Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 July 1890 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, FRIDAY, JULY 4, 1890.

THE DAILY JOURNAL FRIDAY, JULY 4. 1690.

WASIIIGTON" OI'FICE G13 Fourteenth U , P. 8. Heath. Correspondent. Telephone Calls. Business Office 233 Editorial Room 243 tkiisi- of sunscnipnoN. PATLY BY MAIL. Pneyfr. without Huntlsy fliW Onejrtr, -wllh Sunday tlx Slonths, -ulthunt Hniiday Blx months, with Hnnrtay Three months. r It hout Sunday 3.00 Three raonths, with Sunday 3.M One month, without Funday 1.") One month, with banday Delivered ty carrier in city. 25 cents per week. WEEKLY. Per year. "1W Reduced Kates to Clubs. Pntcrihe with any ofourtumerous agents, or send subscriptions to the JOURNAL, NEWSPAPER COMPANY, ISDIAXAPOUS, IM. TVrsons sending the Journal thronrh the mails la the United Mates should put on an eipbt-nape paper AOKE-cxsTpoftace sunup; ona twelve or sixteenpage japer a two-CEt postapre stamp. Jforeiar. postage la usuaLly double these rates. All communications intended for publication in thispaper must, in ordrr to reccicc attention, be accompanied by the name and address of the writer. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL On he found" at the following places: LONDON American Exchange in Europe, 449 errand. PARIS American Exchange In Farls, 85 Boulevard des CapuCines. 2EW YORK Gilaey House and "Windsor Hotel. PHILADELPHIA A. Kemble, J735 Lancaster avt-nue. CHICAGO Palmer House. CINCINKATI-J. P. Hawley A Co, 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE C. T. Deerlng, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. CT.LOTJ IB Union News Company, Union Depot and Southern Hotel. WASHINGTON, D. O. Riggs House anoT Ehhltt House. "We realize that the negro Is our equal before the. law. 'We also realize that. If he be allowed freely to vote, and to have his vote honestly counted and returned, we, the white people of South Carolina, will be lu a minority; we must submit to that or quit the State, and, In all reverence, we swear that we will never quit the State. Representative Hemphill, of South Carolina. Teach American patriotism July 4 and there Tvill bo no danger of the red rag of anarchy or the crazy-quilt flag of socialism. TnE well-regulated family that has not a copy of the Declaration of Independence in the house should secure one at onco and havo it read regularly. Since it has been decided that the lot tery question should bo submitted to only the white voters of Louisiana all doubt about the final success of the octo pus has been removed. Four election officers in Jersey City havo been convicted of crookedness in the late election, and will get into the penitentiary a loss of four votes to the Democratic party in the November elec tion. TnE Philadelphia Press asks: "Has tho United States Senate virtue enough and senso enough to put a check on un due loquacity and present a barrier against willful obstruction?" The peo ple hopo that it has. WnEN young America is murdering sleep with his noisy explosives, comfort may be found in the assurance that tho boy who spends a half dozen Fourth of July nights in such occupation will never fire a shot upon the American flag. TnE rumor comes from Washington that the Senate may let the federal election bill go over until' the next session, in order to give the Southern lead ers an opportunity to show tho honesty of their professions in the November elections. This has been tried a dozen years. How strangely Abraham Lincoln's grand sentence would read if it wero s amended according to the Southern Democratic doctrine, "This is a govern ment of white people, for white people, by white people." It was not Lincoln's doctrine, and it is not good Fourth of July doctrine. ' TnE Fourth of July is one day on which tho croaker and the pessimist should hido themselves in a bach room. A nation with 04,500,000 people and growing, and, beyond that, the most intelligent and prosperous in tho world, is a Fourth of July fact, and, therefore. cannot plenso the purveyors of misery. "Ye?," said an army officer recently, "the Hag of the United States should fly from every school-house as it does from every public building, every day school is in session. The boys and girls should stand with uncovered heads when it is raised in tho morning and when, it is lowered at night." This is tho day to talk about tho old flag. Tiie Massachusetts Legislature pro poses to pass a bill requiring all lawyers who appear as counsel for suitors before the committees of that body to enter their names where tho public can see them, and all thoso persons who propose to act as lobbyists must sign a book set ting forth their vocations. Tho latter have become too numerous and too officious. The decent people ot this eional district will regret to learn that Representative Bvnuni is announced in make "tho long talk" for Tammany Hall to-day, a political combination which stands for all that is corrupt and vicious in Dolitics. and whoso corruntion hn rfw - cently been exposed to a degree that no isew lork paper had the impudence to detenu it. Here in the North we hear of a great many contemplated negro uprisings, but in twenty-five years there has not been a real rising of colored men to murder whites or to destroy their property. One Incident of tho kind has just taken place In Amite, La. Some whites heard or pre tended that they had heard of a negro uprising, and, therefore, started out to prevent it Several negroes wero shot and more were whipped, and now every thing is quiet. There is no pretense that the negroes wero guilty of unlawful acts, but they shot and whipped those whom they chose to suspect of the outrage. It is a typical l ace warthat is, one side furnished tho amis and ammunition and the other side tho dead and wounded. Not a few of tho Western silver advocates are in.bued with tho fiat-money doctrine, tho idea that the dictum of the

