Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 July 1895 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, THURSDAY, JULY 4, 1GD5.

6

THE DAILY JOURNAL

THURSDAY, JULY 4, 1505. tyASHlKCTOSOrnCE-lllOPINSSTlYAKlA AYE2IUE Telephone Calls. - Buslnert Offlce .' ZK EUltomt Rooms. .....A M TEI13IS OP SLUSCIUPTIOX. DAILY 87 KAIL. rny cnly, fne month f ,t) Duly only, three n.onttis 2.00 Iliy only. one year 8.00 Illr, im-ludtug Sunday, one year ... 10.00 eumiay culy, one year T. 2.W Pally, per week, br larrler.. is rt Suwlay, tingle copy ft cw Dt-lly ami biiudiy, per week, by earner 20 cts . WEZKLY. Ttrjtur. 51.00 Reduced Rates to Clubs. Fubwrlbe tyjth any of our numerous aetata or send fclscriptlons to the JOUKNAL NEWSPAPER COMPANY, . Indianapolis, Ind. rerwn sending the Journal throniih the m&Cs In tbe t'nlteU state euoukl int su an e!nht-aq paper a b-ck:xt postage stamp; on a twelre or tUteen-pag. rarer a tw(kest ixwtaac k'Jtaip. yoreijn postage U bfeually double these rate. fiAn communications Intended for pnbllcatlon Id tbu paper must. In order to receive attention, be accompanied by the name and address of the writer. TUB INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can be foetid at the foUowlng Lirei PAKIS American chaise Ui laxU, X Boulevard At Capurlne. SKW YUKK JUaey Horn?, Winder Hotel and Astor House." $JULA DEI.ni IAA. P. Kembla, cor. Lancaster are. and IiariDff bt. CHICAGO rainier IIoim, Auditorium Hotel and P. O. Newt Co., l Adams street C1SCISNATI-J. K, Hawlej Co., 114 Vine street. LOriSVILLK C T. Deerlnjr. northwest corner or Third and Jefferson at., and Lou v ill Book Co., 3J6 Fourth ave. fcT. LOUI3 UnJon Newi Company, Union Depot WASHINGTON. D. C. Rlgjr Houe, Ebbltt noose, WUlard'a Hotel and tbe Washington New Exchange, litn street, bet. l'eiin. ave. and k' vtreeL The Fourth of July is one of the world's red. lttter flays.Unlimited .16 to 1 was a "scorcher" April. 1, but. to-day It is the victim of a punctured pneumatic tire. Chicago is undoubtedly improving its Common Council, as It cost $150,000 to carry a Job through the present body, and $30,000 had sufficed heretofore. If a private corporation should make the showing of deficits in Its statements which Secretary Carlisle has, it would be placed in the hands of a receiver. When the prospects of the Nation were darkest because of. armed forces in. the South and skulking foes in the North, Fourth of July gave it a Gettysburg, a Vicksburg, renewed courage and revived faith. Hail to the glorious Fourth! One Democratic party In Indiana has no more than the chance of a forlorn hope under present conditions, but when it Is made two over the silver question, as thfc leaders now seem determined.it shall be, there will be two more parties of the Populist dimensions. There are a few people this morning who would veto the glorious Fourth because of the pestilent fire-cracker, but it is a foreign nuisance, which has been made more a nuisance this year than ever by a tariff designed to open the whole world to freer trade. The putting of the pension offices under the civil service rules when nearly all the clerks are Democrats may help to keep them in position when the Republicans come into power, and it may not, as those who are incompetent can be. dropped out at any time. Banker Plerpont Morgan would like the Job of placing $200,000,000 of United States bonds in Europe. At the profits realized by the late Cleveland deal, it would be a rich find, but the bond-issuing policy to supply a deficit of revenues has probably come to an end. This is a country of free speech; therefore, the purveyors of calamity who will use the day to declare that the Republic is a failure can proceed without hindrance. John Adams would have denounced them as foes, and maybe would have started after them with his sedition law. ' When the agents of foreign bankers assure the American government that they will maintain its credit until October. American independence is not so complete as it will be when a party comes into power which will rely upon the American people to maintain its credit. The Springfield (Mass.) Republican remarks that the deficit would have been $63,000,000 Instead of $43,000,000 if the Wilton bill as it passed the House had become a law. As the Wilson bill was Mr. Cleveland's measure, this admission of a Cleveland organ Is not complimentary to the financial sagacity of the President and his chief adviser, Mr. Wilson. The "Battle Hymn of the Republic" has been suggested as the national anthem, or, at least, as being superior to anything we now have. It would take some time for the people of the whole country to take to "John Brown' as do veteran organizations in the North; still, If some genuine poet could write a new hymn, having the spirit of the "Battle Hymn of the Republic," but suited to all occasions on which a popular patriotic anthem would be sung with enthusiasm, but to the air of "John Brown," we should have something of our own. The committee of the Indiana Department of the Grand Army has scored a success in being able to convince the Board of Education iiiat the histories used in the schools need to have some portions of them relating to the late war revised, so that equal jusiice shall be done to the North as well as to the South. The changes in the current history will not be numerous. It is greatly, to the credit of the Board of Education In Indiana that It has been the first to make such a demand for Justice to the men of the North who fought for the Union. A number of editorial opinions on the Nicholson law found in the Journal's outside exchanges would be quite powerful and Impressive did It not unfortunately happen that they are based upon provisions of the law which are not a part of it. The Louisville Courier-Journal indulges in one of these profound dissertations, its text being screens, whose use, It Informs the public, the Indiana law has prohibited. As it happens, the law has done nothing of the kind, its only requirement of this sort being that the bar must not be hidden from sight by window-shades or screens during the hours when the saloons are closed and the sale of liquor illegal surely a proper and harmless provision It is a pity to be compelled to- "pall down" the writers cl ttich crtl:!:- it would eavc thexn from

