Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 July 1890 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, SATURDAY, JULY ,5, 1890

THE DAILY JOURNAL

SATURDAY, JULY 5. 1890. WASHINGTON OFFICK-513 Fourteenth U P. S. Heath. Correspondent. Telephone Call. Bnalneii Office 233 Editorial Roomi 242 TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. PAILT BT MAIL. One year, Trillion t Unnday r..f 12.00 One yiar, -wlta Sunday 14.00 elx ilontht, without tinnday 6.00 Six. month a, with mukUt 7.00 1 Tfcne months, "without Sunday 3.00 i Three montLa, with Sunday- 3.80 ' One month. -w ithout Hunilaj l.no Ckenionth. with Sunday L20 DeUvered ij carrier In citr. 25 cents per week. WEEKLY. Per year. ftOO i: educed Ratea to Clubs. 0UDcx1te with any ofour numerous agents, or send Subscriptions to the JOURNAL NEWSPAPER COMPANY, TXDLANAPOUR- INDl

Persons sending the Journal through the mails In tit United Ptatea should put on an e)ht-vage paper . a 05K-CZ5T postage stamp; on a twelve or sixteen rsjre paper a two-cent postage stamp. Foreign postage 1 usually double these ratea. A 11 com munica tions Intended for publication in Oii$ paper must, in order to receive attention, be accompanied by the name and address of the tenter. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can be found at the following places: LONDON American Exchange in Europe, 448 6 1 rand. PARIS American Exchange In Farls, 35 Boulevard des Capncinea. NEW YORK Ollaey House and Windsor noteL PHILADELPHIA A. P. Kemble, r Lancaster avenue. CHICAGO Falmer House. CINCINNATI-J. P. Hawley A Co, 1M Vine street. LOUIBVILLE-C. T. Deering, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. BT. LOUIS Union Newe Company, Union Depot and Southern HoteL Washington, d. c Riggs iionse and Ebbitt House. ire realize that the negro ia oar equal before the lair. We also realize that, if he be allowed freely to vote, and to have his vote honestly counted and returned, we, the white people of South Carolina, will belu a minorlty; we must submit to that or quit the State, and, in all reverence, we swear that vre vflll never quit the State. -Representative Hemphill, of South Carolina. t Mr. Blaine having gone to Bar Harbor for his usual summer outing, his immediate retirement from the Cabinet will become more than ever a daily certainty with the Democratic press. After reading Governor Hill's speech in this city, ono will como to the conclusion that he ought to be the Democratic candidate for President in 1892. He is on the wrong side of every question, and very much on that sido. Secretary Noble is considering the propriety of a recount in St. Louis. If he opens the door to tho recounting business he may find it difficult to close. It is not likely that St. Louis would be any better satisfied with a second enumeration than she is with tho first. The Democratic convention of Pennsylvania was very indefinite as to, its tariff declaration, not even declaring for free raw materials, but it is positive and emphatic about "the reserved rights of the States under the Constitution." Tho Eame may be said of the late Jefferson Davis. Tammany Hall has not only de nounced the Fassett investigation and the grand jury of New York, but hasdeclared for Governor Hill as tho Democratic candidate for President, and pro poses to support him until elected. Tammany has evidently set up in the Methuselah business. The Democrats in the House managed a lrpm Wvnminc rrnf. until nffAr tlin Fourth, and by the same token to prevent tho placing of her star on the na-

j tional flag until July 4, 1S91. But for this exhibition of Democratic spite the

flag would now havo forty-four stairs in stead of forty-three. Certain periodicals pay a large price for articles written by such men as Blaine, Gladstone, Ingalls, Reed, Car lisle, etc., but tho free-silver Democracy would chip in liberally to pay Mr. Cloveland for writing a letter in which, as intimated by Senator Vest, tho " ex-Presi dent would declare that he is no longer a Wall-street gold monometallist. Protests against the McKinley bill romo with mighty poor grace from coun tries that have for years been legislating against American beef and hog products under tho hollow pretense of sanitary precautions. "When Germany and Franco show any disposition to give American products a half a chance in their markets it will bo time to listen to their ideas of what an American tariff ought to be. The Republican press of Pennsylvania has no fear for the success of the Repub lican ticket. When Mr. Pattison was elected in 1883 tho Independent Republicans drew off 46,000 votes for Mr. Stew art, but there is no such defection this year, tho then chairman of tho Inde pendent committee being active in his support of the Republican ticket and decidedly in favor of the election of tho Republican candidato for Governor, whom he warmly commends. Young America shows to good ad vantage on tho Fourth of July. It is largely children's day, as it ought to be. With tho national colors on every hand, and with their noisy demonstrations of freedom and fun, they imbibe something of the true spirit of patriotism. Their childish minds are very receptive of such object-lessons as shooting-crackers and torpedoes, and the early impressions that mysteriously connect these with our na tional liberties aro more lasting than might bo supposed. No doubt many persons were pleased to 6ee tho Declaration of Independence printed in tho Journal yesterday. It is a great document, and ought to be printed in every paper in the United States at least once a year. It should have a place in every advanced school reader, and its reading should form a part of every Fourth of July celebra tion. It is not as familiar to the present generation of Americans as it was for merly, and by the same token, the spirit of patriotism is weaker for that fact. Information has been received that government survey locates the one-hundred-and-forty-first meridian, which forms tho boundary lino between tho British possessions and Alaska, twentyeight miles further east than its former