government can create value. Undoubtedly tho dictum of the government can

go far toward creating public confidence in this or that form of money, which is tho real basis upon which its value as money rests, but it cannot do everything, even with its own people, much less with foreign nations, among whom it is desirable that our money should bo received at its full face value. One experiment has shown that a limited number of silver dollars can by this dictum bo sustained at par. If another experiment shall show that nearly tho total silver production of the United States can be sustained at par likewise, it will bo timo enough to talk about free coinage. THE FOURTH. The chief value of all holidays is in changing the current of men's thoughts and lifting them to something higher than tho selfish and sordid atlairs of e very-day life, bomo author speaks of "tho expulsive power of a new emotion," meaning tho power of a new emotion to displace old ones and supply, at least temporarily, a new motive power for tho moral nature. A new emotion often has an excellent effect in this way, but an old one rightly utilized can perform tho same service many times over. It is to bo hoped the senti ment of patriotism is not a new emotion to any of us, yet there are times when it comes with expulsive power enough to supplant all other emotions and absorb all other ideas. Such a timo pre eminently is the Fourth of July. Tho value of tho day is not merely that of a general holiday on which the national work-shop is closed and tho national mind given a brief rest from its ordinary routine of body and brain-consuming labor. This is a great thing, but any recognized holiday may do that. Tho Fourth performs a service much higher and more valuable in that it almost compels us to give somo serious thought to tho circumstances of our national origin and to some of tho great events of our national history. This almost inevitably leads to some contemplation of our national blessings, and ends in tho con clusion that, as American citizens, we havo much to be proud of and much to be thankful for. Such thoughts ought to come oftener than onco a year, but better once a year than not at all. On tho Fourth of July it is impossible to avoid them: therefore, long live the Fourth! It does not detract at all from tho wis dom of the men of '76 to say that they had no conception of the future growth and greatness of tho Republic which tho Declaration of Independence was to usher-into existence. It rarely happens that men rightly estimate the relative importance of their acts. The men who signed the Declaration of Inde pendence .were probably more concerned about the immediate present than they wero about the future. It is even pos sible that their minds were more occu pied just then with the question of per sonal safety than with that of theVstablishment of a new government. Every man of them must havo felt, as he affixed his signature, that he was burning his bridges behind him, and that the rest of his life might have to be spent in dodging the King's officers. Ono of them is reported to have said, riTiflr-T tt" tniief Vi o 1 r. r rrn f li . er now, or wo snail certainly ... . a hang separately." They did hang to gether right bravely, and most of them lived to seo tho principles of the Declara tion, purified by the war and strength ened by tho stormy period of tho Con federation, formulated at last in tho Constitution, which has become tho corner-stone of our government and the universal charter of human liberty. The men of '76 knew a good deal, but they builded better than they knew. But the building which they began is not yet completed. Wowhoaro enjoy ing the fruits of their wisdom and patriotism Bhould not fall into tho error of supposing that the work of establish ing human rights and of perfecting tho union of liberty and law is done. Itwill never be done. There is as much and almost as important work to bo done now as thero was a hundred years ago. Wo are working for posterity truly as our fathers did. Tho question is, what will posterity think of our work? The Fourth of July is tho great national holiday of the American people. Other days have local or sectional significance, but Independence day and its history and memories must find a hearty response in the heart of every real American citizen. If thero is one who lives in this country- whose heart is not thrilled with tho memories of the day, and with the great truths set forth in the Declaration of Independence, ho may know that he is, at heart, an alien, even if his forefathers were born on its soil. It is that iuspired avowal of human rights which makes the day memorable, rather than tho fact that it was the day on which it was promulgated. The Declaration is the inspiration of all that is humane and progressive in our institutions and laws. It 41 is the bill of rights which, if our laws breathe its spirit, and aro saturated by its self-evident truths there will be no injustice in the laud. What the Sermon on the "Mount is to the Christian religion, the Declaration of Independence is to human freedom. Its spirit carried the fathers through tho revolution and bound tho colonies together as a Nation until tho Constitution was adopted. When tho Constitution has been a dead letter and tho Union has been assailed, it has been because tho peoplo havo forgotten tho Declaration of Independence. But otherwise July 4 has been a notable day in the history of the United States. On that day two of its Presidents, tho elder Adams and Jefferson, died. On it Vicksburg surrendered to General Grant and tho "unvoxed" Mississippi divided tho territory of treason in twain. On tho same day tho flood tido of treason, in tho charge of Pickett's division, beat upon tho Union lines of fire on the rugged slopes of Gettysburg, and receded never to reach so high a point again. Thoso great Fourth of July victories came to revive the loyal heart and were the turning point in tho great struggle to