embarrassment if they would take the pains to read the . provisions , of this somewhat celebrated measure before undertaking to comment on it.

FAl'LTV PATRIOTISM. To-day is the Fourth of July, and the air will be full of patriotism in the shape of powder and oratory. Such demonstrations are very well in their way. It is proper to celebrate this anniversary of the birth of American freedom In this time-honored way. The fire-works have become a symbol of rejoicing, and their profuseness on thi3 occasion impresses the youth of the country with the fact that the privilege of living here is something to rejoice over and that liberty is a treasure; the speeches teach the same lesson in another form. The lesson of patriotism can hardly be presented in too many shapes or too enthusiastically taught. Within the last few years there has been a remarkable Increase of interest in patriotic matters. The national flag has taken on a new importance to many eyes. It floats above schoolhouses everywhere, on festive occasions it waves over private houses, where it was never seen until lately, it is in evidence at times and in places where It was seldom known before, and it is not lessened in attractiveness by being so constantly before the eyes, but becomes dearer to those who gaze. Familiarity, in this case at least,, breeds affection and admiration. Patriotic societies, too, are all the fashion. Sons and Daughters of the Revolution, Colonial Dames, the Loyal Legion, Society of the Cincinnati, the G. A. R., the Patriotic League, the National League, and a host ot others, have the one bbject, namely, to encourage a spirit of 'love and loyalty for American institutions. It is a commendable work, and the prospect is that love of country will be thoroughly instilled into the coming generation. Its members will be ready to fight or die to preserve the Nation's life, as their fathers were before them. They will be loyal of soul and faithful in service in time of common dancer or great emergency. All that Fourth of July orators' teach they will do, and gladly, but it by no means, follows that they will do all they ought.' A great many men who call themselves good citizens fail in their duty now, and they are not teaching their sons a better way. They promise themselves to go to war if jieed be, they grow enthusiastic in national, political campaigns, and are immensely interested in the election of a President, but they neglect the duty at their door. They will make sacrifices in order to support the government at Washington, but none to insure good administration of affairs in their .own towns, and yet honest and economical local government is hardly less essential to the general welfare than the other. The great cities are frightful examples of this neglect of duty. The majority of citizens could undoubtedly be depended on to go to the defense, of the country against an outside enemy, but they are Indifferent to their own and their children's Interests at home. If New Yorkers had . taken the proper part in their own affairs Tammany would not have grown so powerful that a revolution would be necessary to overthrow its corrupt rule. To come nearer home for an illustration, if citizens of Indianapolis took the right interest in educational matters which touch their children so directly, and in the outlay of public money, which affects themselves so closely, they would see that competent men were chosen to attend to their affairs. As it is, by their own indifference and negligence, a scandalous state of affairs has come about. The School Board is unfaithful to its trust, but it is the fault of the citizens that such a board is in power. Citizens are not equal to their responsibilities who allow such things. Their patriotism has a flaw in it. They are ready to fight for their country, maybe, but they refuse to protect their own households. They are ready to enlist for a war, but invite a burglar into their own premises. On this Fourth of July they might with t profit indulge in meditation upon the various forms of patriotism. . NOW AND A YEAR. AGO. One Vear ago the country was in the midstof the Debs conspiracy. Chicago was practically in the hands of the mob inspired by the attempt of Debs and his associates to stop the running of all the railroads of the country until the managers should adopt measures which would compel the Pullman company to re-employ all the men who worked in its shops when they struck. The freight traffic of -the West had been stopped, and the authorities in scores of cities had partially yielded to men acting under Debs's orders. Violence had already taken place; tracks had been torn up; cars had-been derailed, and in Chicago cars and railroad buildings had been' given to the" flames. Thousands of federal troops 'hacj been sent to Chicago, and a year ago to-day Judge Woods issued tbe injunction directing Debs and his associates to cease interfering with the operating of the railroads. Timid people were filled with forebodings and persistent ranters, did their utmost to rally the masses to resist the authorities in the enforcement of the laws. There were those almost who saw the end of the Republic. The situation did seem perilous, but, considering the conservative forces which control the country and the unerring Judgment of tbe sober second thought of the masses, it was not. If the local authorities in Chicago and other points had shown any devotion to duty, there would have been little difficulty. When the great body of intelligent" workmen on the railroads were insured protection from the violence of the mobs, they did much to restore confidence, and when bodies of men by the thousand tendered their services to the authorities; . the end of violence came, and came suddenly. The country was never more tranquil than it is to-day. The business and industrial conditions are not satisfactory.

