Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 September 1888 — Page 4

r

r TELE LNDIAJSTAPOIilS JOUHNAIi, SUNDAY, SBPTEMBjESR :J0, I888-TWEI4VE PAQE5.

7

THE SUNDAY JOURNAL SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER SO, 1SS3 WASHINGTON OFFICS 313 Fourteenth St. F.S. niATK. Correspondent. SETT TORE OFFICE 104 Temple Court, Coreer Eeekman ed Kassaa street. teiui3 of suusgkiftiox. pajlt. ' Ore year, wtthret Pznday...... 512.00 One jeer, with Sacdr ..:....... I4.CXJ Mx months, without Sunday. ...... COO

Fix month, with SandAT. Three months, withoit Sac slay.. ........ 3.00 3. SO l.OO 1.20 Taree months, with Sunar.-.. Oae month, without Sander... One month, with &znitr.. ........... wxrzi.r. rryeir........ $1.00 Reduced Rites to Clubs. Subscribe with any of our numerous agent, or tend subscriptions to TIIE JOURNAL. NEWSPAPER COMPANY, lsniaapous, Ltd. IO rNUIANAPOUS JOUIUiAIj Can be found at tie fallowing placet: LONDON American Exchange, la Zorope, 419 Strand. ' 6 - "PARIS ATaeriean Exeiange laFixts, 3 Boulevard d Capseinea. KEW YORK OIImt Hcuae and TTiaJser IXoteL PHILADELPHIA A. p. Kemble, L&xeaster ' avexue. - CHICAGO Palmer House. m dXCISKATI J. P. Hawler A Co, 154 Vine etreet. LOUISVILLE C. T. During; northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. T. LOUIS Union News Company, Unioa Depot and Southern IIoteL . TTASHiNGTON, D. 0 Ris Boise sal Ebbiti . Home. , Telephone Calls. BasicessOScs 233 Editorial Rooms 242 "TWELVE PAGEST The Sunday Journal has doable the circa latloo of any Son Jay paper la Indiana. Price flee cents. V0HE3 IS THE CAJffPAIQS. A report from th9 Woman's National Republican Club shows that much interest is bein 2 taken in the formation of women's political dabs. Responses to tho circulars sect oat to all parts of the country have been hearty and enthusiastic, and clubs are being organized in nearly every State. The returns from Indiana indicate that the women are especially active, aid that their enthusiasm, which is a matter of comment by all campaign speakers, iaies a practical form. Many of these clubs haTe oTer one hundred members each, and hold frequent meetings. Glee clubs have been organized in connection with them, and several of the organizations are uniformed and parade, the members carrying torches. Others devote themselves to the circulation of campaign literature and other missionary wcrk of the sort to which they are peculiarly adapted. In Jlichigan similar activity exists .- jenong the Republican women, and in Minnesota, Iowa and Kansas they ara forming clubs. In North Carolina there are three enthusiastic dabs already organized, cue of which has orar two hundred members. The movement in New York is growing in an encouraging degree. There is an active club formed in Albany and in a number of ether cities. The national headquarter?, at ClJWest Fourteenth street, Nev York, have a business-like look, rod indicate that the ladies found there are thoroughly in earnest and are bard at work. 'vxe-err -taefully decorated with

(tooned cn the walls of each room. In the

reception-rccm are handsome portraits of General Harrison and Mr. Morton the gift cf the Pennsylvania Republican State com mittee. The committee is doing especially good work in sending out campaign literature. The number of circulars and pamphlets already aent out now reaches 100,000. The letters received in answer to the appeal signed by Mrs. Foster, Mrs. Colfax, Mrs. Henry S. Lane and other members of the committee. and which was published in the Journal some time ago, are of the most encouraging character, cxd prova that women everywhere are -wide awake and sure to be a power in the Re publican campaign. ZLECTIOS IXCITfaiENTS. Foreign visitors who have opportunity to rote for the rst time the phenomena of an American presidential campaign are unable to believe that no riots, or revolutions, or other disastrous results will grow out of the excite ment and intense partisanship cf the different political organizations. In consequence, they are prcne to criticise American institutions, and in particular ttepopular election system, -'ztibstiyithe fact that the disasters the? nredict do not occur. Natives ef the United States are well aware that their fellowcitizens who have labored earnestly, not to say -violently, for the success of their candi dates, who have marched, and shouted, and argued noisily, and have been for months wrought up to a high pitch of excitement natives know that these agitated thousands, the disappointed and successful alike, will re-

