Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 February 1892 — Page 2

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, . MONDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1892.

night the commit to refused to either furnish the resolution or anything else that toot, place at the meeting. 7 he brotherhood's attorney, Albert Wishard, was present at the meeting and made a speech, in which be advised the men in earnest tones not to resort to further violence CoL Eli X.iIIy also addressed the meeting and urged that the strikers remain on the aide of tho law. lie tofd them that they could not afford to allow themselves to become mixed tip in any riots such as took placo last Saturday. About 4:C0 o'clock Mayor Suilivan called at the meeting, was admitted and made a speech. It was a sort of a repetition of the speech he delivered to tho men at the New Jersey-street barns Saturday morning. Mayor Sullivan spoke to the advisory committee without having been asked, and in everything he conducted himself liko a school-boy. bo far as the status of the strike is concerned it was not touched npon in any material point. No actual plan of action was mAppcd ont. It is fully believed that there will bo no recurrence of the riots of Saturday: that there will be but a weak resistance, if any, on the part of the strikers to the running of cars to-day or hereafter, and that, in iiict. the backbone of the present struggle is broken; that the strikers will show to the company, by giving them this opportunity to run the cars, tht they cannot be successfully operated without their assistance: that one by one the brotherhood men tvill return to work, and that all will probably be reinstated, except, possibly, fifty members. President Kennedy, of the Central Labor Union, was reported yesterday as saying that no effort would be mado to stop the Tunning of cars, and that an injunction would be brought against tho Citizens' company on the score that It has no charter. This matter was brousht np at tho meeting of the advisory committee, and Attorney Wisbard's advice was asked. He told the committee tbat. in order to bring an injunction, a bond of 30,000 would have to be given, and that the bondsmen would toe held liable for any damages arising in case the injunction failed. AN APPEAL. TO THE PJEOPLE. The committee issued tho following appeal to the public: fro the Public In view of the aided seriousness of the situation In street-railway circles through the unnecessary Intervention of the police we deem it but lust that a publio statement be made. Yon are familiar with the orlrin of this trouble. The Erst strike was practically won by the street-car brotherhood when, at the Instance of Mayor tullivan and CoL Ell Lilly, the men consented to submit the matter at Issue to a board of arbitrators. The men were given assurance that John P. Frenzel would abide the board's finding. They returned to work, pending a hearing of the facts. The decision rendered, Frenzel availed himself of technicalities to avoid carryoat the arbitrators' award. This was followed by the discharge of brotherhood men for the most trivial offense, and the posting of a notice In at least one barn forbidding employes, on pain of being dismissed, from conversing with each ether. After repeated efforts, not alone on the part of the brotherhood, but by other organizations, to obtain Frenzel's consent to a fair and reasonable settlement, another tle-op resulted. The Mayor was appealed to for aid by the company's manager, but refused police assistance, saying it was no part ot the city's duty to operate the street ears, and reminding Frenzel that had he dealt justly with the men the strike would never have occurred. For one week there was peaceable resistance by the brotherhood and organized laboring men to Frenzel's efforts to run the cars, but Saturday the police came to his aid and serious trouble ensued. During the six days of the strike no property was destroyed and no injury was inflicted upon any one. The cause of the strikers Is as Just to-day as It was one week ago: Frenrel is none the less censurable now than then. We circulated petitions requesting the removal of Frenzel from the presidency of the company and In twenty hours secured the signatures ot about twelve thousand patrons of the lines. These were forwarded, a committee of three visiting Chicago for the purpose ef laying them before the directors. No attention was paid by the directors to our petitions. Mr. Butler, of the directory, said: -The people of Indianapolis hare abused the Citizens Hallway Company In every way that they possibly could since Its organization. They have hampered us In every way: they have never lost a chance to persecute us, and they have carried this persecution to such an extent that we don't care whether we ever do any more business In the dry or not. One thing is certain we don't care a ll for the opinion of the people of Indianapolis in this matter, and while It may be true that 31 r. Frenzel has made some mistakes, we are going to keep him in the post tlon of president whether the city of Indianapolis like him or his methods, or otherwise: we don't care anything about what the consequence of our actions are: we only know that we won't remove Mr. Frenzel or abrogate his authority in the least. We refuse to recognize the fact that any one outside of the employes, now out on a strike, has any right to take any interest In this matter, but we do claim that the only alternative those men had, if they did not like the treatment of Mr. Frenzel, was to leave the service of the company and seek employment elsewhere. We can get thousands of men with whom to operate our cars within twenty-four hours, and if the citizens of Indianapolis want street-car service they most turn out and help us put thesb strikers under subjection.' Being asked with regard to Mr. Frenzel's refusal to meet or treat with any person or committee looking toward a settlement ofthedlttlculty, Mr. Butler said: "I don't blame him: It's sot right that he should be asked to meet any committee, tie consented to arbitration (very much against our will), and has lived up to the epiritofthe decision as rendered. We wouia rather he would tight this to a finish than to meet anybody and settle it. "lie has not Uvea up to the decision of that arbitration board, as Interpreted by the members," said one of the committee. "Oh. well, he says he has, and beside, that Is only a matter of opinion," was the answer. -Have you counted the cost In your calculations about starting cars under police protection the probable violence, which no one can prevent, the demoralization of the service and how much the reputation of the city of Indianapolis will