but they are improving. There is no considerable number of people of fair intelligence opposed to the enforcement of the laws. The dangerous element are not the mob3 of violence, but the mobs who vote in large cities, and even these are less dangerous than they have been in previous years. The performance of Debs and his associates has created a powerful reaction against violent methods. Never has there been so general a regard for lawful methods and so general a respect for law and its enforcement. However much the general public was perturbed a year ago by the exhibition of the power of lawlessness, all careful observers now realize that its lessons were most salutary, and will not be forgotten for some time. Even those who were leaders in the Debs conspiracy have since admitted that violence is not a remedy and will not be. resorted to again. The disputes between those who think their Interests clash must be settled by other agencies largely by the cultivation of mutual confidence. As the' result of the tumult and conflicts of a year ago, which culminated on the Fourth of July, law and order In this country were never before on so firm a basis.

A PROPHETIC PATRIOT. John Adams, the intense, pugnacious and usually disagreeable patriot, seems to have had more of that higher statesmanship which may be defined as the power to read the future than had any of his associates. He it was who led in the debate which led the Continental Congress to put forth the Declaration of Independence. . It was his eloquence and impetuosity, inspired by his entire confidence In the success of the cause of the colonies, which led his halting associates to sign that immortal proclamation: In those days there was no Congressional Record, no short-hand reporters and no special correspondents. ' Consequently, we of to-day would not know of the faith and purpose of that ardent patriot if he had not been the devoted husband who found time to write his wife long letters, in which he told her of his acts and set forth his glowing hopes. In one of these letters,, which the faithful wife kept, he told of the signing or. the Declaration of Independence, and of his faith In thecomlng Republic, in the following words: Yesterday the greatest question was decided which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps never was nor will be decided among men. The 2d day of July, 1776 (in which the Declaration was agreed upon, though not signed), will be the most memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniverrary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with' pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, bells, bonfires and illuminations from one end of 'this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore. You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood and treasure that It will cost us to defend these States. Yet through all the gloom I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph in to-day's transaction, even though we should rue it, which I trust in God we shall not. , Here is evidence of a rare prophetic insight; but even this is of little consequence compared with that Intense patriotism which accepted danger and forgot, in the foresight of "the rays of ravishing light and glory," that he had put a price upon his head and risked a rope about his neck by being the champion of the Declaration of Independence. Doubtless, John Adams was a disagreeable man, who made enemies rather than friends, but his never-falling patriotism and his intense devotion to his country's cause will give him a conspicuous olace in the ranks of. those who worked out the problem of American nationality. Patriotic posterity will forgive him for quarreling with all of the leaders of his party and practically wrecking it because he has left so inspiring an example. Possibly the excellent nonpartisan person will overlook the fact that, he was a thorough-going party man an intense partisan. ' ' ; A FOURTH OP JIXY POLICY. A people whose ancestors, , numbering three millions, made the first declaration of a national idea based upon popular government one hundred and nineteen years ago, cannot regard that the mission of the Nation, which is the development of the declaration of that theory, has been fulfilled because they are now seventy millions and the most potential nationality in existence. The successors and heirs of the three millions of people who fought for a foothold upon a new continent, now that (they are seventy millions, not only have the logical right to be consulted regarding the disposition and the government of that continent, but their power and position impose duties. If independent and free government was such a boon to the fathers of the Republic that they staked all upon getting it, and has since been so prized that it has been contended for1, it must e in like manner the desire of the weak republics on this continent. It was such considerations that led the Harrison administration to call and hold the Congress of American Republics. Then the wisdom of that undertaking was generally, approved by the American people. If that congress could have led to the frequent holding of such assemblies of the delegates of all the republics on this continent, it would have resulted in a combination which would have been beneficial to the smaller and weaker in" the highest degree, and to the United States only In a less degree. If a Congress of American Republics could bind them together for mutual protection, and such a purpose could be announced to other nations, British and other foreign interference would cease. The so-called Monroe doctrine and the conference of American republics are really the Inspiration of the ripe statesmanship of John Quincy Adams and the Americanism of Henry Clay. These theories and plans had in view a wider purpose than the -welfare of this Republic. Believing that the United States had. the best form of government in the world, the Idea and the purpose of those statesmen who propounded the Monroe doctrine and the conference of American republics was to Insure to all the independent governments on ie American continent the opportunity to establish, for themselves the form of government which had proved so beneficent to the people of the United States. If all the weak and contentious states of Central America could be assured , of the positive support of the United States in establishing and maintaining better government, it is altogether probable that they would be in a better condition ttzn