i 4 turn peacefully to their ordinary pursuits as

soon as election day is ever. Nevertheless, it is not uncommon to hear Americans depre- ' cats the fact that the election of President is accompanied by such features. They affect to find that the excitement and the absorpXJlJt"k one subject disturb the social equi libxium, injure business and have a harmful - effect upon all classes. The truth is that all such demonstrations are healthful, rather than hurtful. It is a peculiarity of the American temperament that leads the people of the country to enter into their various under takings with zeal and untiring energy, and when they interest themselves in political matters it is in no half-hearted way. It is to this very zeal and earnestness that the coun-

I try owe its proeperity. The people have

never yet shown an indifference to the outccms of a presidential contest, but are always awake to the issues involved, deeply anxious for the triumph of the principles in which they-belierev and sleeplessiy watchful of their opponents. This active interest is beneficial to themselves, and is what makes the election the Toico of the people, rather than of pro- ; f essional politicians. It is good for the pub lic to concern itself with politics once in four years, and if men, women-and children be come completely absorbed in it for the time eo much the better. It were still better if the interest and activ1 1 m nam m C ,1 4 - ! .3 1 was bat were aroused at local elections. Such

elections should be as much of an expression of

popular will as the choice of a President, and would be eo had not the "better element," out of which class come the critics spoken of. grown almost culpably indifferent. It is proper to take an interest in politics; it is a duty. Fortunately, iu this campaign, at least, few are found who need urging to do their duty. One subject, namely, the election of a President, looms above all others. It is discussed on the streets, in tbe homes, at social gatherings; it creeps into business talks, into sermons, even into prayer-meetings. The newspapers are filled with politics, and no properly -constituted American will grumble thereat, but will lament, rather, that the papers are not larger that they might contain more. It is the day of politics, and minor interests must wait. THE CHICAGO "WHEAT DEAL. Disaster lurks in the shadow of the Chicago wheat "corner" as one of its inevitable accom paniments. Already one bank employe is found to be a defaulter, his 'Sorrowed! money having been used in the same form of speculation which brings a successful brokO a million dollars, but "squeezes' the petty dealer and leaves him wrecked in pocket and reputation. Broker Hutchinson is no more responsible than any other member of the Chicago Board of Trade for the dishonesty of the bank clerk in question; but the system of speculation or, as some prefer to call it, CRmbling, which is conducted by the board accounts for this defalcation and a hundreds like it. and for its own methods tbe board is certainly responsible. The sudden but carefully-planned inflation of prices, by which a lncky few make fortunes, excites the young man wLo notes the trans actions, and fills him with discontent over his own small earnings and slow pains. By way of increasing his savings rapidly he invests his "surplus in a "doa!,' and ninety-nine times in a hundred comes out on the wrong side of the market. He has nothing of his own now; but he sees, or thinks he sees, where Lis mistake was, and resolves to re trieve it by investing a little of his employer's money. The venture is "perfectly Eafe," a "dead sere thing," and he will promptly re turn the funds. Doubtless he would do so, but, unfortunately, at the critical moment. the fatal one for him, some one manipulates a corner; "luck is against him asjain' his employer's money is gone and ruin stares him in the face. This is the history, not only of the one bank clerk, who, for $o,000, and because of haste to get rich, has destroyed his own worldly prospects and become a fugitive from justice, but is so common an occurreree as to be an old story. But for one case that comes to public knowledge there are thousands of which noth ing is heard, save by the few personally in terested. A big wheat deal, whether it ar rives at the importance cf a "corner or not. always means unnumbered Lsea, and leaves in its wake broken homes, disappointed hopes and commercial wrecks. The losers are foolish in venturing their money, of course: but the culpability herald not all lie upon them. Opinions may differ as to the moral status of board of trade speculations some very rep utable men eng?.ge in and defend them but there can be no question as to the injurious effects upon the community of Such transac tions as that with which Mr. Hutchinson has lately amused himself. They create a dissat isfaction with tbe slow and safe business methods, and in that respect, at least, are damoralizing. Mr. Hutchinson's million-dollar gains cccue easily; if they were won from brokers like himself it would matter little; but they represent losses to those who cannct bear them, and consequent suffering of innocent people, and, after all, are gains very dearly boujrhh LELIGI0U3 LIBEBALI3M. K)xt latter half of the nineteenth century. distinguished by many great discoveries in science, and by surprising progress in ev-er-field of thought, is also remarkable for the bteady growth of liberalism in religious idea. We use the term liberalism here not in its cant sease of laxity in morals and religious convictions, in which sense it is a mis nomer and prolific cause of the very looseness or thinking and conduct it is used to describe; but in its better reuse of healthy freedom of thought and genuine catholicity. In this sense there has been a great growth of liberal ism during the last ucore or two of years, and it is still going on a rapid rate. The progress bas been so great in this regard as to have cacitd & complete change in the lines of church work and action. It is within the memory of middle-aged persons when not only the Protestant and Catholic churches regarded each other with absolute abhorence, but even different branches and sects of the Protectant church maintained towards each other an attitude of distrust and non-in tercouse. At that time there was more fraternization between so-called Christians attd dinners than there was betweu members of different religious denominations. Presbyterians and Methodists felt, or at least acted, more kindly toward members of no church than they did toward one another, while Baptists, Christians, Episcopalians and other sects regarded Methodists as Christians of very doubtful title if not quite outside he fold. In those days there was no such thing as Christian union or co-operative Christian work of any kind. There could not be. It was a dangerous thing for a church of one Protestant denom ination to permit its pulpit to be desecrated by a preacher of another, and a Methodist or Presbyterian who listened willingly to a ser mon preached by a minister of the other church was thought to be a person of doubt i ui convictions if not of dangerous character. But things have undergone a great change in this regard. There is still too much secta rianism, but nothing to compare with that of a generation or two ago. Nowadays all Christian churches co-operate in many lines of work, and even the Protestant and Catholic churches each find good in the other and common ground where both can meet and join Lands in support of a common cause. The inspiring idea, so beautifully conveyed in Edward Everett Hale's charming book, entitled "In His Name," finds a ready response in thousands of Protestant and Catholio hearts.