suffer If these things come to pass!" Oh. we don't care anything about that. said Mr. Butler, Mwe are not going to yield one Inch or ask Mr. Frenzel to do so, and as to consequences and the reputation of he city. If that Buffers, we don't see how that concerns us. The city has abused us. and we don't consider we are under any obligations to take pains to save any consequences or look after the welfare ot the city In the way yoaxnention." In the namo of twelve thousand organized artisans and laborers men who have homes and families In Indianapolis men whose dally wages go to build np and beautify the city and give prosperity to merchants and manufacturers, we appeal to you to decide this day whom you will serve; whether you will uphold an arrogant and grasping corporation In Its efforts to trample upon the rights of a community: to persecute and crush your fellow-townsmen, or whether you will rise In your might and say to John P. Frenzel and the non-resident capitalists he represents, "Stop! Thus far you shall go and no further." Withdraw the police, and we will promise that no property of the company shall be destroyed, and that no breach ot the peace shall occur. We deplore the violence of Saturday and disclaim responsibility therefor, but at the same time we. a representatives of the tredeand labor organizations. In the name of our organization, pledge every reaeeable effort to thwart the designs of the company In forcing an undesirable service upon the people, and call npon every citizen in sympathy with our cause

to do the same. We further request the full puoiicaiion or inn appeal mtne inaianapous Sentinel, Journal and bun. Allerton lias Changed. When the first committee, consisting of Messrs. Kennedy, Alley and Wishard. went to Chicago to see tho directors of the com pany Mr. Allerton said: "When it comes to a point that the organized labor as a body is opposed to Mr. Frenzel. I will bring the matter of a change Deiore me board, ana 1 cave do doubt it will be considered." ' The condition of tho consideration is undeniable now, but Mr. Allerton seems to have yielded to tho other directors. The committee came back with tho impression that Director Bntlsr is the most perversa of them all in Chicago. APPEALS TO THE DIRECTORS. Major Sullivan and Others Telegraph They Offer to 8n1 F rente! 60O Men. The telegraph wires between this city and Chicago were kept busy yesterday with messages from the city authorities to the directors of the Citizens' Street-railroad Company, and from the latter to President John P. FrenzeL One of the telegrams from the directors to Mr. Frenzel was in effect as follows: We can send you by to-morrow from two hundred to tlx hundred men if it becomes necessary. From this it is to be surmised that the directors and President Frenzel are considering the advisability of Importing to this city hundreds of men to operate the street cars. It is not known what Mr. Frenzel's reply to this message contained. Mayor Millivan also took a hand in the sending of telegrams, and the utmost secrecy was observed that tie people ot Indianapolis should not become awaro of the fact that he was in communication with the directors of the Citizens' company. The Mayer's telegram urged the directors

to ccne to Indianapolis at once (to-day).

and stated that the situation here is extremely critical and serious trouble is apprehended. Close npon the heels of this telegram was one from Samuel E, Mores, editor of the Sentinel, to the directors of the Citizens' company, reiterating what Mayor Sullivan bad said about the situation, and urging the directors to come to this city at once. It is not known how the directors will treat these appeals, or what policy they would adoDt should ther como to this citv. It is known, however, that Mr. lintler. who eeems to be the active member of tho directory in Chicago, told the cnmmitteo representing tho strikers, that called unon him Saturday, that the company would stand by President Frenzel no matter what the consequences. This attitude of the directors is probably explained by what Frank Gates, chairman of that committee, has to say. Said he: "The committee found out while in Chicago that John P. FrenzeL while not a director in the Citi zens' company.ownsaconsiderable amount of stock and has a vote the same as any of the directors. Mr. Butler told the commit tee tbat it would be impossible for the di rectors to meet with any committee and treat with it nnless President Frenzel was present." Last evening President Frenzel received the following: Chicago. Feb. 23. John P Frenzel: We received to-dav from Maror Pnllvan the fol lowing telegram: "in the Interest of the ritr of Ind ananolis. the lives of her citizens and the safety cf her property; In the interests of the future of your property here, I beg you to come to Indianapolis on tho train to-night (to-morrow may be too late), bringing as many of your board as possible. I request an immeuiate reply. Thomas i kcllivax. "3layor or inaianapiis." We have Just replied as follows: "Hon, Thomas I pnlitvsn. Mayor: 44 Your telegram received. After careful Investlration and the fullest inquiry, the company seeded as president of the street railway a prominent citizen of Indianapolis, who was tho one most strongly recommended by your citizens as being public-spirited, capable and honest, and therefore best calculated to serve well the citizens of Indianapolis and the Interests of the company. We still have every confidence in his honestv of purpose in the present emergency, and he has full power and authority to act for the company. We must demand ot you, as the executor of the law, protection for tho company's employes and property. Samuel W. Allerton. 'Crncs II. Mccormick. "John J. Mitchell. K. But lee. Last evening when asked to make a statement. President Frenzel said: liy this time I suppose the public knows that thero is nothing personal in this contest, but that, as an executive officer, I am simply acting for and in concert with the directors of the company. Aa soon as the city authorities can give the necessary protection the company in ready to run the cars. Iam acting in harmony with the city authorities." m IMPRESSING EXTItA POLICE. Many of Them Object Strenuously to Serving Swearing; the New Men In. The city authorities stent the peace period of Sunday in preparing for the expected war of to-day. The Board of Publio Safety, Superintendent Colbert and Mayor Sullivan spent yesterday afternoon in the office of the board. Messrs. Hawkins, Sallivan. Colbert, Captain Dawson and others were at a table with city directori A selecting names to be summoned as special officers, it was intended to empower not less than six hundred private citizens, and