they now are. Recently there has been an effort to form all' those states Into a general government . like that of the United States. It has temporarily failed because the executive ' of one of the states has refused to4 'favor the plan; but if that unfon had been warmly espoused by the United States and Its moral Influence had been employed to bring about such a federation, those states would now, in all probability, be fused into one general government ' That such a union would prove a . blessing to the Central American people there can be no doubt, . since the very fact of power which such a union carried would raise them to a higher plane. To the most ignorant people a nationality which means numbers and power'is an Inspiration. The fact that Russia is a. nation of one hundred and sixty millions kindles in the hearts of the millions of those who are little better, than the serfs they once were the sentiment of nationality. Moreover, the tendency of the age is toward the fusing of smaller states into nations. The Fourth of July is the appropriate day for intelligent American people to consider the duty of this Republic toward its less fortunate and feeble sisters on this continent. Does not our position and power Impose aduty to help them, or at least to cause it to be understood that they shall not be interfered with because they are weak and defenseless? Such a policy is not jingoism; it 13 not an opportunity to make a vain display of national power; it is not inspired by a desire to add to-our domain or to extend our power. It is, in the best sense, a policy designed to enable the republics on this continent to work out for themselves, with such encouragement as an elder brother can give, that better der tiny which the American people have attained by independence, and which, by co-operation and. .encouragement, they may reach, or, at least, strive for. This Nation now occupies the position and possesses the power-to declare to European governments that they must not take liberties with the territory of any of the American republics, and that in their diplomatic dealings with them they must treat these feeble republics as they would treat the United States. In other words, to the extent that their ter

ritorial right shall not be interfered with, and that they shall not be oppressed because they are weak, the United States guarantees them protection. Such a , pfcirfeeems the logical duty of those who 'find In the spirit of the Declaration of . Independence cause for celebrating to-day . the birth of the great Republic. c J , -.. - ,The New York traveler who writes the World of the consuming drought which, in his estimation, has burnt up all the crops in Indiana, and who adds that he does not know what will become of the farmers of thi3 State, already burdened with debt. Is borrowing needless trouble and giving unnecessary alarm. Indiana is not burnt up, nor nearly so. It has half a wheat crop, ' oats have revived with the recent rains, and the prospects for an abundant corn crop were never more flattering. Besides, the farmers of Indiana are not burdened with debt, as the "World's correspondent would know if he had read the census report on that subject rather than the falsehoods of the croakers and calamityitesV" ' , ' "L All hail to thee, thou glorious flag. From heroes brave descended, From ocean shore, to mountain crag Thy Glory's wide extended. Oh, constellation ever bright! Oh, Freedom's radiant star! To all the land send out thy light, To nations near and far. Let every tongue proclaim thy praise. In anthems loud extolling, To all the earth through endless days. Forever and ever rolling. July 4, 1895. C. e. Merrifleld.. Owners of blocks and other buildings elsewhere than In Chicago show a dislike to having their halls, and corridors used as bicycle stables, an J .' they have reason on their side. Besides being unsightly in such places and filling m the space, they bring In more or less dust arid' 'mud, and are altogether undesirable as household furniture. Special quarters, where they can be left In safety for a small , fee, will be the next "modern improvement." Every city square will need one If the craze for tho vehicle continues. Each period brings its own wants, and the need just at present is a safe place of deposit for wheels. New method3 of celebrating Independence day may be improvements, but those who would see the old-fashioned celebration, with the reading ' of the Declaration and patriotic speech' should go to Lincoln Park, near the fair grounds, this morning. A Nef York man shot and killed -his wife because she refusedto'pay any more cf his bills) She was a new woman, but is one no longer. AIIOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. Sara Bernhardt has. been fined $2 in a Paris police court for employing two children under twelve after 9 o'clock at night at the Renaissance Theater. In the collection of:skeletons and sections thereof at the College of Physicians, Jn'New York city, there are three examples cf the "bicycle, spine," a species of spinal column unknown to science until the modern cycle caused it to be formed or malformed. Before Mary Wllklns became known outside of her native village a friend of a Boston publisher offered him some of her manuscript .with tho assurance that it showed great promise. - But the publisher had heard of that sort of thing before and was wary co wary indeed that he declined to examine It. Within a year Miss Wilklns had persuaded the Harpers to publish her stories, and the Boston publisher has had various bad quarters of an hour ever since. A recent graceful act of Queen Margherita is being duly chronicled. Once a year she pays a visit to the Girls Mission Schools In Rome. She arrived there one day last week in an open carriage, and following came two others filled to overflowing with masses of exquisite flowers; these she ordered should be driven Into the school gardens. When all the pupils and teachers had asseaDbled she handed to each a lovely bouquet with the laughing word: "Last year you all presented me with flowers; it Is quite time that I revenged myself." Mr.eLeslle Stephen, in a life which he has written of his i father, the late Judge Sir James.. Fitzjames Stephen, quotes him as saying once: I have always found myself one of the moat unteachable of human beings. I cannot, to thl? day, take in anything at secondhand. ' I have, in all cases, to learn whatever I want to learn In a way o:' my own. It has been so with law, with languages, with Indian administration, with the machinery I have had to study in patent cases, with English composition; in short, with everything whatever." It Is said that Abdur Rahman, the Ameer of Afghanistan, pcrrj unurual architectural ability, and his own palaces. The mart! a of which they are largely ccrr.::::d is fcur.d In ecr.-'.rls quntlt! i near C- -I. Ilia r"-"'" crntiln ir.ar.y t!." rr : rr.znu-.-'. 1 in I";rc: 3 v-. . . v . i j v. ...3