Even the Jews, the oldest, and, for thousands

of years, the most exclusive of all sects, aro beginning to meet the overtures of Christian denominations with something like recogni tion. No longer ago than yesterday a dispatch printed in the Journal from Columbus, O., said: "At the meeting of the Ohio Methodist Episcopal Conference in this city, this morning, Bishop Henry YT. Warren pre siding, two Jewish rabbis, Dr. Jesselson. of Columbus, and Dr. Wechler, of Mississippi, were present and were introduced to the conference. " This was thought to be the first case of the kind on record. The incident was equally honorable to both participants. It is one of many incidents and evidences, happily very common nowadays, of tha increasing liberalism among the different churches and branches of the same churc?u It is high time, indeed, that all believers should learn there is but one God, and all Christians that there is but one Christ. Tfie open letter of Dr. Daniel Dorchester, of Boston, printed in full in this issue of the Journal, will attract wide attention and have a profound influence. Dr. Dorchester is one of the most eminent men in the Methodist Church. He was chairman of the temperance committee of the late General Conference, and formulated the report on temperance made to that body. Dr. Dorchester discusses the reasons that impel him to remain a member of the Republican party, and closes his letter by saying that in this campaign he is for Harrison and Morton. When a man of commanding ability and sterling character like Dr. Dorchester peaks, the influence of his words will not be nullified by the petty enoers of cheap men. J1IX0R MEXriO.V. It was a little more than a year ago fhat the Journal bepan to urge tbe building of a line of street cars to Crown HilL There was little prospect at that time that such an enterprise would soon be carried oat, although the neel of such a line had long been obvious. A persistent reiteration of the demand for the improvement had its effect even earlier than was hoped for, and the new company, which baa shown snch a commendable desire to please the public, has done so la this esse by establishing the accommodations called for and thus fi'.liog a ''longfelt want, The Journal, a Us readers know, is cot addicted to tbe offensive habit of saying, "we did it, and of assuming undue credit for its efforts in behalf of the city's interests; but in this case it cannot refrain from saying that without its urgency the building of this line, which is welcomed by many citizens, woald, without doubt, have been much looser delayed. And now that the line is built, it oaeht to be made reasonably profitable for tbe company that built it. The managers of the cemetery wanted it constructed, and they can do much to make it cot only profitable to the company but of advantage to the community. 'General Harrison is not alone In receiving delegations and distinguished visitors. f3uTalo Bill and his troupe are now in Washington, and by special request of the President called a few days ago at the White House. They came at it'bigh coou,"as tbe tbe society item say. "Hi eh cooa" is the fashionable hour among Icdlans. When it was jost at its height the President came down stairs and was startled to find the big East Room turned into a veritable prairie. Seventy-five Indians were there, arranged in all the glory of pilot and feathers. Tbey were undr the immediate charge cf Red ht?t. Rocky Bear and Plenty Wolves. Buffalo Bill was with them, together with a few loyal office-holders who acted as a corps de reserve. The President grasped everybody by tbe band and said "Ugh"' to tbe red faces, acd complimented them on their success abroad and their fine appearance. He also promised to visit the show if be could find time to do io. Thou the warriors wrapped their blankets abeut them and moved oft in single file. No fire water, no flowers, no speeches. Br the time the election is over, or, st all events, by the time President Harrison has taken up his residence in Washington, and that city becomes the Mecca for political pilgrims, Indianapolis will wake up to the" privileges she now possesses but does not folly appreciate. In a general way residents have long regarded the Hoosier capital as the center of the universe, but wben the place bae suddenly beeome the center ef attraction to all citizens of the United States because one distiagaished man calls it home, there is, at least, partial failure to realize tbe incidental advantages to tbe town arisin from such circumstance. Probably it will require a second campaign with the same candidate at the head of the ticket to bring the people to a full sense of the prominence that attaches to the borne town of a coming President. The man who will, in mere wautonuese and cruelty, kill a harmless dog that has sot even annoyed him, and for no other reason than because he wants to kill something, is no better than a murderer. If the dog have real value as a trained hunter, or is highly prized as a pet, and his tlaytr also aims to inflict loss or pain on the owner, he is doubly a scoundrel. That there are persons mean and malicious enough to do this thing is shown by the numerous cus of dog killing that occur. Almost every neighborhood ean cite such, where the victim was harmless, inoffensive, and perhaps a neighborhood pet. The whipping-post and forty lashes on the bare back were cone too severe a punishment for a misereant who would do snch an act The dog-killer is everybody's enemy, and there ought to be a reward offered for his scalp. Consumers of natural gas in open grates ean add very considerably to its heating power by partially blocking up the flue. Io burning coal tbe flue is necessaiy to carry oS tbe smoke, but it also carries oil a large amount of heat. Gas makes no smoke, or none to speaV of, and needs no flue to carry it oh. From oce-balf to twothirds of the onening ia the chimney can be closed, and atlll leave more than suClcieut openin Z for a- gas fire, and at the same time preventing tbe escape of the heat no chimney. Three or four fire-brick cau be placed in the flue, leaving a little space between ia euch a way ae to partially close it, and cause a great increase in the amount of heat thrown into tbe room. Congressman McKinley has written to the national Republican committee that it will be utterly impossible for him to make any engagements to speas during tbe campaign, en account of tbe illness of bis wife, who is slowly dying of consumption. The devotion of Mr. McKinley to his wife is said to be ideal in its nature. He will be missed in the political contest, but will lose nothing in the estimation of the public which, by this glimpse at his domestic life, sees him in anether character than tbat of a statesman, and one in which he is equally admirable. Latest reports say tbat Boston's favorite son, John L. Sullivan, "is mending." If this could .be construed as referring to his morals 'twere well, but the probability is that when be recovers his health he will continue to prostitute it as before. Sr-KAKiNQof natural gas, have you noticed how few coal carts are ssen oa the streets this fall compared with former yearsl The distribu-

tion of gas is not yet general, and many who have been hoping to get it "before the snow flies" will be diappointed; but it is extensive enough to cause a noticeable diminution in tbe number of loaded coal carts seen on tbe streets.