establish the truths of the immortal Declaration on this continent and in the world. Such a day in. a nntion's life should not be a mere holiday, but rather a holy day, devoted to thoughts and expressions of thankfulness, elation and the highest patriotism. "

THE VIEWS OF A SOUTHERN JUDGE. Judge Fenner, of the Supreme Court of Louisiana, has written an article on tho race question, which, coming at tho present time, from so eminent a man, is worth attention. He states his theory for the solution of the important question in the words: "Government for tho white; protection for the black." This, he believes, is tho only platform upon which tho whites and blacks can live together in friendship. Ho admits that both havo the same political rights, but in order that there may be peace between the races the negro must voluntarily declare his purpose to relinquish the right which is the token of citizenship and never participate in any act which has to do with government. He must never go near a voting-place, because it is not for his interest to do so. It will not require a large amount of intelligence to see that tho theory of tho Chief-justico is tho samo as that upon which tho right of minorities and ruling classes to govern tho weaker is based. As a theory of government it exists in no civilized country to-day, except in Russia. - A century or more ago Eurono contained several dynasties which denied the masses the right to participate in any form in government. It was the government of privilege based upon caste. Tho Declaration ; of Independence was f ulminated against all such governments, and that inspired proclamation, finding lodgment in tho hearts of the masses, has tumbled throne after throno to tho ground, until Russia is now the only government of a so-called Christian nation in which the people are not permitted to participate in somo manner. And now the Chief-justico of Louisiana proposes to establish a similar exclusion of a portion of the peoplo from any voice in government, upon tho basis of color. The frankness of tho Judge is charming. He admits that the colored man has the right to voto and then goes on to say that .he, is not allowed to vote because, "tho right to voto involves the right to govern by majorities." By attempting to voto tho negro incurs the hostility of the white, and to get rid of that the Judge; suggests that he forfeit his right to take any share in government such as the ballot-box confers. Stated in plain terms, such a surrender involves serf dom and tho forfeiture of all other rights, since tho man who does not possess citizenship will not receive that protection of life and property which aro the inalienable rights of all men. The race which has no power to affect government, no voice in the enforcement of tho laws or in making them, sinks to tho level of serfdom and is sure to be tho victim of those whohave power. Buttheconfession of the Judge is interesting just now, because it is a denial of tho.claimst which lJenioprntR nrn niftUiner in t ,nn-1

ptpr nnmolv that tho fdprnl wtinV 'macy and economics with such unstatesgress, namcjy. mat me ieuerai election i.Ttl-nnifA fArf-- aa tnvw and trrimrt

