kept. etc.. would have much to do toward Improving tho Pusines methods. Still more would be done If uch a State superintendent, or examiner, or a board with similar rowers should t per mitted to prescribe uniform methods of keeping accounts in cities, in maKe suggestions regarding methods of administration, should receive detailed reports from the city governments or the state, analyze and compare them t.nd publish the results for public use. The obstacles are ignorance and dishonesty of the officials. The supervisory board would tend to remove both. "We must trust the people with the government. We shall have a good ity gorernment on a permanent basis when we give to the people a chance to express their will freely, with the certainty that their will thus expressed will be carried out. The two measures suggested I have no time to offer more would tend strongly in this direction." To-Dny'n ProRrnnimc. Morning. "Mirabeau, a Victim of the Ittres de . Cachet." I'rof. Fred W. Fling. University of Nebraska. "The Worship of Rearon In Paris During the Reign of Terror." Henry E. Bourne. Western Reserve University. "James Wilson and the PhilaJdphla Convention," Prof. A. C. McLaughlin. University of Michigan. History and Geography. Prof. U. J. Weatherly, University of Indiana. AftemjDn. "A Day on Braddock's Ro.id." Reuben G. Thwaltes, secretary Wisconsin Historic Society. "The Development of tho RepiMIcan Tarty, 17S9-lSiC, Geographically Confident." Dr. O. G. Libby, University of Wisconsin. "The Earliest American Es.ay on Proportional Representation." Prof. E. J. James, University of Chicago. Symposium "How May Collegiate and University Instruction In History. economics. Political Science ard Sociology be Made More Elective for Good Citizenihlp." Paper by Prof. John J. Halscy. Ike Fort't University. The discussion will be participated In. it is expected, by President James H. Canfieid and Prof. J. A. Woodburn. A RETURN TO GRAVEL UOAHD OP WORKS SHOW A VI2AKKMG OX PERMAET ST It KETS. Capltol-Arenne Mnrndnm Wlll'Probably Not lie Continued Above Twelfth Street. Members of the Board of Works are not altogether pleased with the macadem pave ment being laid on Capitol avenue. Th work is being done according to specifications and the pavement will be properly completed, but it Is tho opinion of the board that when finished it will not be all that is anticipated. Thero has been pome difficulty in obtaining; a top layer, Indianapolis being far from the fields where the best granite top can be obtained. The board sees ahead much: expense to keep the pavement In order. Objection Is already made to the difficulty thero will bo in keeping the pavement clean The street is level and the macadam will not have the drainage It has in districts whero it Is the most popular. Colonel Downing, president of the board, is not in favor of the original proposition to macadamize Capitol avenue to the neighborhood of Crown Hill. Hq favors stopping the macadam at Twelfth street, for which contracts have already been let. Mr. Moore, of the board, talks In the same strain, paying he believes thero will be some disappointment with the pavement of macadam. An idea for the Improvement of the remainder of he avenue was contained in the following communication received yesterday from Alfred F. Potts, the attorney: "It is understood that you have now. under consideration the policy to be adopted for improvements during the ensuing year. If such is the case, there arc many citizens who wish an opportunity to be given the many advocates of the gravel street to test tne pracllcaDUliy Ol ineir iiaun. j'.Miiiuiri have been made and it is found that if wo take the average cost of an asphalt street as a basis, compute the interest of the investment, that the interest paid into a fund would raise a sufficient fund to repair any average street, and to keep a man employed on every two squares to thoroughly clean the street, level up its lrresulrlties an i keeo it in thorough order. - liy such a scheme the property holder Is paved the, expensive investment, secures the best of all streets and the city would ave the expense of street cleaning and repairs. ' Almost everynoay oamus tnai trere is no street or road so sanitary as one made with hard packed gravel, and every man who owns a horse or bicycle regard U as the pleasantest of all surfaces to ride on. I have been conferring with some' of the property owners in a certain section of the city, all of whom are anxious to preserve their streets from the expensive and disagreable feature of the asphalt and block pavements. They are willing to undertake the repair of the street and its maintenance, and relieve the city from ll expense. 1 write to ask if a body of responsible property owners will enter into an agreement with the board to maintain a certain stretch of street for a given period in good condition, at their own expense, whether the board will consent to such Improvement, under proper pecirtcations as to the work td be done." Colonel Downing thought It advisable to gravel Capitol avenue from Twelfth street northward. The board ha already derided upon the Improvement of Raymond street in a manner suggested by Mr. Potts. Mr. Moore believes that great care should b taken In allowing such privileges, as permissions should not be granted indiscriminately. He also said gravel will Ivirdiy answer for those streets on which there is heavy traffic. Colonel Downing expressed the opinion that should a number of well constructed gravel streets be laid, the city fhould have a heavy roller to aid in keeping them In repair. He estimated that a gravel 6treet can be made for one-third the cost of asphalt, cedar block or macadam, and a system whereby repairs can be made and cleanliness maintained, will cost property owners little more than sweeping of the other streets. Colonel Downing said he knew of no better street for driving than a, well kept gravel one. but constant care must be taken to keep them in first-class condition. . Mr. Potts will probably be consulted concerning tho improvement he refers to, while the board may decide during the nxt few weeks to improve feveral streets with Kgravtl, laid in a flrst-tlas manner. AS A RKStLT OP 1IASTH. nnnnl of Safety CnuncW n Considerable Exlrnvngnm-e. The Board of Safety last week contracted for an Arer.s lire engine at a cost of XZSAA No MJs wefe received. Now comes the La France company, of- Elmlra. N. Y.. which states that they would have constructed tho same Myl of an engine, equally as good, for $1.3-M. It Is announced that hereafter tb hoard will receive bids as prescribed by the charter. Mr. Holt Itt-iippolnled. Sterling II. Holt was jcslerday ap;lnted a member of the park board for a period of ffve years by Mayor Tasgart. Mr. Holt o-ai ftervlnz the unexpired term caused by the lesignation of Frank Maus. At Robert Pnrk ToI)a. There will be a series of meetings at Roberts Park Church to-day. The meetlnj at 10:30 o'clock in the morning will be for the aged. At 2:J o'clock in the afternoon and at 7:30 o'clock in the evening there wU be mass meetings. Revivalist usirom will give his wrmon, in the evening. 'Christ Crowded Oat," Marlon Trunt fniiin)' OClrr. The Marion Trust Company yesterday received its certificate, authorizing It to d business, from the Aulitor of i-'tate, a", to-morrow will open Its office in the Frarklln Building, on the srmthea-t corn r c Monument place and Market street.

Hood Frame. Summer Front. Jno. 11. L!" V

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