Evert season has its pleasures. With the first approach of winter there will be an end of mosquitoes and of daily reports of games lostby our base-ball club. BREAKFAST-TABLE CHAT. Alphokse Daudet is going to London to make arrangements for a satisfactory English translation of his novels. TiIomas A. Edison's device for killing yellowfever germs is more worthy of Keely, the motor man, than of Edison tbe promoter. Ik you want poached eges to look particularly nice cook each tgg in a muffin ring placed in the bottom of a sancepan of boiling water. The Duchess of Wellington is lame, and has to use a crutch. Sbe is considered beautiful, and is very fond of birds, of which she has a large collection. The young Emperor of China is to be married on the twenty-fourth day of the Pirst Moon In 1889. and tbe event will cost the national treasury sf2,5OO,00Q. ! The ancient custom cf ringing the curfew bell bae been resumed at Stratford-on-Avoo, the same tell betne ilsel as that which was tolled at Sbakeneare e funeral. Actually, there are several eminent French men of letters who do not nse tobacco in any form; among them M. Sardoa. M. Rnan, ?L Joins JSimon, M. Feoillet and M. Sarcey. JL Dnm at gave up smoking long ago. CL IL Tafton, author of "Cell 13," a story of Russian life, has just learned that he has been complimented on its truth and realism by the Rossian government, which has placed him on its black lint and forbidden him to cross ttie frontier. He will, therefor, postpone a visit he was about to make to this country. It is eaid that the Princess Maud cf Wales carefully collects, in the yards of Sandringham House, acd in those of Windsor, Balmoral and Osborne, all the peacocks feathers, and begs then also from ter young friends of tbe English nobility. With this p;ntuae, received without cost, sbe irakes pretty band screens and sells them at bazaars for the profit of poor Utile children. Wife (piously) Henry, 1 wish you wouldn't swear so. Husband (shocked) I don't swear, my dear. Wife Yes, you do: or just the same thing. You mustn't say "by Oeorce," or "by Jove," or "by Ned." cr by anything. Uusband (submissively) Not even buy a new bonnet, lovel Then sbe wae sorry for Ler thoughtless reform movement, and, coming close to him, threw her arms about his neck and asked him to forgive her. Washington Critic' There is a legend connected with Holland House to the effect that before the death of a Lady Holland, a little old lady haunts the corridors of the bouie. The friends of tbe present Lady Holland are afraid that he may see her own imas reflected some day in one of the many mirrors which are t-Uced tbrouhout the house, and, takintr it for the cbost. receive a rioae hock. Orders bare bean givo that all tne mirrors in which this optical illusion cculd bs produced are ta be covered over. W. S. Gileert, the librettist, is a tall man, with grry hair and clots cut whiskers. He is a great s'nge manager. At a rehearsal of one of bis opr ras ht devotes his whole energies ta having everything go ofT as be tbinke it should. He never smiles, even when a whole cnorus is lsorbing at the quaint conceits of his verses. Thooeh extremely'digaified. be does not hesitate to go throu?n the drollest contortions of bedy, or the most free-aod easy dance step to Illustrate his ideas to those who are to interpret them. Commenting upon tie death of John Robinson, circus proprietor, the Chicago Times recently expressed rurprise that P. T. Barn am should remain so long on earth. When Mr. Barnuin received a copy of tne newspaper, at BriJpeport. Conn., he wrote a letter, in which he said: "For th writer's satisfaction and warning, I will remind him tbat the Bible says the righteous shall live long in the land, but the wicked shall not live ont half their Juts." Mr. Robinson waa a cood mac. but he wae profane. Mr. Barnum is pious every day in the year. The late William W. Fulton, of, the editorial staff of tbe Baltimore itnerican, had a great many interesting experiences during his long joornalistia career. He heard a debate in the old Senate chamber between Cay, Webster and Calbouo. traveled with President Taylor, made a trio to New York in company with President Filltuore aud Daniel Webster, knew FJear Allan Poe, beard Jenny Lnd sinr. saw