location. This adds to tho eastern

boundary of Alaska a strip twentyeight miles wide and about four hun dred miles long, including a long stretch of what is supposed to bo gold-bearing country. The territory of Alaska is already so largo that the increase does not seem important, but Uncle Sam may find it handy to have in the house. VOORHEES 0U NATIONAL ELECTION LAWS. When tho national election bill reaches tho Senate, tho country may look for a long and loud howl from Senator Voorhees ono of those great efforts in which he denounces everybody and everything outside of tho Democratic party, and predicts universal disaster if it is not immediately placed in power. Mr. Voorhees has raado many such speeches. If all the disasters ho has predicted had come to pass 'the country would have gone to tho dogs long ago, and there would not have been enough liberty left to have justified the explosion of a single shooting-cracker on yesterday. But however fiercely Mr. Voorhees may denounce the pending bill, or however dark a" picture ho may draw of its probable consequences, he will scarcely be able to sur pass a similar speech he mado about twenty years ago. In 1871, when tho present law providing for the appointment of supervisors of elections was before Congress, Mr. Voorhees was a member of tho House. The bill was an assertion of tho constitutional right of Congress to regulate national elec tions by tho appointment of supervisors to perform certain duties relative to registrations and elections. It was entitled "an act to enforce tho rights of citizens of the United States to veto in the several States of this Union, and for other purposes." Of course Mr. Voorhees opposed it as every Democrat does every measure intended to secure honest national elections. On the 15th of Feb ruary, 1871, he spoke against it in the House. He was awfully impressed with tho solemnity of the occasion and tho threatened blow at American liberty. In opening his speech he said: Mr. Speaker: The condition of this House to-day impresses me painfully. A measure of the most awful magnitude is under discussion, and the hour for voting is well nigh here. In a few minutes more we will vote on a hill which changes the whole policy of tho government on the subject most vital to its liberty. With this solemn key-note ho pro ceeded to denounce the measure as an unconstitutional interference with tho rights and liberties of the people. He recalled the primitive days of the Re public when "no federal spy or informer dared tread the hallowed precincts of the people's place of voting." He said the pending bill "laid hold upon the foundations of the Republic and dragged them to their downfall." He spoke of "federal satraps with bayonets in their hands," of "the tiger's taste of blood," of "the devastating march over the ark of tho covenant of a free Constitution and over the down-trodden forms of American freemen;" of "tho good old days of liberty gone forever," etc. Then he sent to the Clerk's desk and had read a list of American cities having a population over 20,000 in which, on tho application of two citizens, the United States judge might appoint supervisors at national elections. He continued: Those cities are seventy in number, and this bill makes every one of them a mili tary post whenever a United States deputy marshal desires the presence of troops at one of these elections. When will tho people awake to their danger? How much longer will the delusive cry of 'All is weir lull them into a falso security T Must they behold the gleaming bayonets ata their throats on the day of election before they will beliove in the open and shameless advances of tyranny f Must they see tho cannon trained upon the ballot-box before they rush to its rescue? Must shot and shell lie piled up at tho voting precincts before the voter will rec ognize an assault upon his freedom as an elector? All these things are provided for in this bill. The regulation small arms, the cartridge, the bayonet, the cannon, the shot, the shell, and the lighted brand are all in this pregnant engine of destruction and ruin. After a good deal more of this sort of stuff Mr. Voorhees made the crowning argument of his speech by intimating that the bill was intended to pave the way for overthrowing the government and continuing President Grant in power. Ho even intimated that General Grant might be a passive, if not willing, party to such a scheme. He said: I will not say that tho present executive has evil intentions against the liberties of his country. It does not become anyone" to utter such a charge without strong and clear proof, and then with caro and prudence. But the trim, silent, taciturn man of action, whose opinions are never uttered in advance, and whose purposes are enveloped in constant mystery, is to be watched and dreaded, when at the head of a nation and supported by a . party reckless of constitution:! 1 restraints. I do not dinparage tho military capacity and the military executive ability of the present chief magistrate of this Nation. In his civil knowledge, however, his capacity for civil affairs. I have no faith. And a combination of military tower and civil inferiority has in all ages produced the most dangerous enemies that ever menaced the liberties of the people. Such a man relies upon the qualities of which he is conscious, lio esteems the faculties with which be is endowed and despises those with which nature has bereft him. He can command troops, and, therefore, no wants to command them. He loves . power; and the control of an army at the ballot-box is a certain moans of obtaining and retaining power. Ho is conscious of no other means of securing popular support. He is unlearned in the lawsof hiscountry, knows nothing of the reasons which dictated its institutions in the minds of its founders, has never read its Constitution, and openly sneers at men who have the gifts of knowledge and of speech with which to explain and enforce tho greatMoctriucs of free government. Is such a character a stranger to the minds of members! Do you not recognize and dread hiuif History pictures him Napoleon III to my mind, in striking semblance to the present American chief magistrate. His exterior was chilling and repellant. He had unscrupulous favorites who would stop at nothing on his behalf, and on whom he lavished unmerited honors and wealth. He was regardless of human life and misery. His designs were hidden. His purposes were mysterious and unknown. He climbed to rower by breaking all the pledges by which he got his lirst foothold iu the French Assembly. And when the hour came it was by virtue of just such preparations as are made in this bill that he found the way plain, the obstacles all removed, the ladder set up on which to ascend to tho topmost round till he reached the throne over the prostrate liberties of France and the bleeding and mangled forms of his countrymen. Shall this dark and startling page of history bo all lost upon us? Tho man who, according to Mr. Voorhees's plain implication, was thus to complete the overthrow of American liberty, was the hero of Vicksburg and Appomattox, tho modest, unswerving patriot, the faithful servant of the people, ejie true and loyal American tlu long-