law is unnecessary, becauso tho right to " voto is as un trammeled in tho South as in the North. Judge Fenner says tht tho colored man is not allowed to vote, and justihes that position, lie lives m Louisiana, where, men are frank in regard to the matter. All of this goes to ehow that a federal election law is neces sary, absolutely so.SPELNGER ON FEDERAL SUPERVISION, In the election iu 187C, in the Fourth Massachusetts district, the voto was so close between Judge Field, Republican, and Mr. Benjamin Dean, Democrat, that it turned upon a recountby the Board of Aldermen in the city of Boston. By tho count of the ward officers and of tho United States supervisors, Mr. Dean was declared elected by two.plurality,but by a recount of the Board of Aldermen, in accordance with tho law of Massachusetts, which applies to all officers, a plurality of five votes was found for Judge Field, and, upon that recount, tho Gov ernor issued the certificate to him. At the recount the federal supervisors wero not present. The House that of tho Forty-fifth Congress was Democratic, and, after full hearing, the majority of tho committee on elections reported in favor of seating the Democratic cor testanr, Mr. lean. ine majority or Democratic report was drawn JLy Hon. William M. Springer, who is now denouncing tho pending federal election bill as an unconstitutional as sumption of power, in that it takes from the local election officers and from State officers tho authority to issue certificates of election and makes tho returns of federal election officers to take precedence of those of local or State officers. In view of the vehemence of Mr. Springer and his friends, his report at that time is what the lamented Greeley was wont to call "mighty interestin' readin'" so interesting that some ex tracts are given: Congress, in pursuance of its constitutional power to make regulations as to tho time, place and manner of holding elections for Bepresentatives in Congress, or to alter State regulations on the subject, enacted the fellow iuff' provisions The provisions of the existing federal election la w.l Tho provisions referred to are precisely the same as in the pending bill, except the power of supervisors to certify. Then tho Springer report proceeds as follows: r;r, They the provisions of the existing federal electiou law must he held valid and binding upon the State. The very moment of the enactment of these provisions, Feb. 28, 1671, they became a part of the election law of the Stato of Massachusetts, overruling all opposing statutes made or to be made by the Stato, and the passage of the State law of April 20, 1ST0. authorizing an aldermanic count, so far as it provided for the taking of the final vote for Representatives iu Congress out of the supervision and scrutiny of the United Stat? s supervisors of elections, was an invasion, if not a nullification, of the United States law. If there could be a moro emphatic avowal of tho supremo right of the United States government to conduct congressional elections, some other language than tho American must be discovered. The Springer report further emphasizes the right of Congress in the matter as follows: After Congress has provided for the appointment of two supervisors of election

for each voting place, and has required such supervisors to count the votes for Representative to Congress, and to remain