Patii in her teens and witnessed hr rendition of Martha in honor of tbe Pnnc cf Wales, then in Philadelphia, and dined with President (5 rant. Maria Piam, Queen of Portugal, is a very talented wowao. She takes very little interest in politics, preferring ontdoor sports to the intrigces of statesmen. She if a clever horse woman nod loves the chce. Sbe is also a good swimmer and always wears a medal whi:h she gained ten or twelve yeara ago for saving the lives of her two children who, falling into tne sea at Cascaes, would have been drowned if their mother bad not jumped into the water and rescued them. She is a geod pianist, singi fairly well and ia very fond of the theater. Jbe i au artist in water-color painting and her pictures sell well. Superintendent ?mitjj, cf the Botanical Garden, Washington, D. C, is very unhappy over the destruction caused by the recent eorm in tbat localitv. TLe Garfield, Hendricks and Garland trees which he had planted in front of the coneeratirr wire blown and ruined. "That Hendricks tre I bave watched with great care for ye;irs." said Mr. Smith recently. "I was visiting Mr. Hendricks's boue in Indianapolis, and we were "ittioe on tbe porch one pleasant evening when a 'bnrieye dropped from a tree. I picked it ud. I took it to Washington, planted it. an d wben it sprouted named it Hendricks.' It was growing into a hce s eciraen of the onckeye.'' Datikl Thwaites, who. died lant week in England, at the age of seventy-one, was one of the richest men in Great Britain. He made his money in beer. His yearly income from his Blackburn brewery was (?o0.000. He was a man of pound judgment, but during bis five years as a Conservative member of the Houie of Commons did not develop great ability as a speaker. He was au art patron, and owned some cf the finest pictures Sti England. His wealth goes to his daughter Alena, who recently married Robert Armstrong Yerbnrgh, Conservative member for Chester. Yerbnrgh is one of the handsomest, b?st dresbed aud most popular members of the House. Durino the recent viit of the Prince of Wales to Hungary he was much struck with the macoiflceat mustaches worn by the coachmen of that eonntry. One man in particular rouaed the admiration of his Itoyal Highness by the fierceneB and grace of Lis mraut- adornments. Tbe Prince engaged him. Onreachiog Marlborough House the jebu eaw that tbe coachmen, footmen and. in fact, all the servants wore faces devoid of hair. He at once soueht a barber and bad bis face shaved clean. When the Prince saw him again he wss horrified. "I engaped you for vour mustache and for nothing else. aaid his Hiphccsn. Tbat evtcing tbe Hungarian set eut for his native land. Mk. lioBEET Biiowmxo is at a retired mountain village in the Austrian Tyrol ne has now recovered his health acd strength. Mr. Browning has bis sister with him, his eon and daugh ter-in-law. Mr. Brownins will, henceforth. make Vwoice bis headquarters. He has lately bought tbe fine palace, tbe Bezzonico, one of the largest fronting tbe Grand canal. Ibu palace. with its marble frontage, its arched windows and pillared balconies, is one of tbe most nota ble in Venice. The ceilings are covered with paintings of the date of tbe ixtentb century. Two statues attributed to Michael Anglo adorn the staircase. Candelabra of tbe finest art bane in the grand reception rooms. The German press cordially welcomed the Austrian Archduke Albert, who attended the military maneuvers at Berlin, recently, as the Ltnperors representative. Archduke Albert, who bad crown up in tbe old tradition of the House of llapsbufg, was tbe Prince who was the longest in getting over the chaoge of politics since lsou lie therefore never set foot on Prussian territory for many years, and the lat time he was in Berlin was la lbbi. after the Danish war. His visit now, the papers say. proves that he alo, the famous leader of the Austrian army, has, after all, been reconciled with the course of events, and has beeome an adherent of the Austrian alliance. Straightfor wardness was the principal trait of his charac ter, and be never tried to conceal bis feelings toward the new (jerman empire. 13 y bis pres ence at the Prussian maneuvers he wishes. therefore, to show that he has now forgotten and forgiven all.