suffering and world-honored Grant. By such arguments as these, and by this insulting comparison of tho great soldierPresident to Louis Napoleon, and by plainly insinuating a plot to continue President Grant in power, Mr. Vobrliees sought to defeat the present law for the appointment of supervisors of elections a law which is not only harmless, but which has been productive of great benefit in several cities and in many elections where it has been invoked. It has never deprived one legal voter of the ballot, nor interfered in the slightest degree with the honest conduct of elections under State laws. It has, however, been very effective in preventing fraud and contributing to honest elections in localities where they were unknown before.

"BAYONETS AT THE POLLS." There is always a sufficiency of absurdity to be found in Democratic, and particularly in assistant Democratic, newspapers in regard to the Republican Congress, but none of it is such unadulterated idiocy as the current prattle about "federal bayonets at the polls," sinco the House has passed tho federal election bill. Some of these papers are already panic-stricken by visions of "gleaming bayonets" which their luxuriant fancies have conjured up. They see every voting place in the land surrounded with a squad of federal soldiers and army officers arresting peaceable citizens who appear at these places to exercise the rights of American citizens. Ridicule is the only notice which such newspapers should receive. There will bo in the United States not less than 50,000 voting places, at the November election, and the number may greatly exceed that figure. At the present time the regular army that is available docs not exceed 20,000 men. It 13 scattered all over tho United States and the Territories, so that it would take weeks to concentrate it if it were necessary or possible. Supposing the whole of the army could be used at federal elections, there would bo less than half a soldier to a voting place. There were times when a federal soldier was a terror to Northern copperheads and was an object of dislike to Southern men, but . that time is a quarter of a century away, so that tho fear of thoso days should have passed away to an extent that onehalf or one-third of a man in a federal uniform, with one-half or one-third of a musket with a "gleaming bayonet," should not be a terror to any citizen with peaceful intent. It is evident, however, that the officers of the federal army and the federal soldiers would suffer greater disaster than the voters, since the slicing up of 800 commissioned officers and 20,000 enlisted men so as to have a portion 'of each at every voting place in the United States would become a very serious matter for the men who wear federal uniforms. One-eighth of a commissioned officer to a voting place would make very fine work for the men who were charged with tho duty of making the division. This suggestion is made to relieve the possible anxiety which nnys Democrat may havo regarding his personal safety next election day because of tho hostile presence of federal soldiers at the polls, since there cannot, be a Democrat in the land, who claims to bo a man, who would not defy one-third of a federal soldier with one-third of a "gleaming bayonet" and one-hundredth part of a snare drum. TWO SIGNIFICANT UTTERANCES. tSeveral excellent addresses were mado yesterday during tho reception which tho Columbia Club tendered to General McCook, of the United States army, and Captain Peck, of Kansas, bnt' the two made by Rev. Dr. Jenckes and General McCook were of special significance. Rev. Dr. Jenckes was called upon as ono of the guests, and until ho spoko no allusion had been made regarding pensions, but he took up the recent utter ance of Bishop Potter, of New York, upon that subject, and, after paying tribute to his high personal character and ability, proceeded to tako exception to his Harvard address, so far as it related to the pensioning of old soldiers, and very severely criticised his comparison of tho veterans who are asking for pensions to the Pretorian bands of robbers of the Roman empire. Ho declared that the man who makes such an unjust and insulting remark could havo no patriotic appreciation of what those men 'had endured, what they had sufferedand what they had done for the American people, and the cause of human freedom and human progress throughout the world for all time. It was the utterance of a mugwump who has lost all faith in the people of this country, and whose patriotism had been eaten out by the unpatriotic spirit of mugwumpisni. General McCook had mado his address earlier, but, before the assembly broke up, he asked the indulgence of the audience while he should express his opinion upon tho question of pensions. It was the utterance of a man who has spent his life in tho regular army, and it was full of feeling and tire. He began with a glowing eulogy of Abraham Lincoln, and called attention to the declaration in his second inaugural regarding what tho Nation owed and would owe to the men who fought to save' the Republic. He believed in keeping tho pledge of the inspired Lincoln. "Why are wo a Nation to-day?" he asked. "Simply because of the soldiers of the Union armies. All that wo havo we owe to their valor and their sacrifice. They ransomed tho Republic with blood. It may be said to bo theirs. Now, I care not how much it costs a year 8150, t)00, 000 or $300,000,000. So long as there is a dollar in the - land the American people will merit the contempt of the civilized world if they permit any broken-down soldier or soldier's widow to dio in an almshouse." Ho characterized those Eastern men who prattle about Union veterans and Pretorian guards iuthesamo breath as"dudes." General McCook has a soldier's repug nance to making public addressee, and disclaims all ability in that direction, but no more effective speech was mado in the land yesterday than his indignant defense of the Union soldiers and his fervent appeal for justice to tho brokenly) wu veterans. It BishoD Potter had

mingled more with full-grown "patriots like General McCook and less nth tho un-American and exclusive coterie . of mugwumps in New York, ho wotild havo less anxiety about tho Union Vfcterans organizing as Pretorian bands.