with the ballot-boxes until the count was wholly completed and the certiiicatcs made, it is not competent for any State to provide another board of canvassers wno may tako possession of the ballot-boxes, exclude the federal supervisors and secretly count tho votes and declare different results. In his speech advocating the adoption of this report Mr. Springer said: I ask tho Representatives of Massachu setts on this Hour to so vote in this case as to require tho laws of Massachusetts to conform to the federal laws. And again, passing beyond the House and tho Massachusetts delegation, he appealed to the people of Massachu setts, 800 miles away, saving: I ask the people of the United States to make their laws conform to the federal laws. As tho champion of federal law and federal supremacy in the supervision of congressional elections, Mr. Springer made tho following bold avowal of that exclusive right for Congress: Will it be contended that after tho fed eral supervisors havo scrutinized one election and one State count, it is competent for the State to set aside its own election and count where the federal supervisors were present, and then go off into some se cret hiding-placo under tho pretext of State rights and hold another election, and make another count in disregard of the federal law? The Constitution of the United States provides that all laws passed by Congress under the Constitution are tho supremo Jaw, supreme in Louisiana, supreme in Massachusetts, supreme every where throughout tho broad extent ot tlie land. The Congress of the United States has provided that United States m - ft . . supervisors snail be present at all times and all places lor the registration, voting and counting, canvassing and making the returns of the- election, and a State law which makes provisions for recounting the ballots in disregard of the federal law is not in accordance with the law of the land, and is, therefore, void. Thus it appears that Mr. Springer, one of tho Democratic leaders in tho present House, in 1878 declared that the Governor of Massachusetts, in issuing a certificate of election upon a count not made by tho federal supervisors of election, violated a federal law, and that tho certificate of federal supervisors should alone determine tho election of Representatives in Congress. No Republican has claimed moro than this, and all that the pending bill provides in this direction is that when the certificate of the federal canvassing boards and that of tho Governors of States are in conflict, that of the supervisors shall have precedence. And this is what Mr. Springer advocated in 1878. No wonder Mr. Springer was quit appalled when he was confronted with his centralizing sentiments of twelve years ago. The Washington Post, in attempting to trace tho inspiration of a Journal editorial to Washington, goes 60 far as to attribute to Private Secretary Halford the statement that in regard to reciprocity of trade, "the President is opposed to throwing away our trump cards when every one of them is good for a trick." The Post says: No doubt Mr. Halford has given much attention to works on diplomacy since his installation in his present position, but where does ho find authority to inject 'trump cards." and other technical terms unknown to the old school diplomates into the official utterances of this administration? Mr. Halford was not given to the use ,of such modern expressions before his com ing to Washington. Can it it be that the wicked atmosphere of the wicked capital has so influenced Mr. Halford that he will in the future be given to mixing his - diplomanlike terms as "tricks" and "trumps?" The Post knows as well -as anybody that there are many Democrats in and .about Washington, and that the official duties of the private . secretary bring him more or less into contact with them. It would not be surprising, therefore, if he should pick up Bome of their forms of expression and use them for tho purposes of familiar illustration without intending to indorse their practices or principles. In this case, however, it is due to Mr. Halford to relieve him of all responsibility for an article which might subject him to the suspicion of personal intimacy with Democratic members of Congress. Tb figure relative to "trump cards" and "tricks" was conceived right here in tho Journal office. The Journal is pleased to see that it was so readily understood by the Post, but does not want any person connected with the administration to bo held responsible for the moral lapses of the Journal. The Journal still thinks the figure a good one, and assumes all responsibility for it here and elsewhere. That is another Democratic expression, but let it go. The enforcement of such a law as the proposed federal election law will saddle upon the country an expense variously estimated at from $10,000,000 to $15,000,000 for every election that is held. It will cost a million a ud a half dollars for chief supervisors, six millions or more for supervisors, four to five millions for deputy marshals. Washington Post. This is absurd. It assumes that the law would be applied in every congressional district in the United States, whereas the bill expressly provides that it shall only be applied iu districts where it is asked for by one hundred voters or more. Out of about 350 districts not moro than a score or two. would ask to havo tho law enforced, and when the rule of honest elections was established it would not have to bo enforced at all. The enforcement of the present law would cost a very large sum if universally applied, but as a matter of fact it has only been asked for in a few cities and at rare intervals. Ik an article in the North American Review Speaker Reed sets forth tho difficulties attending the investigation and settlement of contested election cases in the House and tho unsatisfactory results. In casting about for a remedy, ho suggests that tho testimony sought bo taken under the direction, of the judges of tho United States Circuit Courts, under rules regarding evidence established by them, and that such courts report to the House the testimony and the results of tho investigation of cases, upon which tho Houso can then act more judicially than under the present system. Men frequently achieve prominenco in one line of business who could never havo amounted to a row of pins in other work. There is Mr. Cleveland, for example. What newspaper would tolerate for a day his ponderous verbosity were ho a member of its staff? "mt Once in & while the New York World does tho city of New York valuable service. and it is engaged in a piece of that useful vork at the present time. It has shown

that for $100 cash and a monthly pavracnt of $.X), with smaller foe for other parties, it is possible to buy a police lieutenant and secure immunity in carrying on an unlawful business. It has been discovered by the World that scores oi! grog-shops and gambling-houses thus purchase . immunity under the regime of corruption which has grown up under Tammany HalL It dh not do Chili any good to stay out of the all-American conference. Her refusal was the direct cause of a defensive alliance between Peru, Brazil and the Argentine, which will effectually repress any hopes of further conquest tho Chilians may havecntertaiued.