the names were nearly all taken from the first eiht letters of the alphabet. Tho board had selected a hundred names Saturday night, and the men cited were coming in slowly during the day. They were sworn in by Clerk Steeg. The oath of a patrolman was administered to them. Those who had applications for appointment on the police force, were the first to be called upon. ' To the snrpriso of the board, several of these begged hard to be excused. One said he had been physically disabled for a year. Another that he had been sick in bed for mouths. They were not exensed, however, and the oath was administered just the eame. The board mado a mental note ot their pleadings. Discharged men were also called upon. Ex-patrolman Ballard said to Commissioner Cattorson: "It's funny yon want me new. I wasn't good enough lor yon to be reappointed on the police force. Now yon force me to como to your aid." Capt. Frank Wilson and his corps of Merchant police were snmmoned to aid the city police. Under the charter the Merchant police are bound to render assistance when called upon; but every one of them took the oath nnder protest. The trouble with us.w said Captain Wilson, "is that our patrons tell us to keep out of this squabble. The most of them are in sympathy with the strikers. We. therefore, take tho oath only under, protest.'1 This foroe is abont fifty strong. They were instructed to bring their own badges when they reported this morning. The men's faces plainly showed the depth of their protest. Many of them said that to assist the city police against the brotherhood would lose them their business. Commissioner Catterson, however, threatened to have their police powers recalled, and they understand what that means. A colored man who had been subpoenaed asked: IsMistah Frenzel agwine t6 lead this force!" lie was informed otherwise. Wall." said he. "if he can't fight in his own battle 1 doan' see the right o' callin' me in." But he had to take the oath anyway. Superintendent Colbert was particular to have the name of William T. Long added to the list of special police "It will put him nnder oath not to tight the police, anyhow," said Tom Iledion, who was directing envelopes. It was also proposed to add the nme of It. li- Shicl. Th men cited are largely not known to the police. Very few householders were called in, and a boarder in the neighborhood of Southwest street and Kmgan's was certain to be chosen. Not a few of those subpeenaed presented certificates from physicians saying that either themselves or their wives are or are abont to be ill. The oath, however, was inexorably indicted, but if cited for punishment the certificates will stand between them and punishment. A large number frankly said that if they had been given warning business would have certainly demanded their presence out of the city to-morrow. Very lew took the oath without a protest, or at least without a show of unwillingness. At roll-call, last night. Superintendent Colbert said: "1 have here another bundrea of subperuas. Be sure to see every man, aud take no excuses. You have no right to excuse any man. I want you all to exercise every diligence In bringing witnesses to the Police Court in the morning." The subpoenas were then distributed. After roll-call tho superintendent was asked: "How many extra men will you call upon for help!" About a thonsand. They will meet in the morning and will be instructed as to their duties. They will be divided into companies. "What barns will they be assigned to!" 'I don't know." "When will you attempt to start tho cars?" 1 haven't heard. You will have to ask the company." Up to 5 o clock last night not over one hundred and fifty men had been empowered. The Superintendent hoped to hava

Swearing them In,

six hundred served with subpoenas ny 8

o'clock this mornine. when those sworn in have been instructed to report at the Crim inal Court room. President Hawkins, of the Board or fuolio Safoty, was asked how many they in tended to add to the police. "We are not giving that out,77 was tho rePy . .... . . ... "1 hear there will be six nunarea. eaia the reporter. "That would make a big regiment," was tho evasive reply; "twice as big as any regi ment in the State. All I can say is that a large number, perhaps more than six hundred, will be called upon." "Who will pay these men!" was askea. "Oh. the city will have to pay them," was answered readily and lightly. "Did the company ask for these special police!" "No. the board decided to call upon out siders for aid." Section 100 of the charter says: Bald commissioners shall have power, on ap plication of any person or corporation. If deemed expedient, to detail regular patrolmen of the police force or lire force, or appoint and swear any additional number of special policemen or firemen to do special duty at any place within such city, upon such person or corporation paying for the use of such city the 6ame rate per diem of servfee on such detail of special duty as Is paid the rejrular members of the force, bach special patrolmen shall be subject to the superintendent and such special firemen to the cnief of the lire fores. They shall obey the rules and regulations of theirreppectivo departments, conform to its dicipline and orders. The haste of the Board of Public Safetv has, therefore, precipitated an enormous expense npon the eity. At fci a day, the pay of policemen GOO extra men will cost $1,200 a day. a large price to pay for the satisfaction of helping President Frenzel misconstrue au arbitrated matter. It will, of course, be necessary for the Common Council to appropriate tho money to pay these men. In the face ot the cost. Mayor Sullivan, whose change of policy makes the expense, says: "It is no part of the dnty of the city of Indianapolis to run street cars." If the company had been made to demand the extra police, as might have been done, the cost would have been entailed upon the company instead of the tax-payers. lhe following is a list of the names of those already sworn in. I. Kldridge, Charles Coval, John Aenew and D. J. Ulvey presented physicians' certificates showing personal inability to giye tho as sistance asked: W. O. Sullivan. W. F. Walker. John P. Ferguson, Lewis Anderson, J. G. Golladay. Ira Had ley, Frank Clark, Samuel Hice, A. Kuskaunt. Henslery K. Locke, Charles Lichtenberg. Albert K. Cotton, L. C. Stephenson, George M. Fess, David Folding, J. C. Ballard. V. L. liuess. Herman C. Kaesener, Henry P. Thomas, Nelson Daubenspeck. Edward Sleicbt. James L. Taylor, Sanioel Dever, D. F. Clary. John MacShnlse, Wm. Abston, J. C. Wood gate, B. F. Wilson. Thos. F. Dusan. Gus Hepp. Thomas Horton, Martin Coleman. Con rad Goody, Dan Gulliver, Wm. Schwartz, Peter Konsch, David Kees, John