NOTE FBOH IIEADQUARTEES

Rev. Dr. Dorchester, of the Temperance Committe of the 31. E. Conference, Tells the Tablic Why lie Remains In the Re publican Party as a Temperance Reform erFolly of a Third:Party Movement. Special to the Indlanapolie Journal. Boston, Sept. 29 The Evening Traveller, of to-day, contains the following open letter from Dr. Daniel Dorchester, chairman of the temperance committee of the Methodist Episcopal General Conference, and the author ef the re port on temperance to that body: To an Intelligent Tublic: Many inquiries have been propounded to me during the past three months, a few of which I desire to answer in this letter. I. I am asked why, as a temper ance reformer, I remain in the Republican party, while other temperance people have left it? I answer. 1. I am not aware that many texnperace peo ple have left the Republican party. Not 3 per cent, in 1831, went into the third party; and probably 90 per cant, of all in the North who favor tbe more radical temperance measures are now in the Republican party. It is not like ly to be eo lonesome a place for temperance peo ple as the third party. I prefer to remain In the old ranks and work with the greater mass of temperance people, who are more concerned to promote temperance than to build np a party. That the solid temperance sentiment of the Northern States is iu the Republican party, not withstanding it has not done and cannot at once do, all that over-sanguine agitators ask it to do, I will prooeed to show. 2. The only prohibition States Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Iowa and Kansas are reliable Republican States. 3. Tbe portions of tbe aforesaid States where prohibition is well enforced are the parts which are most strongly Republican. 4. The localities in the North where no li cense prevails, under local option, are almost wholly Republican. 5. Where license prevails under local option, the great bulk of the no-license vote is cast by Bepnblicaas. & In the States where heavy "tax laws have been enacted against the saloon, because it'was felt tbat public sentiment would not enforce prohibition, this aggressive move for temperance has been led and sustained chiefly by Republicans, who will gladly bail still more radical measures wben the people are ready for them, 7. .To that extent that, in the North, the Re publicans have a sufficiently controlling influ ence, the saloons disappear cr are seriously crippled. There are some sad exceptions, but not numerous. 8. 'ihe present Maine law was eiven te that State by Republicans in 1SG8. The original "Maine law was enacted as an unpartisan measure in 1830. A member of that Legislature told me that the Democrats were tbat year in tbe ascendency, but nigs and Democrats both voted pro and con on the question, without making it a party issue, the W higs more generally favoring it than tbe Democrats. A half dozen voirslatsr tbe Democrats repealed it, as a party measure, and, in tbe Republican restored it, in an improved form, and they have kept it on the statute book ever since. , i. In New Hampshire and Vermont, as well as in Maine, the original "Maine laws' "by the influence of Republicans, have been kept on the. etatnte books ever since they were enacted. Third party speakers and writers af ert tbat in half a score of states tbe Republican party repealed the original "Maine lawg." These laws were never repealed, as party measures. I will tell how the repeal came about A great reaction came over tbe country, owing to several causes: First. large immigration; second, the civil war, third, non enforcement of those laws during the engrossing evente of tbe war; fourth, neglect of temperance agitations from tne same car.se, lettiog down public sentiment; fifth, tne reactionary theorizing by ex-Uovernor Andrew, Hon. Linns Child and Dr. 11. L liowditcb, three men of tbe largest professional and public influ ence cf any in tbe country.. In eocsejence, the Maine laws fell into non-use, lost their support in the popular heart, and then no party could have kept them on tbe statute books, nor would they bave been of any value without puuue saiuinient behind them. When they were repealed, the Republican partv was in no instance committed to tbe re peal, tbe rescinding aets being accomplished generally by tbe Democrats, with enough Republicans to make the needful majority. A few Republicans were prominent in the reactionary movement, just as some prominent third party men are now opposed to constitutional prohibiten. 