Evert argument in favor of the Australian ballot law makes for the enactment of k national election law. Journal. !j This is like most of the Journal's political utterances absolutely false. But if it were true, where would the Journal stand? It nsed every effort to prevent the adoption of the Australian system in Indiana. Sentinel. This is ono of the Sentinel's lies which it tries to prove by frequent repetition. It is like tho infamous and oft-repeated lie that tho Journal was pecuniarily interested in the old school-booli trust, which up to this dato tho Sentinel has never had the manliness or decency to retract. ' It is strange that Mr. Vest does not go homo to Kansas City nnd preach about "subsidy robbery"- there, where the citizens have just subscribed liberally to a packet line of steamers between Kansas City and St. Louis., Nobody expects the line to sustain itself from freight charges, but the people are right in believing that it will repay them in a dozen other ways. And, x by the way, how big a town would ; Mr. Vest's town be had it not been for the subsidized railroads that havo developed the country to the west of it? Some weeks sinco tho 'Maine Democratic convention met and nominated Mr. Hill for its candidate for Governor, and by a vote of two to one decided not to make issue against the prohibition amendment to tho State Constitution. Sinco tho holding of that convention Mr. Hill has died and another convention has been held, a much, smaller one, which revoked the action of the previous one, and decided to demand the re-submission of prohibition to tho people. Thus it seems that the Democratic party of Maine has taken issue against itself. Four railway mail employes have been arrested recently in the Tennessee district for stealing letters addressed to tho Louisiana lottery in New Orleans. The lottery mail is a constant temptation to postal employes and has caused the downfall of scores of them during the last few years. By making no attempt to exclude lottery matter from the mail the government is made a party to this great wrong. It is high time for Congress to take hold of the matter and show some moral sense and courage. Under a resolution of the Houso of Representatives Mr. Henry II. Smith, journal clerk of the House, has prepared a "Digest and Manual of the Rules and Practice of the House." In addition to the standing rules and orders of the House the volume contains so much of Jefferson's manual of parliamentary practice as governs the House, together with a variety of other infonnation concerning the conduct of the House, the duration of different Congresses, date of session, etc. It is a useful book of reference for those interested in parliamentary law and congressional proceedThe address of Capt. George R. Peck, of Kansas, delivered in the Tabernacle Church yesterday, greatly delighted those who had the pleasure of listening to it Indeed, it may be said to be a most gratifying surprise. Scholarly in its diction, impressive in its delivery, and imbued with the patriotism which has made this people a Nation, it was a timely and inspiring utterance. If Captain Peck should visit Indianapolis again on a similar occasion Tomlinson Hall would be needed for the audience. The Iionse seems to have done a popular and a great thing in compelling the Senate to recede from its proposition to make Senators' clerks and clerks of the committees" yearly, officials at $1,800 each. Six: dollars a day during the session has been the pay of these officials, and the House decided that it was sufficient pay for the amount of work performed. Senator Gor man, of Maryland, threatened retaliation when tho llouao asks for some special favor. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men and true patriots, but they had no conception of fire-crackers twenty inches long, four-and-a-half inches in diameter and costing $1.25 each. ABOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. Queen Natalie of Servia has insured her life for $200,000, for the benefit of her son. Mns. Houghton, real-estate-dealer at Spokane Falls, Mich., is said to have made $250,000 in four years. Sknator Ingalls receives an average of 1,200 letters a day.', The services of two typewriters are necessary to dispose of his mail. "The tallest school-girl in tho world" lives at Riednann, near Stcrzing. She is in her eleventh year and is about six feet high. 1 , : Sir Morrell Mackenzie, who is coming to the United States in October to deliver fifteen lectures, is to get 'about 810,000 for the series. Judge J. P. Smith, of Fort Worth, who is now worth a million dollars, once walked from Kentucky to Texas because be did not have money enough to pay his passage. New York city is agitated by the announcement that Carmencita, the Spanish dancer, reeled and fell last' Saturday night after leaving tho stage. She was completely exhausted. Amkmuer of Japan's royal family, at Philadelphia, is learning mechanical engineering at Cramp's ship-yard, and a fellow-countryman is learning the linishing business in a Hancock-street dyeing-house. Cardinal Manning's aversion to strong drink in every form is so great that twice in articulo mortis he has refused stimulants, and ho alludes triumphantly to the fact that he got well each time as proof that stimulants are never necessary. At the recent funeral in San Francisco of young Edward Coogan (shot, by a Mr. Kerr) ono of tho "floral tributes' was a revolver of violets, marked "C. of Y. D." Cause of Your Death. It was sent by a young woman, described as "the daughter of a wealthy business man." . The custom of lifting the hat had its ori gin when it was customary for knights never to appear in public except in full armor; it became the custom, however, for a knight, upon entering nn assembly of friends, to remove his helmet signifying, "I am safe in the presence of my friends.'' Miss CiiARLOTrE RonixsoN, a decorative artist of London, had the good fortune to make a set of doylies for the Queen and Koiurt Watteau scenes for the princess of Wales. Immediately Miss Robinson's work became the fashion, and now she receives an3' price she chooses to ask for her work, and is getting rich with very little labor. Kossuth, who is living, at . Superga, in Italy, isafllicted with a slowly rprogressing cataract, but he himself believes .that death will arrive sooner than blindness. He lives in retirement. He declines to see visitors, saying that, haying retired from the world,