T. McCaffrey, B. F. Clarke. James Sullivan, Henry G. Hemknehle, Pat Killian, Niek ormser, Thomas C. Moon. Joseph W. Wheatly. Chris Hansing, 1. M. Kingsbury, John Miner. George F. Johnston. H. M. Nicholson. M. H. Miller, Sam Knauss, P. Picrson, Al Kay, John H. Wbiteman, ttichnrd A. Field, Herman Bacher, Harry Thrush. B. F. Meyers. Charles Kreitlcin, Jasper W. Clary, William Gillian, James Breen. J. S. Crews, If. D. Baccn, G. W. Cheatham, Harry De Loner. Herman Smith, Marion Vawter. Kicbard Irish, John L. Elliott. F. P. Hunter. W. K. Higgms, A. F. W. Kleimeyer. Francis M. Whito. David F. Butler. J. K. .lossup. Michael Qninley, Edward Pierce. Ed. Williams, I. Eldridge. Charles Coval. John Agnew, D. J. Ulvey, James Sonughnesy, L. Kessler, Silas O. Kay, Fred Gunsolis, Edward Jordan. A Journal reporter started to take a copy of the names that were being selected to be subpoenaed. Mayor Sullivan, who saw the act, spoke np and said: "That won't do. The men named might lieht out if they knew they were to be summoned. No, don't take those names." "That won't do at all," chimed in President Hawkins.. "That will interfere with our work," echoed the astute superintendent of police. But the reporter was after news. ' There is no better way to notify a man that he is wanted than to advertise for him. Below is printed a few of those subpoenaed: Ob as. Alleji, Chas. M. Allen. John Allen, John J. Allen. Wilbur B. Allen, George M. Allison, August Alten, Geo. Ammeruian, lnaao Amrnerman, Snmnel Amos, Chas. W. Anderson. Geo. Anderson, James Manning. John Anderson, John C. Anderson, Albert Blake, H. E. Bakemeyer, Albert Baker, Braxton Baker. Charles F. Baker, Frank Baker, George B. Baker. Newt A. Baker, James J. Baker. William Baker, W. W. Baker. J. H. Baldwin. W. P. Bales, Charles G. Basse. Charles T. Baaske, E. 11. Bibbitt. H. C. Bade, William Bader. Pat Baggott, C. A. Baggs, William Bsgley, Frank P. Bailey. Georgo W. Bailey, Hamilton Bailey, J. C. Baird. J. W. Baird. A. II. Bakemeier. It was a noticeable fact that many of the subpoenas went on North Meridian, Pennsylvania and Delaware streets. Among the citizens subpeenaed many are cither small shop-keepers or laboring men, and of the latter a great many are union men. Soino of the latter have' said they will sutler punishment by imprisonment in the work-house a month before they will oppose the strikers. So many of tho laboring element were subpanaed that the inquiry has sprung up among them: "Wny Is labor tbns forced to tight labor!" The question will be pressed home to tho authorities, according to information given a Journal reporter laet night. The call for assistance has cansed a 'consternation in some quarters that has its amusing side. A Hebrew shop-keepor near tho Tens' engine-house, whose patronone is wholly from wage-earners, was set almost crazy. He paced the lioor all day. A uniou barber, who is one of the unfortunates, puts hie case thus: "Here I am. wife and three children; run a union shop; have two nnion men working for me. My patrons are all union men. and yet 1 am forced to go out and help a rich corporation run itr cars. Now what a fix that puts me in! My men will leave me, my customers will shave elsewhere, and 1 can't hire other nnion men! And how am I rewarded for this! Two dollars! II 1!" A member of the Merchant police is a boiler-maker by trade. Now the boilermakers take a very binding oath of fellowship. "Tell yon right now," eaid the oflieer in question, "1 don't like the idea of turning out to help run street cars. 1 am a member of two unions, and 1 took an oath in each to help workingrnen. Now comes along another oath on top of them. What am I to do! I cau't keep both. I guess I will have to push the cars one way a while and then push the other! That's the only way out of it I can see! May be I won't show up." MAYOR TO TDK BOILER-MAKEHS. One of The m Reports that lie Said There Should lie No Franchise for the Citizens. Here's a pretty bow-de-do! A member of the Boiler-makers' Union said to a Journal reporter yesterday afternoon: "Mayor Sullivan addressed our union to-day, and, in tho conrse of his speech, he said that the Citizens' Street-railroad Company would not be granted a new charter as long as he was Mayor. The remark was not qualified in any way. Evidently the Mayor was making a strenuous effort to "square himself," but his opinions are subject to chance. Ife said, a few days ago, "It is no part of the duty of the city of Indianapolis to operate street-cars." but he has since changed his mind and adopted the opposite policy. If he save now that the Citizens' company shall have no renewal of charter while ho is Mayor, it may last for a month or two. but things will probably be ditiereut when the company comes to ask for one. TRIALS OF TUB RIOTERS. People Applying Mustard Plasters to Judge IJusklrk'a Back. a Judge Bnikirk will have to deal to-day with the men arrested on Saturday, and with the experience of the former arrests some citizens yesterday took it upon them selves to urge him to give out punish ment in heavy doses. The Judge did not have a warm support in the election canvass from the News and hss all along acted as if he did not draw inspiration, in the style of the Major, the publio boards and Superintendent Co! bert, from that ofiicious dictator and censor of publio morals. It is really cruel in him. bat after the advice he reeeived yes terday It may bo to may hearken to the

Howling Dervish, and give a larger pro

portion ot justice to his mercy man nas been his wont. It is underStood, however. that when court convened on Satnrday morning, and all the police were absent, his Honor was much ruffled, and said he could not hold court unless the police do their part If the poli cy develop this morning that those arrested are to be punished, jury trials will "undoubtedly be demanded, and a continuance trill be necessary. Of the eighty-live arrested all but ten or twelve, and these were outsiders, were released on baiL The ten or twelve had to spend Sunday under lock and key. DIFFERENT FROM SATURDAY. Bat Few People on the Streets and Quiet at - the Car-Barns. The bad weather of yesterday prevented all bnt comparatively a few people from being on the etreets and about the various street-car barns during the day, bnt here and there conld be seen in the down-town districts small knots of tneu in earnest conversation. The universal topio was the street-car strike, the riots of Saturday aud the expected trouble of to-day. "1 fear there will be bloodshed to-mor row" seemed to bo the key-note wmch everybody struck. When it became known that the advisory committee was meeting in the (ri tlith Block, a small crowd becan to gather there which kept on increasing until late in the evening. On every band among the men gathered thero sympathy was expressed for the-strikers. BI1C ITS II I JACK HAS BEEN' MALIGNED. Imaginary Stories About Him Published In Two Newspapers. The News printed a story Saturday night to the effect tbat W. P. Fishback had said to patrolman Carter Temple, colored, dur ing the excitement of the morning: "Hit me, coon; hit me; I'm a sympathizer with the strikers." Patrolman Carter, who is one of the old est, best and most respected officers of the force, was questioned last night by a Journal reporter in search of the facts: "I heard nothing of that kind," said he. Mr. Fishback came up to where I had just thrown a noisy fellow out of the way, and said; Y ould you hit a man that is a sym pathizer with these strikers!' 