10. All tbe most radical temperance legisla tion in the North, for a third of a century, has beeu proposed and enacted by Republicans. 11. In Congress tbe only members who have assails 1 the liquor traffle and fitteaptej meas ures ugainst it, with the exception of Messrs. Colquitt, of Georgia, and Reacan, of Texas, bave been Kotnblieans. lven in voting ou tbe pro posed "inquiry into tbe alenholie iiquer traffic,' sa'.d Mr. McPherson, in no case were more than six Democrats recorded for it, and only four Republicans aeaiost it. 11 lne constitutional prohibitory amend ments are favorite measures of Republicans. In the twenty Northern legislatures where these amendments have Leea acted upon, Repoblicane bave proposed them, championed, sustained and voted for them, with few exceptions. In tbe final legislative vote, net more than from three to fifteen. Republicans, in any instance, were re corded against the amendments, while from fifty to 150 Republicans voted fer them. In many of the instances where the amendments failed to receive the necessary majority, rum Democrats were elected te the Legislature or tbe help of the third party, running candidates srsinst, snd thus defeating prohibitory Republicans. In ten of the States where tbe amendment was submitted to the peop'e, the submission was indebted, almost entirely, from flrct to last, te Republioans; and even ia tbe two Democratic States, Tennessee acd Texas, the Republicans did more than their share according to their numbers. In six States where prohibitory amendment have been adopted, tbe Republicans were almost a unit for tbem, and but few others favored them.. Ia numerous instances, Republican State conventions, in advance, recommended the Legislatures te submit the amendments to tbe people; and, when adopted by tbe people, the Republicans, as a party, formally indorsed it in their State conventions and championed it enforcement. 13. My chief concern in this matter is to help tbe cause of temperance, which 1 think can be done more effectively and more widely in the Republican party than io the third party. So far as I can judge, after long, close and eandid observation, there is more practical, effective work to promote the cause of temperance among the ardent temperance men in the Republics party than in the third party, where tbe preponderating aim of the leaders seems to be to build up a party autonomy. - And I think tbe chances for the solution of the temperance problem are fifty-fold better in tbe old party of great achievements than in the third party, which, after twenty years of extravagant promises, bas no practical temperance results to show. 14. I advise those who bave gone out of the Republican party, because impatient en account of slew temperance progress, to return and strengthen the cause within the old lioee, now so rapidly advancing. II. I am asked if I was not disappointed in the temperance plank of the national Republican convention this year. Net at alL I have not as much confidence in the efficacy of political party action in eelving the liquor problem ai many seem te bave. 2. Party platforms are often merely convenient inaketshifts, deftly shaped, fer popular effect. This Is notably the ease with the thirdparty utterances on ithe woman' e suffrare question in 1534, and its tame quasi-expressions on ether topics than temperance this year. Many intelligent citizens, for these reasons, have said they never read the party platforms, but look more to the trend of its action and tn'eberacter and make-up of its conatitneney. With a consistent, reliable, life-long temperance man like General Harrison aa our candidate, we have the largest and best kind of a temperance plank. 3. It is often the case, aed must be so, that party convention utterancee will be less binding on many individual members of a party than the sectimeets of their local constituency. which vary greatly on many topics in tbe different sections of a country so diversified in the character ef its population, i. There aro eirange ideal notione In regard to political platforms. There is the reform