Kansas City seems to be in high dudgeon because the enumerators could not find fifteen thousand more people than there were in the town.. However, census returns are something that cannot be padded with the same impunity that bank clearings can be "raised." To UieXilitor ot the Indianapolis Jonriiah By whom was tne poem entitled "Good News written, and In what year! I think it was written by a messenger that brought tho news ot a battle from Ghent to Aix, or from Aix to Ghent, but cannot ascertain the messenger's name. Caktuagk. You probably refer to the poem entitled "How they Brought the Good News from Gheut to Aix," written by Robert Browning. The date of its hist publication is not known, but it has been in all the editions of his poems for more than thirty years past. To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: Do the residents of a road district have to work all the streets of a town or village, whether laid out as county roads or not, or just such as are used for county roadst Keaijek. . Wis slow, Ind. The law requires persons called out by the supervisor to work "on the highways of the district.7' That means such highways as he shall designate. ABOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. M. Renan is an accomplished and enthusiastic whist-player. Tolstoi's "Krentzer Sonata" has been forbidden in Austria as "dangerous to tho state. n The widow of Senator Riddleberger has taken editorial charge of the Shenandoah Herald. . Sir John Millais is now engaged ia painting a portrait of Mrs. Joseph Chamberlain. Rev. Dr. Lyman Abbott writes, in tho Christian Union, in favor of opening libraries, museums and art galleries on Sunday. The commencement of the Harvard annex, the college for women, was held this year at Craigie house, the homo of the poet Longfellow. Collis P. Huntington, tho many times millionaire, lately said: "If I were ayouug man with 10,000 or $100,000 Pdgo to Africa and make millions in the rubber trade. The woman who wrote "Do they Miss Me at Home!" died a few days since at the insane asylum in Worcester, Mass. Her name was Caroline Atherton Mason 15 riggs. During the financial yearclosingonMay 1 the German government received a surplus of 8.000.000. from the imperial postal and telegraphic department and of $o0,000 from the imperial printing office. Queen Victoria manufactures her own whisky. It is made on her Balmoral estate. When this fact becomes known tho Prohibitionists will probably pass resolutions condemning her for running a distillery. Speaker Reed is said to be most dangerous when he smiles. One of the most annoying things, to his enemies, is the fact that he never gets mad, or never soems to be so. Count Herbert, Bismarck is over forty years old. He has - "resolved to be a bachelor no more," and reports say he Is engaged to Lady Edith Emella, the eldest daughter of the widowed Countess Dudley. She is eighteen years old. Mr. James Russel Lowell is now rapidly recovering from his long illness. His exercise is principally taken in short walks about his grounds. His physicians do not yet allow him to dri ve or to ride hi a streetcar. His daughter, Mrs Burnett, is with him. The oldest college graduate has for tho time being supplanted George Washington's nurse as the object of popular interest, Hamilton College puts in a bid in tho person of Rev. Ebenezer Snowden, class of '18. Hut Harvard is still ahead with George uancrott ot '17. m - fir iiik ivussiau ar uepartment, it is re ported, is considering tho advisability of acquiring the sole right to a new shirt of mail, which is said - to he extraordinarily light, impervious to bullets or saber thrust s and cheap to manufacture. A Russian general is the inventor. Says Edwin Collins, in the Independent: "The Princess Louise would never permit any one to give her assistance, and she has killed hsh on the Keatigouche and MetaDe dia running over thirty pounds eacu. These she sent oft. carefully packed in ice. to her mother, iueen ictoria. The young Crown Prince of Italy .is deeply devoted to his clever and beautiful mother. He sends her two long telegrams every day when ho is away from her; and he also writes to her each day a letter giving full accounts of his day's work. Like the Queen, the Prince speaks and writes fluently French, English and German. Mrs. Gilmore, wife of the famous bandmaster, arranges most of the music for the band, and in many ways assists her husband in his professional work. Mr. and Mrs. Gilmore have an only daughter, a beautiful girl of twenty, with fine dark eyes, and hair artistically arranged over a pretty forehead and in a low knot behind. The mother and dauebter travel with Mr. Gilmore most of tho time. Mrs. Peattie, of theeditorialdepartment of an Omaha paper, writes to a friend: "I sit in the editorial chair and write about everything, from the Oklahoma bill down to tbe local political steals. Then when big blustering men puff up three flights of rickety stairs and thunder, Vho wrote that piece in this morning's pnperf I auswer, smiling, I did Sullivan himself could not end the matter quicker." Written for the Indianapolis Journal. The American Flair. Thou trinity of tinjres, comely wrought. Uplifted first when lierce and far the cry For Independence rent tbe Western sky, Riest ensljm whence our valiant Fathers caught Tbeir awf id fire of conquest when they fought For Nationality and riht! How thy Eliuleence then inspired them, flashing high, Presaging victory with freedom fraught! How heautitul. by peaceful breezes fanned. Thou Hoatest now above the rush and roar Of civic life within our peerless land! How lovingly thy folda, outspreading, rur Protection, strong, supreme, so sweetly grand. Our country's prosperous hills and valleys o'er! Thon banner of beloved tints, that shed Hucli inspiration whea onr Union throng. Like avaJnnches, through the ranks of Wrong, Agalnot tbe crashing lead and blazing red Of battle-strife, swept onward with the tread Or thunder-tramping Kieht. until along The highways of the South arose the uue 'Of Liberty above a million dead, Let thftse whose conscious waking saw tho storm Of Civil War surrender to tne dovo And olive branch, whoso lives have felt tho warm Embrace of Peace, -with thy fair face above, Enfold themselves within thy sacred form And offer thee their gratitude and love! Thou triune treasure of resplendent hues. Hereafter, when in glorious fullness glows The future, where lar-stretchlug Promise throws Her arch, in queenly grandeur thou shalt cruise One continental Nation round, and lose .Thy strangeness where Canadian splendor Hows And flower unfold on Mexico's plateaux. Thou shalt with fires of common hope Infuse Tho tropics and the polar seas. Across Our Jiorth American expanse all through Its length and breadth, from D.irien's gold and floss To glacier fields thy drapery sball strew Rich blessing, and inproud iwnselon toss Thy raidant three in one, Red-whit&nnd-blue! Tucker Woodson Taylor. Gnr.ESCASTLE, July 4, 1800.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. "When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve tho political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which tho laws of nature and of nature God entitles them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. Wo hold these truths to be elf-evident, that all men ara created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these aro life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent ot the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the peoplo to alter or obolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations ca such principles, and organizing its powers on such form ac to theirt shall seem most likely to effect their safoty . and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not bo changed for light and transient causes: and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to sutler, while evils are suilerable, than to right themselves by abolishing tho forms to which they are accustomed. Hut, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce themunder absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their