1 made no answer. He had spoken without excitement and without otlenso. He walked on and said to a lot of the men: 'That's right, boys, stand firm. The city as well as my self is in sympathy with you.' IIoThen came baok to where I was standing.4 aud said to me: 'If yon wnnt to hit n man that is in sympathy with the strikers commence on me 1 still made no answer, lie did not use the word coon, or in any way say anything insultine. 1 knew nothing about tho publication in the News until I read it there." . A Journal reporter asked Mr. Fishback what truth, if nnr, there was in the story published lu the hcntinel. "it is not a matter of sufficient importance for me to say anything about it," naid Mr. Fishback. "I was on my way to Mr. Wishard's oiDce and beard a huzza. A Pennsylvania-street car bad been stopped on Washington street. at the corner of Pennsylvania, and tho crowd had taken the car and thrown it aercss the track in front of the Model Clothing Store. It was a good-natured crowd and there was no violence. I said 'Hurrah for the strikers and walked uo close to tho car, around which the police had formed a line. I waved my hand and, speaking to tbe police, said 'Hurrah for the strikers: you fellows don't want onybody hurt1 1 expressed, my sympathy for the strikers as 1 have from the beioninp. I then walked over to the steps of Mr. Hanghuy's bank and Judge Gresham came ulonK and passed me. He did not see me. butl followed and touched him on tho shoulder. We walked together to tho federal building and I went to Judge Woods s room and told him of tbe occur rence.-' ' Mr. Kennedy's Speech. "In my speech in Masonic Hall, the other night," said D. F. Kennedy, speaking of the editorial criticism, in the News. "I was trying to show that some laws are not enforced because the publio does not want them. No law is enforced. when it is contrary to publio sentiment,' and at the time I was speaking there was no question what publio sentiment was in reference to the street-car strike. Yet now we see the law entorced at the demand of a corporation, when other lawn just an much needed to be elective, are wholly neglected. It is this experience of seeing the law enforced to please capital that makes laboring men become suspicious. Their interests are not so well protected. They get favors only by forcing respect in various ways for their wishes." Condition of tha Injnred. Police Surgeon Earp has prepared himself to give his entire time to-day to the wounded, should Saturday's incidents be repeated. He .will remain at the police station as long as there is prospect of trouble. When asked yesterday about patrolman Smith, he said: "He will be on duty to-morrow. Ed Harris, who has been sick with pneumonia, will also bo ready to report. Every policeman will be on duty, as far as sickness or injury is concerned." IIow to Use Clubs. To the Editor ot the lnniananolls Journal: Let me suffsest to our police force tbat the use ot the club upon the heads of rioters or any one else, as a rule, does not quell tho rioter at the time, but is most likely to produce brain disease long after tbe riots are forgotten. Well-directed blows upon tbe lees and feet do' more good in laying out and disabling without danger. One well-directed stream from the tire department would have doneinoro to disperse the mob yesterday than two hundred policemen could. 1 hax e seen the cold-water treatment tried twice, on greater mobs than our own little riot. It acts quickly, doen no harm and- washes a great many who have not the luxury of a bath at home. Indianapolis, Feb. 2. w. b. f. CKAFS WAK RECORD CHAP. XL lie Was, in Fact, a Terrible Slau, Thirsting for the Enemy's Blood. New York Advertiser. Technically, this newspaper was in error in staling that Isaao I'usey Gray, of lndi?rfa, never saw any active war service beond the recruiting of two regiments, because of his bad health. Colonel Gray did not get out of Indiana with his second regiment, owing to a condition of health which compelled him to resign his commission; but he did cross the river into Kentucky with his first regiment, and whiio on the dark and bloody ground he carried a musket, with bayonet fixed, and with it did terrible execution, as set forth in the subjoined affidavit: I, Daniel Brannln, now state that I am a Democrat and have never favored or voted any other ticket in my life. During the war my father, J. W. Brannln, was living on what Is now the George Gist farm. Col. Isaac P. Gray, commanding a company of Union soldiers from Indiana, visited tbe farm at the head of his troops and committed many unwarrantable acts. He (Gray) also entered the residence of Robert Sparks, a poor but honest Democrat, In this neighborhood, and literally swept away all that he had. and compelled him to fret down on his all-fours aud crawl and Meat as a steep, with threats of taking his life. In fact, his entire conduct during his stay herotw.as beneath the dignity of the gentleman and true soldier. Daniel Dranmn. Bworn to beforo me this, the 3th day of Sejteraber, 1884. W. W. TuitSKK. Clerk Henry Couuty Court. We have no desire to belittle tbe military service which Colonel Gray rendered his country in her hour of peril, and print the affidavit without prejudice. It shows that Colonel Gray was a soldier bold; and bad his health held out until he conld hare got within sight of the enemy other than the poor but honest Kobert Sparks. Democrat, the compelling of the aforesaid Sparks to crawl on all fonrs and give ntterance to the plaintive vocalization of tbe sbeeD would hardly have been a circumstance to his warliko deeds. Gilded Columns Come Handy. LonlsTllle Conrier-JeurxaL Gilded colnmns in a bnildine where free Amcru an citizens are employed are a great convenience. If there is a gilded column anywhere in sight tbe free American employe will make immediate use of it to scratch bis matches on. No wonder his employer loves him and insists on raising hit wagea annually.