the world ought to forget him. But he still writes, working regularly till near midnight. He walks on the hills in tho morning and dines alone at noon. Mrs. McClellan, widow of Gen. George B. McClellan. on Saturday evening gave a dinner in London to the Count and Countess of Paris. The Count of Paris was on General McClcllan's staff during the war, and a strong friendship exists between Mrs. McClellan and tho Couutess. A number of distinguished persons were at the dinner. Mr. Gladstone's programme for bis Scotch tour in November includes visits to Lord and Lady Aberdeen, at Haddo. to Lord and Lady Breadalbano at Taymouth, to Mr. and Lady Helen Munro Ferguson at Raitb, and to Sir Andrew Clark at Dalquharran. and during his Midlothian campaign he is to bo the guest of Lord and Lady Koseberry, at Dalmeny. It is probable that Mr. Gladstone will deliver at least eight elaborate speeches in addition to his railway-station harangues. In an address to 270 fair young women who graduated from the Normal College in New York, General Sherman told them not to be in a hurry to marry, but when they did to pick out a manly fellow and be a womanly woman, not trying to usurp tho rights of man. He also remarked: "The happiest life is the one that involves labor. Y'ou must have some object in life. Fight hours a day is a good day's labor, and if while you work you do something good for mankind, you will be better satisfied than if you had idly stretched yourself and read French novels. Labor in America is honorable. It is better to sweep the streets or train blackberry bushes than go around begging money from your friends." George Vanderbilt is the most Extraordinary member of the family in some respocts. Frederick and William K. bear a very strong resemblance in their manner and appearance to Mrs. Vanderbilt. and Cornelius has many of the sturdy and business-like qualities of his late father. The facial resemblance of the daughters of William II. Vannerbilt to the defunct millionaire is notable. It may be said in a general way that all of the children have Vanderbilt traits except the ono that has gone far to the South to build himself an isolated home. George Vanderbilt is a stranger in his native town. Despite h?s enormous wealth, assured social position, and winning nature, he is not known generally in business, club and social life. The booksellers are acquainted with him, and so are the men who deal in bric-a-brac, but he is personally strange even to men who make it a point to know New Yorkers. The correspondent of the London Telegraph supplies the latest perspective of Bismarck: "Let me try to describe the outward seeming of my illustrious host, as bestrode firmly along through the leafy rath q and umbrageous winding ways of riedrichsruhe Park.1 manifestly as sound in 'wind and limb' as tho toughest of his foresters, or tho hardiest of his keepers. He wore a soft, broad-brimmed hat, a thick, wide neckerchief knotted in front, a long, dark, loose coat buttoned up to the throat, gray trousers and strong, double-soled boots. In his right hand, ungloved, he carried a black stick with a slightly curved handle, upon which he rarely leaned while walking on level ground. His mustache no longer overhangs his whole mouth, as of yore, but has been trimmed comparatively short so as to show the under lip. He bears himself in his old martial fashion, with head erect and shoulders well thrown back. The incipient corpulence which made him appear somewhat over-bulky about tea years ago has entirely vanished." Some eat oat-meal to get thin, 4 fat don't " at all. bo dad, And they know what they're at. -New York Ilerald. MRS. HENDRICKS'S FAUX PAS.