lights, pianos and the phonograph. The Ameer's gardens are elaborately and tastefully laid out, and when he entertains at night the display of - fireworks on his grounds would do credit to London or New York. . Huxley's face was thin and his complexion so dark as to be almost swarthy. When he -shaved off his mustache and beard the skin was quite blue-black. .His hair was worn long. On the platform ho was a remarkably self-possessed man, without a trace of self-consciousness or embarrassment. Senator Dubois -says that his Jesting promise to Mrs. Carlisle to lead a minuet at" her home in Washington in aid of a monument fund nearly ruined his political prospects at home. The opposition papers in Idaho charged him with shamefully neglecting the rights of his constituents for the frivolities of society, and a Populist convention passed a resolution denouncing him and his minuet. Altogether he had a hard time of it, and one newspaper remarked: "If they will try Dubois on the lariat polka or a pocatello reel he will perform much more satisfactorily. He was brought up In a rattlesnake country, and can make a backward jump of nine feet." DIDDLES IX TUB AIR.

A Hard Lot. "Mine," mused the farmer, "mine Is a hard lot." "And," he continued, "ef we don't git no rain, I allow it will be baked sloo hard for plowinY . The TcMt. The Soulful Girl What is the true test of poetry? The Poet Well, If one can get a poem accepted that Is written on both sides of the paper he may rest assured that it is a good thing. Vituperation.. Watts I ran over a deaf and dumb man with my wheel last night. . Potts What did he do? - ' Watts Oh, he didn't touch me, but stood there and called me all the hard names he could lay his fingers to. ' Alloyed Happiness. "It must be delightful," said the ordinary married woman, "to be earning your own living and more, too." . "It has Its drawbacks' said the business woman. "Every time I go to a bargain sale and save 75 or 80 cents on purchases I lose two or three dollars' worth of time." , POINTS ON ADVERTISING. Facts Which the Shrewd lluslness ' Mnn Should Never Lose Sight Of. Newspaper Maker. A magazine or a paper which a man of Intelligence Is proud to have on his library table is worth five or ten times as much, copy for copy, as one which he gets rid of as soon as he can, after a hasty glance at Its sensations. The force of all this is too plain to be Ignored by any shrewd busiresa man. Very cheap papers and magazines are usually, if not in every case, periodicals which could not be eold at the rates which their better rivals bring, or be made equal to the higher grade of publications without raising the prices at which the inferior periodicals are marketed. Extremely cheap papers and magazines are cheaply written and cheaply made. They furnish froth without substance, and there is less of them, even Jf the quality of their contents were anywhere near the grade of better papers and finer magazines. The cheaper publications are sooner exhausted and sooner forgotten, advertisements and all. In every large city thousands of such little worthless sheets are left on street cars, thrown into waste baskets, or dropped in the gutters after they have been played with a few minutes. It is doubtful whether the fipace in such papers is worth half as much as advertisers pay for it. In the rtat: re of things the business cards placed in, them are wasted, as far as a good share of the circulation goes. In general it is strictly true of the inferior newspapers and magazines which rely on their cheapness and flashiness for patronage that their owners would make them more like better periodicals if they thought that they could afford it and knew how, and that most of the readers of the poor trash printed would buy higher and finer publications if their tastes and circumstances were such that advertisers, could hope to profit much from them.' People buy poor papers and poor magazines just, as they buy poor shoes or poor pictures, either because they are not able to pay for those which are better or because they have not sufficient taste and Intelligence to discriminate between that which is valuable and that which is worthless or of small service. In either case they are of little value to advertisers, unless .the advertisers sell trash or intend to deceive the unwary and the ignorant. From Art in Advertising. It pays to buy the best. If the public would cut out this rule and paste it in its hat, and abide by its teaching, so far as possible, there would be fewer disappointments in the world over unsatisfactory bargains; less regret, when It is too late, that another make or another name had not been patronized, or that the chance of saving a few cents or dollars on a purchase had led to the selection of an inferior artlc'e. There is not one of us who has escaped an experience of this kind at some time in- our life. Now this rule about buying applies quite as much to advertising as to any other commodity: the advertiser who goes. about looking for cheap "experts," low-priced artists and low estimates all 'round, is, ten to one, going to wish he hadnt. It Is better to go to the right man at once. You will know the right man by his business standing; by the success of his work for other advertisers: he will be cheerfully recommended to you by those whom he has helped, and if his estimate Is somewhat higher than that of the Untried "expert" around the corner, better pay and save money. It does not follow, of course, that lowerpriced goods are invariably unworthy of patronage, but it Is a good plan to let other people try experiments and for the rest of us to be on the side that we feel to be safe. INNOCENTS ABROAD. An Incident of the Recent Canal Celebration nt Kiel. Letter in New York Tribune. The Kiel festivities attracted a very large concourse of visitors, and. there were many Americans among them. Some of these travelers were sightseers, who were drawn Into the town by sheer love of excitement, and who had not taken any precautions to lnsur comfort or even bare accommodations. I sat at table d'hote one day with a party from one of the far Western States. It was a family party, two ladies and three children, one a pretty girl, whoso face attracted attention from a German sitting by her side. After a little hesitation he began to talk with her in English, and in a few minutes the family history was revealed. They had arrived a few days before in Hamburg, did not speak a word of German, and without tho assistance of courier or interpreter, had ventured to plunge Into Kiel on the busiest day of the carnival, and did not know at that moment where they were to find accommodation for the night, nor how they would be able to see anything of the great show. The leader of the party was overcome with a sense of responsibility, and frankly confessed thaf she had been foolhardy in making the attempt to witness the naval festivities without the help of an intelligent courr. The rashness and Ignorance of this party of women and children provoked Impatience. But, I soon discovered that they were not so helpless as they had seemed to be. The German, who was Interested in the handsome girl, persevered in his conversation, and In struggling to express himself in English happened to uso a French word. The young woman smiled at once. T can speak French!" she explained. In a moment they wer chattering together in tho liveliest possible way, and the mother, not to be outdone. Joined In the conversation, speaking French with great facility and with a good accent. They were not eo helpless in the crowd at Kiel as they had Imagined from their Ignorance of German, but for some unaccountable reason they had neglected to employ the resources at their command. A single Inquiry in French woul'J have relieved Shem from many embarrassments, but they had lacked either the courage or the good sense to make the attempt These innocents abroad were dressed for primitive prairies in costumes which seemed as primitive as any I had seen In rustic Schleswls-Holstein; yet there they were in Kiel, with dis.n:on'Js on their fingers and plenty of money to spend, aspiring to see the sights and to have all the fun of the fair, and renins at. odd moments an all-around continental tour, without knowing "Whether or not they would have roof to cover them on that festal nihtr A etrir.-s Coclz cf prairie hens they were lndfed; yet they cculd epeik French Uie native, although they tec!:td ths wit to turn thrlr ccccrrplirhrr.tr.t3 to frrtlc-l ccccv-.t I trcrr.t:? trhrn I try to cc:aj?ctur Titit tho recUonlr.-r vrculd havs t;m for n r.'.jht's ld-i::j fcr t.w.-t iz.K; r-rt7 if tr-y tzi fil.rn Izio t t--r.i-; ct X.y r-':iy f:i :-:t-'-t!v3 r ? r. r: t : : : t. td t :::r