MINISTERS ON THE STRIKE

They Vary Somewhat in Detail, but All Agree in Discountenancing Violence. Dr. Milium Talks Very Emphatically Major Sullivan "Roasted" Brown Talks by Father Gaviik, Drs. Lucas and Kondthaler. PR, MILBURX'S VIEW. Wherein Doth Sir. Frenzel aad the Strikers IXnre Erred Political Cowardice. Ber. Joseph A. Milburn, one of tbe most influential ministers in the city, devoted his morning sermon, yesterday, to the strike, and the Second Presbyterian Church was orowded with people. Taking his text from Matthew, "Can ye not discern tho signs of the times!" he spoke as follows: "I want to speak to you to-day about the signs of the street-railway strike during the past week within our city. It may seem to some of you a theme inappropriate to the pulpit, but I think a calm reduction wiil teach you tbat Christianity is the most inclusive truth in allthis world, and that it has to deal not only with the general rules, the great, broad, sweeping principles of life, bnt also with the concrete questions of equity and dnty. It was manifestly the purpose of our Master and His beautiful ana perfect rules of action should not be confined to the summit of the mount of the beatitudes, but that they should be applied to tho minutest situations of life. If Christianity is good in the chnrch it is a fortiori good in a street-car system and in our stores. It applies pre-eminently to tbe offices and to the streets. And so I think that you will understand the spirit in which I seek to preach to you to-day. I know, too, that some of yon will not agree with much that I have to say. You have your theories and I have my theories. Christianity in its terrestrial operations is largely modified by our personal peculiarities, and tastes, and judgments. It is manifest, therefore, that upon any given problem there is room for difference of view; but I take it that it is tbe funetion of the Christian minister to preach what he discerns to be the truth, to preach what ho discerns to be the right. The fact that he cannot expect a unanimous approval of his views should not deter him from speaking out his mind. The pulpit should be above all cowardice, and it should be fearless as well as just. It should be true to its vision and faithful to its light. BUOTHKlt MINISTERS CRITICISED. "During the past week the one theme of conversation between man and man has been the strike on the Citizens' etreot-rail-way of our city. Thero have been many and variant voices in .the air. The paners, for the main part, havo preached a sort of circuitous gospel, and a few of tbe minis ters of the church havo declared themselves openly, and, if tho report of their sayings be accurate, without meaning it, and. no doubt, with the best aud purest intention, they have been teaching a subtle anarchism; they have been openly proclaiming the subversion of property; they have applauded and approved violence; they have instigated, by their teachings, men to interfere with the prerogatives of others. A consideration of tbe controversy of tbe past week indicates clearly that there lias been too much heard from the. partisan on the one aide, and too much from the demagogue upon the other. Men with an ax to grind what kind of an ax 1 do not say or with a razor to put on edgehave spoken their views, or. rather, their professed views, and that in a spirit tbat is as vicious as it is incoherent and unwise. It is my purpose this day to speak to yoa npon certain of the signs of the present strike, to consider it, if possible, dispassionately and with only one motive to get at the true state of the facts and the perfect equity of the situation. "The first thing, I think, that a reflecting mind notes in the present controversy is tho imperious attitude of capital towards labor. Capital these days is receiving a great deal of unintelligent abuse. Thero are men who seem to havo a deep-seated grudgo against any man who is possessod of a dollar over aud above bis debts. From all sides voices come arraigning capital, accusing it of every kind of injustice and of every kind of tyranny. It is considered as the arch enemy of humanity, and as the one burden upon the laborer's back. The source of this spirit tbat antagonizes capital is evident enough. There is u spirit in the world that looks with an envious eye upon all success. Success means a certain amount of detraction in whatever sphere that success may be attained. If a man be a successful lawyer he will have to meet with no end of criticism. If a man be a successful doctor he, likewise, will be subject to the unkind comments of those that are beneath him in his vocation. And so it is with wealth. The wealthy man is a successful man. He has been victorious over circumstances. He has proved himself to be more thaaa master of nis surroundings. He has ridden fortune, and ridden her triumphantly, and therefore be is the objeot of an immense amount of foolish and fatuous declamation from a lot of demagogues and irresponsible agitators. Yet there is no doubt that wealth is at times imperious and harsh, that it rules with a rod of iron, and that it is pain fully oblivions of the pains that it intliots upon the world. Wealth has crashed in the East, and it crushes still to-day. Wealth as in every aire been insolent, and it has not yet learned perfectly good manners. It speaks with tbe loud voice of command very often when it ought to speak with the gentle voice of persuasion. It lords it where it ought to concede, and it crowds when a high justice intimates to it tbat it would be better to yield. Power is a dangerous possession in any man's hand. He is a rare man who knows how to rule equitably and justly, with a fair mind and with a considerate and tender heart. '1 he scepter is generally swayed with arrogance; and kings in every age, whether they have been the kings of nations or the kings of commerce, havo ruled with a despotic hand. DOMINKERING CORPORATION. "I think that there has boen, perhaps, a touch of this harshness and this imperiousncss in the attitnde of the Citizens' Streetrailway Company towards its employes. I do not lay the blame, as many do, entirely upon Mr. FrenzeL 1 do not know Mr. Frenzel. Cut the obligation here is far larger than au individual. It is a corpora tion that is involved, and not a man; and this corporation, 1 believe, has shown in tho present controversy a dominating spirit. Thero was no reason why this strike should have been precipitated. I have no absolute jndament to pass upon the pass or badge auertion, which was the original causo of this strike. I have a notion about passes, but tbat notion is purely personal. It has always seemed to me that a pass was more or less of an indignity; that it is a gratuity, and that it is not consistent with a man's dignity and self-respect. The prinoiple that should guide men in their business dealings with each other is an honest quid pro quo. No man has a right to ask favors, and no man has a right to grant favors habitually to a man who has strength adequate to the purposes of life. The relationship between man and man should be sharp, and definite, and clear, and should not have in it any element of gratuity. Privileges tend to pauperize men in the long run and to bereave tbe'in ultimately of a sense of equity. But. waiving the pass question entirely and conceding for the purposes of argument tbat the Citizens' btreet-railway Company were in tbe right, which is a question, yet I say that their spirit has been a censurable spirit, in that they did not deal with their men as men but as just so many machines. I do not believe that any large body of the employes of the Citizens Street-railroad Company wonld have objected in the first place to an arbitration to determine their rights. I believe that if there bad been a iust and fair consideration of tbe matter between thdCitizeu6 company and the employes, that tbe employes would nave done what isas reasonable and right. "Kind words are a great power, and there Is no man in all this world that is more susceptible to kind words, to tenderness and gentleness of treatment than the man who earns his bread by the sweat of his brow. The laboring man fundamentally la eouitable. more fouitable. perhaps. than liia master, and all bo wants is tune to think nut his propositions and kind treatment whilst he is doing bis thinking. And therefore, I say that the church has a message to deliver to the Citizens' Street