A Brooklyn Organ fears She lias Proven a Burchard to Hill's Presidential Boom. Brooklyn Eagle (Dera.) Governor Hill has always had a strong opinion concerning the political inutility of women. They are a non-voting class and, therefore, he has never made a deal with any one of them. Nevertheless, the Governor is not insensible to the adventitious aid of the fairsex in politics, although he is always apprehensive that they will do or say something injudicious, if to them is given an opportunity to express themselves on partisan subjects. It must be admitted on behalf of the ladies that several of theau have shown a discretion of utter- ' anceorof reticence on political subjects which has excited the Governor's approval. There was an exception yesterday at Indianapolis. A distinguished woman of society and politics made what the Governor would call "a very bad break." The woman was Mrs. Hendricks, the widow of the Vicepresident, a monument to, whom was unveiled at the capital of Indiana on Tuesday. The chief magistrate of Now York, who is not a ladies' raau, and Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, who is a ladies' man, paid their respects to Mrs. Hendricks after the ceremonies of the unveiling of tho statue. The Sun, which bines for all, and especially for the boom of Hill, is authority for the statement that "Mrs. Hendricks met Governor Hill at the door, saying that she was honored by his call, and felt that she must greet him ou tho threshold." It adds that "the Governor's evident enjoyment of tho occasion destroyed ground' for and belief in the theory that he is a woman bnter. He was scarcely outdone in gallantry by General Sickles himself." This is certainly very high comparative praise. It then seems that tho Governor, who is nothing if not politic, and who, without taking any encyclopedia with him. acquaints himself wherever he goes with subjects of contemporaneous human interest, "complimented Mrs. Hendricks upon her work as the president of the Woman's Keformatory, the lirst institution in this country for tho separate imprisonment of female offenders." it is remarked that "Mrs. Hendricks made some incidental political references, ono of which was characteristically womanish." Her words were: "If you let Mr. Cleveland beat you for the nomination. Governor, I don't want you to over come to my house again." The Eagle can well believe the Sun's assurance that "the Governor seemed to be a little surprised at this, and said nothing in direct response. Mrs. Hendricks thereupon "presented the Governor with two of her lato husband's canes, ono a gold-headed cane, presented to him in 1873 by the State ollicers in Indiana, and the other, an old hickory, cut in Shelby county, at Governor Hendricks's former home, in 1850." Our readers will bo of the opinion that Mrs. Hendricks was unfortunately fluent. The "implication of her remarks," as the late Demas Barnes would have said, "was undesirable." Tho lady implied that the Governor was a candidate for President of the United States in opposition to Mr. Cleveland and that Mr. Cleveland was a candidate in opposition to tho Governor. Mrs. Hendricks not only assumea both of theso propositions, but iuferentially enlisted herself for the war on the side of Governor Hill. She even made his success in a suppositious rivalry a condition to his ever being asked to "call again." Now this is not the theorj on which politics may bo said to be run in New York. Out in Indiana a man may be a candidato and bay so. In New York ho must bo a candidato and not say so, or say that he is not. In Indiana the reality of a candidato may be avowed. In New York it is always disclaimed. Tho Hoosiers may declare their way into a nomination. The Now Yorkers have a habit of declining their way into such honors. In the Wabash country the aspirant himself may bo tho frankest to divulge his aspirations. In the Empire State tho aspirant never speaks a word, but his henchmen, his followers, his lieutenants, if you please, his heelers. and sometimes even his organs, do tho necessary mouth work, while upon the head of their chief, "silence, like a poultice, comes to heal the wounds of sound." Governor Hill appreciates the error of Mrs. Hendricks as much as any man possibly can. If bo is a candidate for President he will want to reserve the announcement of that fact until ho can touch it off in the right way, at the right time and through the right sources. We can conceive of him subtly authorizing ox-CongrcbsnianTIeoveH, of the Greeuport Watchman, or tho amiable gentleman who discreetly conducts tho Elmira Gazette and Free Press, or his especially attached friend. Mayor James Hilton Mauning, of the Albany Argus, darkly and mysteriously to intimate that, under certain contingencies, ho might bo a candidate for President. Wo can even imagine him dropping iu on Brother Jouet. of the New York Times, or Editor Godkia.