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. When, in the course of human events. It becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which Impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, -liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their Just powers from the consent of, the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it Is the' right of the people to alter or to, abolish it, and to institute a new govern ment, laying Its foundation on "such prin ciples, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath showfi that mankind are more disposed to suffer while eils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which the,y are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it Is their right, it is their, duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The Jjistory of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having: in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has . refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of Immediate and pressing Importance, unless suspended In their operation rill his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose- of fatiguing them Into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, .with manly firmness, his invasions of the rights of the people. He has refused a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected: whereby the legislative powers. Incapable of. annihilation, have returned to the people at large forth-ir exercise, the State remain

ing, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from. without aiyi convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent-the population of these States; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws for establishing Judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. H has erected a. multitude of- new offlees, and sent hither . swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. . He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders whlcn they should commit on the inhabitants of these States; For cutting off our trade with al! parts of the world; For Imposing taxes on ua without our consent: For depriving us, p many cases, of the beenfits of trial by jury; Tor transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses: For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as (to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and. altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He . has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic Insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction jf all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated Injury. A prince whoe character Is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting In attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable Jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native Justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of Justice and consanguinity. We muat, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces cur separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies In war, in peace friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Concr::3 :jemblcd, appealing to the Supreme Jui;;a cf the world for the r-ctUude of cur itr.-tions. do. In the name and by th cut! ::tt;' cf t.w.2 cccd p?c-;l2 cf thri c:!

nies, solemnly publish and declare that thes united colonies are, and of rigiit ought to be. free and independent states; that they are . absolved from all allegiance to the Britisli crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and Independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances,' establish commerce, and to do' another acts and things which Independent states may of right da. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge ta each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. V UNEQUAL TAXATION. Inequalttfe That Mioulri Re Correct cd by State Equalization Hoard.