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railway Company. It is not to bully tbe company nor to shout out a stream of demagogical rhetoric, to preach a loudmouthed violence and disregard of property rights, but to intimate to it that there la a great power in the principle of concession. These men havo looked upon their passes, right or wrong, not as a privilege, but as a compensation, and a judicial mind must see that before those compensations should be withdrawn. the employes of the Citizens Street-railway Company had at least the moral right to have reasons for the Withdrawal made known to them and made clear to them. No man likes to be treated peremptorily, to be ordered about with an autocratio spirit. There is a sentiment of equality in every human heart, aud the street-car conductor, and tho motorman, and the mule-driver want to bo treated on the basis of that equality. It was the duty of tbe street-railway company to consider this universal sentiment of the race. It was their duty to make some concession to it; and if they had taken a course that regarded their employes as men and not as mere commodities, I have not the slightest doubt that they wonld have effected step by step and gently what they have failed to effect so far by implacable commands. Aud so the word of advice here to the employer is to concede a little. Supposo the men are wrong, yet there is no fundamental moral question involved; it is a mere question of dollars and cents, aud to an amount so small as not in any way to jeopardize tbe profits of tee company. Why, thon, should not Mr. Frenzel concedet Let him limit the passes in a measure, confining them strictly to the employes of the company; let him restrict their use. bnt let him base his restriction on a just and kind perception of the righta of the men who work faithfully for his company, and who do their duty well. METHODS OF LABOR. "Another sign of this controversy is the lawlessness of the methods of labor. I do not make this charge of lawlessness general. It would be foolish and wicked to do so. The laboring man, in tho aggregate, is a most just-minded man. He is the most powerful factor in the body social-and politic of to-day. He in a'large per cent, of the voting strength aud he is a yet larger per cent, of the industrial strength. And yet be docs not seek to nse bis strength generally to tbe subversion of the government or to the subversion or the interests of hie master. If there is any man upon this earth that! profoundly respect and to whom I feel it to be a privilege to touch my hat, it is tbe i laboring man. He is worthy of every kind word that has ever been said about him. He is an expression of noble and niajestio force. Nor do f think tbat anyone here would have a word of criticism to pass upon the individuals that constitute the working force of the street-railway company. It is quedtionable whether there is in the United States a liner body of conductors than we have on our street cars. In all my riding on the street cars 1 have never but once known a conductor to speak an ungracious or an ungentlcmanly word, I have never known but ono to give the slightest offense to any passenger. Time and again I have seen their patience tricd. time and again I have eeen them subjected to indignities that no one of ns would bear without resentment; and yet they havo borne themselves with a composure that did them the highest her or. They are a most thoughtful, and a most folite, and a most genteel body of men; and believe we all appreciate their admirable deportment. lint, whilst as individuals they can only meetwithouresteem.it must be manifest to all of us who look at tbe situation with a clear eye and with a thought purged of fanaticism and delirious enthusiasm, that their attitude einco the strike was declared on last Saturday night is an attitude in every way coudemnable. Tbat the employes of tho streetrailway company had tbe legal and moral right to organize no one will gainsay. Labor or ganization is one of tho bast signs of the present times. It means intellectual and moral enlightenment for the artisan and laborer. It means a vast labor propaganda tbat in tbe long run mustdignify the laboring man and must reward him ultimately with his fair and proportionate share of the possessions that he has earned. "Nor can it bo doubted that labor organizations have the right to strike. The wisdom of a strike is questionable: whether in the long run. it does more harm than good is also questionable. Its moral spirit is also questionable, but tbe legal right of it is unquestionable. If two hundred or four hundred men leel tbat they are being imposed upon, that they are being ridden harder than they like to go, that they are being deprived of what they consider to be their privileges and tbo lruus oi moir labor, they have the legal right to strike, to take up their tools aud to say good-bye to their employer and iro out. That is elementary, otherwise the laborer would be simply a slave; he would be at tbe beck and call and the subject of every caprice of bis financial lord. The man with tbo dollars in bis pockets, if he were a tyrannical man or an unjust man, would simply put a halter around the neck of the laborer and lead mm as a hostler leads a horse. The strike stands for human tights. It stands for equity; it stands for industrial emancipation. The street-railway employes, therefore, have the right to strike, but there their right ends. They bad no right, and they have no right to stand at tho doors of the street-railway's barns and prevent it from doing its business. A lot of wide-mouthed demagogues and intoxicated enthusiasts may tell them that they have the right, but simple common sense and the barest sense of justice tells them that they nave no more right to impede tho free movement of the cars of the street-railway company than 1 have: and you will all admit that 1 have none at all. One of two things is clear. Either on Saturday night the Citizens' Street-railway Company had a contractual right in the labor of their employes, and then tbe conductors, and the motormen. and the drivers were certainly not justified in striking, for in so doing they would be breaking their word, binding upon them legally and morally: or this contractual right had expired with the declaration of the strike. If so. then the moment the conductors and the motormen struck they were out ot the employ of the Citizens' Street-railway Company. They are no more in its employment than you are or I am. They were no more in its employment than any citizen in the city of San Francisco or Hong Kong. They had struck, and there was an end of it, and it is the mostobvlous common senso tbat there their relationship with the company ceased. THE STOPPING OF CARS. "Every act since then whose intention has been and whose eSect has been to thwart the street-railway