duty, to throw on 6ucn government, ana to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of govern ment. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, tbe establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, lot facts be submitted to a candid world: . Ho has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass lawsof immediate aud pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till bis assent should be obtained; and when so suspended he has utterly neglected to attend to them. Ho has refused to pass other laws for tho accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people , would relinquish the right of representatiou in the Legislature a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. ' He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sol purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with hisiueasures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. - Ho has refused, for a long time after snch dissolution, to cause others to be elected, where by the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at largo for their exercise; the state remaining, in tho meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasions from without and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners; rofnsiug to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lauds. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refnsiug his assent to laws for: establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their orlices, and the amouut and pa3'meut , of their alaries. Ho has erected a multitude of new offices, and fcent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and cat out their 6ubstauce. He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies, without the consent of our Legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and nperior to, civil power. He has combined with others, to subject u to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged b3' our laws; giving his consent to theiractsof pretended legislation. For quartering largo bodies of armed troops among ub: For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishiehment for any murders which . they should commit on the inhabitants of these States: For cntting off our trade with all parts of the world: For imposing taxes on us without our consent: ' - . . - - For depriving us, in many, cases,. of the benetits of trial by jury: For transporting us beyond seas .to be tried for pretended offenses: - v For abolishing the free system of English laws in n neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at onco an example and tit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies: . t For taking away our charters, abolishing . our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, tho forms of our governments; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislatfJfor us in all cases whatsoever: He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting largo armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyran- . t ii, already oegun, with circumstances or cruelty and perhdy scarcely paralleled in tho most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy tho head of a civilized nation. Ho has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. Ho has incited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered ouy by repeated iujury. A prince, whosn character is thus marked by every act which may detine a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of free people. - Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts hy their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over ns. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We havo appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them; by the tics of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections aud correspondence. They, too. have been deaf to thovoico of justice and of cousanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We.. therefore, the representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMFKICA. IN GENEKAL CONGRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for tho rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by tho authority of tho good people of theso colonies, solemnly publish aud declare. That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, fkki: and ixdi:pemi:nt htatks; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of (treat Britain in, aud ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as FIlEK ASl 1XDKVESDEST STATES. they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do nil other nets and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And. for the support of this declaration, with a iirm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PKOVIDENCE. wo mutually plcdgo to each other oar lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Are there Any "Personal nights? Milwaukee Sentinel. The argument in fwor of the utmost liberty of the individual consistent with the welfaro of society is und, because experience has shown that society is benefited by this measure ot individual libertj' f action. But it is an argument of expediency and not of right, as any examination of the subject of rights" must show. It may b inexpedient, unwise, impracticable for society to attempt to do certain things, but . its risht to do them under th Constitution or its right to amend the Constitution by removing the prohibition if there is any, cxu ftot be questioned.