of the New York Evening Post, fo increase their appetite for cucumbers and garlic by telling them that he was in tho held lorn presidential nomination. But a boom born of woman is not one that tho Governor wants to havo nnt out to nurse between rnw and-lStti Least of all. with all respect, would he desire Mrs. Hendricks to motherize or niatronize such a political aspiration. The lady is very accomplished, very honorable, a loyal worshiper at tho shrino of a revered memory, but there are circumstances which lead the Governor to prefer that none of the gentler ex should become tho godmother to his political ambition, and especially that Mrs. Hendricks should not. That lady represents the anti-Cleveland sentiment among the disfranchised sisterhood of Indiana, but the reason why she represents it is well known and delicately construed, as well as considerately tolerated, without making it either extremely impressive or effectively significant. What the Governor wants, if he i really a candidate for President, is not the anti-Cleveland sentiment of this country, for he has that already. 1 It is tho Cleveland sentiment that he wants, and tho Cleveland sentiment which he mnst have, in order to seenre the nomination. Mr. Hendricks has rudely torn the veil of discretion from the effigy of occasion, and tho Governor's call upon her will not be rated by him among the happiest incidents of his entirely non-partisan tour to the capital of Indiana. It would, on the whole, have been better had the Governor stayed at this end of the country and written a nice little, letter, such as tho one which Mr. Cleveland indited for the occasion. Your political letter never does you any harm. It can bo mado complimentary, consolatory and regrettul with impunity. It is not dynamite that explodes. It is simply a rose which blows fragrance on the air, and which is ns perishing as it is pleasing. Nothing from it survives to embarrass. It saves you from listening to dreary addresses or from making ono yourself. It dolivers you from tho crush of r crowd. It sends forward an appropriate sentiment as your substitute. By it you incur no danger from children or women, who often ruthlessly tread on tho tail of intent in such a way as to make it jump up and howl. It is true that tho Governor pnlled himself sufficiently well together, after this explosive episode in Mrs. Hendricks's parlor, to : deliver iu