To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: Now that the State Board of Equalization will soon be In session to equalize the real-estate valuations among the counties to be the basis of State taxation for four years, to come. It is rroper to call attention to some glaring Inequalities that had their origiivln the early settlement of the country.- These great inequalities may have been started for they have long existed by causes affecting values in an early day which do not now exist. But some of the assessment valuations contlnuo on the same low level from which they started. To illustrate this, I have taken Parke and Daviess counties, having nearly the same area and population, and being now about equally favored by situation with relation to the world about them; yet the land In Parke county is. and long has been, valued for taxation more than double that of Daviess county, and thereby compelling Parke to pay moro than double the FUto tax paid by Daviess county on lajrul. Daviess county had, in 1SS0, 270,733 acres and Parke 281,314 acres. Daviess county had 12a and Parke county had acres per capita, showing a more dense population for Daviess than for Parke, and population generally gives Increased value to land. But' for tax valuation on land Daviess had and Parke per capita. These valuations are made by the real estate appraisers In the two counties. The State boards have never seen fit to bring them much nearer together. Is there a good reason for this difference in tax valuation? , A body of land that produces just as much of the staple prouuets as another Is Just as able to pay tax as that other. Let us look at this. In 1SS0. according to the report of the Indiana Bureau of Statistics. Daviess county had a horse for S2 2-3 acres In the county, and Parke one for every .42U. acres; Daviess had a mule to every 223 acres and Parke one to every 228 acres; Daviess had a sheep for every 17 acres, and Parke one for every 101-3 acres; .Daviess had a hog for every 151-3 acres, and Parke one for every lotf acres; Daviess had one of the cattle kind for every 25 1-3 acres, and Parke one. for every 221-3 acres; Daviess. had a ton of timothy hay for every SS acres, and Parke one for every 212-3 acres; Daviess nad 3 6-10 bushels of 'corn per acre (of all the land- in the county), and Parke 51-3 bushels: Daviess had 3U bushels of wheat per acre, .and Parke 2 4-iD bushels per acre. Daviess had 1-3 of a bushel of oats per acre, and Parke 1-3 bushel per acre. Now, to compare the productive power of the land of the two counties, I have assumed horses and mules at $10 per head, sheeniiuKs per neaa ana cattle at $15 per head, timothy hay at J7 per ton, corn at 30 cents per bushel, wheat at II per bushel and oats at 30 cents per bushel. These values, though they may not be the true value of that year, will serve just as well to compare the two counties as If they vwere the actual values." At these rates an average acre In the two counties will show as follows: Daviess County. One horse" at J40. divided by 52 2-3 acre, the cun.ber to each horse. Is 75 cents acre. One mule, at $40. divided by 223 acrefv.g,ves 18 CM Per acre. One sheep at 32.05.-divided by 17 acres, gives li cents per acre. One hog at 35, divided by 151-S .tl'.e:A 31' cents per acre One 4Joj-at JU UV.ded by "231-3 acres gives 60 cerrrs -per a?rc. One ton of timothy hay, dlviJed hy 38H acres, gives 18 cents per acre. Three and one-half bushels of corn were raised per acre for all the acres in th couh ty, :vhich. at 30 cents per bushel, fives $1.08 per acre. Three and one-half bushels cf wheat per acr. at $1 ter bushel, gives $150 per acre, and one-third of a bushel of oats per acre, at 30 cents per bushel, gives 10 certs per acre. v Parke County. One horse at $10. divided by 42H acres of land (there being that many acres to each horse lr. Parke county), will give 93 cents per . cr. One mule at $10. divided by 228 aires, g.ves 18 cents per acre. One sheep at $..01, div.ded by 101-3 acres, gives IS cents per