company in the running of its cars bs been an act not of right or of law, but an act of downright, unqualified violence, an act whose spirit is not equity, but anarchy, and its logical result is sheer Bakuninism. Whether the employes be right or wrong in their demands, whether it be true or false tbat Mr. Frenzel has tyrannized over them, whether the pass was a privilege or stood for an extra service, vrhether tbe compauy was just or unjust in the dismissal of certain of its employes it matters not. That Air. Frenzel was wrong ana tnat tne com pany were arbitrary and unjust has nothing to do with the case. Mr. Frenzel's imperioutness and tyranny, even if it be irne that these things can '-e sam oi mm. is no iustihcation for a high-handed usurpation ot tbe prerogatives ot property. Tbestreetrailwav companv has a right to rou its cars; it has tbat right by the charter granted it bv this city: it bas the right. too. to emnlov whom it wauts to employ; it has a legal right, too. to say what wages it will pay its men; it hss the -gal right, too. to impose the t ions under which luen shall work for it; and io mnii baa n rig!t to interfere with its I. art rid liberfu' except through the rhuuiif 1 of the uppoiultd courts and the established law. "The men who are backing up, by their

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miQm A5IUSE3IENTS. (SrRAJSTP T0-MGI1T AXD TTjrRDAY AND VCEPJf FDAY. AND WEDNESDAY IfATINEE. ALL THE WILLIAM OILLETTira TERRIFIC fcUCCESS. COMFORTS CITARLES FROimAVS IMMlTAlilX rLAVtlta. HOME THE Oeigixal Company. OlIIGlNAL fcCKSKHT. Omckul AccL&oiiirs PKICES-Oallerr, 25c: IWconr. SfVv. Dre-sCirrls. 75e; orchestra and Boxes, tl. 3iun pricos andoOo. ENGLISH'S-WECSE!AuLr March 2, last sypetrance of the CHICAGO ORCHESTRA Under the personal dh-ection of THEODORE THOMAS. 6ololste: 21 ME. JULIA XUVE-KIXO. Pr!eet 25c to $L esta on sale toi morcing. G-EAND ."JF&&ra MODJESKA. Thnrsdsy night "MARY STUART." Fridtr McUr-"COUXTE8.H KOUDINF.." estardajMstlaee -AS YOIT LIKK IT. Saturday Nlxnt -MACUETn." F 11 1 CT.Sa all erj. 23o; Balronr. SOc; Xlesrrred. 78c; lres Circle. 1; Orchestra and Boies, fl.su. bests on sale tliia morning. National TuMtt MOCGHI-IM FIFE FOR Gas, Steam & Water Bolder Tabes. Ct and Mliable Iron rtttinrs (black and alvsnlryl), VaiTes.Stop Cock a, Kngine Tr:mniinsrs. aUeain aucrs. P'pe Twigs. Vlp Cotters, VU, crsw Plates and Diea, Wrenches. 8tam Traps, 1'u id pa. Kitchen emka, lit, lieltiag, babbitt McUU. holder. White aud Colored Wiping Waste, ant all other nppll usrd In con. rectum with Gas. eteara and Water. Natural Gas aurjMes a speoialtjr. btoam htltc Arpararua for Publio It midlines, Viore-rootaa, Milla. fthops. Factories, Laandnet, Lumber lrr-hoa, via. cut aod Thread to order any alza Wrought-iron Pipe from 4 Inch, td 12 laches diameter. Knight A Jillson, 75 and 77 a PENNSYLVANIA 8T sophistries and by their pernicious logic, the strikers in their rork of violence are advocation mob rule. Tber are advocating the neht of any body of men that think themselves odended or unfairly treated to xlav at foot-ball aod ten pins with any bit of property they please. They are advo cating the rignt oi a lawless moo. ia set aside the lawofonr land that bas been evolved throutih long agesof hard thinking and bonght at a terrible price and to set np their own arbitrary vrhims ana caprices as their canon of conduct, 1 say that the logic of this advice is to reduce society to a f bedlam. It is to debauch liberty. It it to undermine the mainstay of government. tbe law. It is useless to eneer at that; it is nseless to laugh away this charge of law leanness? it ia useless to answer that the) I xonntry will go on fairly well despite this Hilar, aud liiSk it in a ujcid uu"ui u agitation and not felt beyond the contines of this town, and felt even here only for a little while. The logical conseoueuce ii there just the same; and if all society should tarn in and play the part of the demagogue and take the attitude of these men. who are so handy in the disposition of other people's property, property toward whose acquisition they hare not contributed one hour's laboror thought. I nay that society would snnplj be in a state of revolution, and anarchy would prevail instead of law. And. therefore, tbe word of the chnrch to the strikers is to advise them to cultivate a sense of property. "The pnlpit has no business, and it Is lamentably derelict in its duty and lsyt itself open to the charge of fawning if it makes it its business, to urge the strikers on in their lawless course aud to restrain by violence the street-railroad company from tbe nse of its chartered privileges, The business of the pulpit is to say to tho strikers: 'Strike if yoa want to, but yoa have no business to strike back. You have no business to deal with another man's property as though it were your own. Yoa nave uo business to try to play two roles at once, employer and employe. You have no business to lay your bauds on property that has been built up by the industry, and by the frugality, and by the ingenuity of other people. Cultivate a sense of right, lie manly. Do unto others as yoa would that otheis shonld do unto you. Hands olf. And if you do not liko the conduct of Mr. Frenzel and his company, do as other men bare done a thousand times before, find more congenial employment and go to work.' You say you havo been injured; you say yoa have been wronged. Maybe you rave been, but you do not rectify your injury by striking back. You have no business and Dot tha slightest esrthly richt to force your employer by hich-handed violence to Kmploy you upon your own terms. If yon cannot reason with Mr. Frenzel and with tbe company, and if yon cannot by gent! wonls re anli them and persuade them to be just, then the wise thing, and the judicious thing, and the honest thing for you to do is to go in search of au employer with whom voq can live on terms of equity and in perfect peace. POLITICAL COWAKDICE OF OFFICIAL. Anotfcer sign of this controversy, and I think tbe most pitiful of all the signs, is its revelation of political cowardice. When the labor organization of conductors, and motormen. and drivers declsred on a striae Mr. Frenzel asked the protection of the city. He certainly bad a right to tbat protection. If our city exists for any purpose at all it exists for the purrose of giving everyone of its citizens a liberty that if consistent with a like liberty in every other man. The city is not simply a po liti al jobbing institution, if 1 understand thmps rightly. It is not e:i;iply an institution for pulliDg wires for a second term or a third term. It Is not simply an institution fore, party to lay steps whereby some individual may ascend into a higher olhce when the opportunity occurs. It is not simply an institution meant to dole oat loaves and fishes to tNe ritingry henenmeft that hang on the skirts of party, tew lazy to work and alightly too. honest to steal. That, 1 think, no one considerstobea dienified conception of city government. When we elect citv otlicrrs, a Mayor, a controller, and other oflirils. we do it for the purpose of enforcing order. nf ini. that nronertv is protected and that individual rights are ta&imaiiied. If 1 have a house. 1 sty it is the business of the city government to see t:iat I have the free nse of that house, and the Mayor cannot answer with any degree of sincerity wten 1 demand protection, that thenty ont ntrairitl in tiui bnaineaa of real Kf at.t. I t might be a very cute answer fur a tician, but it is a mighty thin answer a city Mayor. And it eeemfc to mo that iust aa vou or I . a. an individual would have the right by'