fin fora, the same evening, a carefully type-written, wholly unprepared, elaborately arranged, entirely extemporaneous. deliberately worded and exclusively off hand speech, on the principles ojf Jeflerson. tho horrors of Harrison, the doctrines of Democracy, tho wretchedness of Kepublicanism. and the like, but it is also true, we fear, that his political harangue will find access for it to the minds of his countrymen effectually blocked by the very few hot entirely too many words of Mrs. Hendricks. Tho Governor did not go out there in the guise of a presidential aspirant, but in the disguise of a disinterested Democrat. and to have the illusion dispelled or the domino removed, even by tho gentle hand of a well-meaning woman, was oneof thoso unfortunate aocidents which will some times happen even in the best-regulated political families. A NATIONAL ELECTION LAW. The Tending Bill Is ConstitutionalThe Real Question at Issue. New York Independent. A great deal of eloquence was . wasted in Congress last week on the national election bill. The bill has been roundly denounced by Democratic Representatives, both of the North and of the South, as unconstitutional and revolutionary, as an unwarrantable intrusion by Congress into the affairs of the various States, as a reinstatement of the of the federal judiciary, as a costly piece of extravagance, and as malignantly partisan. The honorable members .might better havo saved their breath than to spend it so uselessly on tho constitutional question. It is as clear that, under the Constitution, Congress has power to do what it proposes to do in this congressional election bill, as that it has the right to pass laws for tho regulation of foreign and interstate commerce. This point has been decided again aLd again by the Supreme Court of the United States, and it is therefore a mere waste of time to argue it further. Congress having, beyond question, the right to amend State laws concerning tho condnct of congressional elections, or to supplement them, or to sweep them away entirely and substitute regulations of its own, as in its discretion it may seem best, tho real question to which tho opponents of that law ought to have addressed themselves is the question whether there is any state of facta that rcqnires tho exercise of that discretion, and as to the limits beyond which that discretion ought not to go. . It has been demonstrated, again and again, by the statistics of elections iu several states, that under tho present regulations of those States, and in tho present condition of sentiment iu those States, it is impossible to bave a full and fair election for Congressmen. That is all that concerns Congress. It has nothing to do with the election of Stato officers or State legislators. Its 4 concern is entirely with the eleetion of Congressmen. Theso facts show that through various devices, such ns the eight-box law in South Carolina, the registration sytem in Virginia and other States, the insufficiency of polling places in Georgia and elsewhere, a large part of legal voters are in every congressional electiqn deprived of the right of suffrage. These 'facts are so glaring that they bave been openly admitted hitherto by frank Southern leaders, and were again admitted last week on the floor of the Houso of Representatives. Two years ago Governor Richardson, in defense of tho South Carolina device for tho maintenance of the supremacy of the whites, declared that "only a flimsy statute, the eight-box law," stood between the whites and negro supremacy. Last week, in the debate ,'n the House of Reoresantativcs, Congressman Hemphill, of South Carolina, used these words: We realize that tho negro Is our equal before the law. Wo realize that if bo be alloT.-ed freely to vote and to have his vote honestlv counted and returned, we, tho white people of frouth Carolina, will bo in a minority. We must submit to that or quit the tttate; and, in all reverence, we swear that we will acver quit tho fitate. Here is the real issue. - It is not the question of constitutionality that the Northern Democrats raised in their protest presented to the House last week; it is not a question of interference with Stato rights: it is not a question of a revolutionary policy; it is simply tho question whether there. shall be honest elections of members of Congress. Such elections in many of the Southern States are not full, cor free, nor fair, nor honest; if the Constitution expressly gives to Congress tho right to amend existing State laws applying to congressional elections, or to supplement them, or to declare them null and void, and substitute for them laws of its own, and it becomes simply a matter of expediency to exercise that right, what circumstances could more fully justify such exercise than the state of facts to which wo have referred! We do not see how it is possible that a stronger case could be made out. Congress having been brought face to face with the question whether it will attempt to apply a remedy to the great evil, it will decide by its action whether it will do its duty or whether it will evade it. Over and over again, it has been asked by Southern Representatives in Congress whether the provisions of this biii will be applied to Northern districts. The bill is of universal application. It is not restricted to any State or district. If there is such a State of ultairs in any district in the North, no matter where, no matter what, it will be perfectly competent for citizens to npply tho remedy provided by this bill. . We do not suppose that there is in half a dozen districts in the North and West any such condition as would have led Congress to propose the preseut remedy; ami yet this bill is not sectional 'legislation. If Southern Representatives choose to call it such, and to claim that the power of the Republican majority is being used to coerce the South, we reply that by assuring a fair, free, full vote and an honest couut in the South they can save themselves from any application of tho provisions of the proposed law. The simple question for Congress is whether tho measure now before it is adapted to the end sought to bo gained. It is not the lirst exercise by Congress of its constitutional right in thin direction. Nearly twenty years ago it passed a law intended to guard against corrupt elections iu the city, of New York. That was uot a sectional law. nor is tins a sectional law. At any rate, sectional or not sectional, we mast h;;ve pure nnd honest clectious North and Sijtitb. East and Wesd: nnd. if State laws are insufficient, we lira n have a national law that is uuicicufc