acre. One hog at $5, divided by 10V4 f.cres, gives 43 cents per acre. One cowr (or steer, averaging old and young,), at $1J. c"vlded by 22 1-.1 acres, gives G8 cents per acre. Five and one-third bushels of com per acre, at 30 cents per bushel, gives $L61 per acre. Two and four-tenths bushels per acre, at $1, gives $2.40 per acre. Onethird of a bushel of oats per acre, at 20 cents per bushel, gives 10 cents per acre. Restated In simple' tabular form - the counties compare as loiiows: Daviess Co. Per Acre. Of horses.. $0.73 Of Mules 18 Of sheep 12 Of hogs 21 Of cattle fif Of hay 1 Of Corn 1.09 m 1 . f J Parke Co. Per Acre. $0.9t .15 .1 .43 l.CL 14) .11 or wneai " Of oats 10 Totals $6. By a singular coincidence (If my figures have not slipped I took the nearest onefourth, one-third or one-half) an average, acre in each county produced the same value of these Ktaples. Then why could and should not Daviess county have paid as much State and school tax as Parke? Her landed ability to pay was the same. Yet, In 1853, Daviess county paid to the tuition school fund only $10. and drew back $20,434, while Parke paid in $16,933 and drew back only $16.(2.3. In 1SS0 (I am working from the figures of that year and the report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction for 1885) the population of Daviess county was 21.Si2 and Parke 19.4o0. In 18S3 Daviess county reported for May distribution s,oi3 school children, while Parke reported only 6.420. For some reason not shown In any other statistics, the land in Daviess county is good enough, with 10.GS1 acres lesr than i'arke, to support 2.CJ8 greater population. . If the land In Daviess county Is as bad as the tax valuation indicates, the population would have to lave it en masw. I have assumed that equal production and equal markets Imply equal ability to bear the burdens of taxation. If that I correct, why should not the State Hoard of Equalization raise Daviess up to I'aike, or scale Parke down to Daviess? What ! a State board for If not to investigate and remedy these Inequalities? The only excuse for the present - existence of these Inequalities Is that they have long existed, and had their origin In causes not now In operation. I have no spite against Daviess county. Many other cases exist . all over the State. Have I overlooked any important factor which ought to be considered in such an Investigation? If l?t fome rise and explain, for it does not occur to me at this writing. I shall be obliged to any one who may review this article for sending me a marked copy of same. JOHN T. CAMPBELL. Bockville, Ind.. June 23. An Exhibition of Hnmnii Credulity. ' Kiel Letter, in the New York Tribune. Magnificent as was the spectacle of this great fleet of battleships and cruisers, there were candid critics who were ready to condemn It as a marvelous exhibition of human credulity and folly. An old sea dog in full uniform fa Id to me: "What fools we mortals are Think of the millions of treasure expended upon the fcattleihlps without any afurance that they will be worth anvthlnK In actual warfare! I comand one of the ship, but' let -me tell you frankly 1 would not like to go into battle with her. The world has not witnessed a great naval war for a generation. The first real engagement at sea will revolutionize naval architecture. ' Then wo hall all find out tv:at armor will not protect a ship, and that the torpedo boats will have the proudest fleets at their mercy. This splend'd armada is an exhibition fleet, which would not survive systematic torpedo attack or we".l-direc!ed fire from the fortresses and batteries yonder!" This was not the opinion of a grumbler or a pessimist, but of an intelligent, broad-minded commander of one of tho best shins in the harbor. Pcfsibly.he overstated the case, hut there wan great force in his argument 'respecting th uncertainties ci' expert work and navfil architecture in piping times of peace, when tlaem hnn len n ra.l opportunities for test lg th- value of tho new mavhi'iery cZ naval warfare

2r