ideal, as seen from a hieh ethical stand point; and there is the ideal of the statesman, long accustomed to discriminate as to what is practicable. Tbe latter looks to what can be done, and thinks an ideal law which cannot be enforced, in large areas within tbe State, ought not to be enacted. There are some things a State eannot do. It eannot make the hiehest ethical ideals practicable simply by enacting them as statutes. If it could it would be well to enact the golden rule. Tbe true reformer will hold his high ethical ideal, as an ultimate end, and advance society towards it as fast as he can. 5. It should be kept in mind that this is the first time either of the two great parties have said anything in favor of temperance in their national platforms. The Democrats bave repeatedly declared against "sumptuary legislation," but the Republicans have been silent on this subject I have examined the entire record. Tbe "Raster resolution" in 1872, which, the third party men say, was against temperance, bad no reference to Jtat matter, as we

have been told by General llawley and other members of the committee on resolutions tbat year. I could hold up both hands for that resolution, every day, both before and after prayers. 0. The reason for this silence of tbe national convention bas been a general conviction that tbe suppression of tbe saloon is chiefly a matter for tbe States and localities, at least for a considerable time to come; and that but little can be effectively done, in a national capacity, urtil after the temperance reform shall have more fully prepared the way in the States. This con viction is honestly held by large multitudes ox the wisest and best men. 7. We could not reasonably expeet tbat the first utterance of a national convention, npon so eomplex a question, would be of the most radical character. In the laneuage of General Har rison, "It is not so much the length of tbe step which is taken, as tbe directiou of the step." 8. Consider, too, that tbe temperance eentiment ie much more advanced in some States than in others: benee the difficulty of making all tbe delegates from the whole country, as one body, declare the same views, if very radically expressed. i. Tne plank adopted; by tbe convention, wben broadly and discriminatingly viewed, is eminently wise and strong for a national body: The first concern cf all rood covernmect 1 the virtne and sobriety of the people and the purity of the home. The Republican party cordially sympa thize wit h all wise and 'well-uirreted euorls lor tue promotion of temperance and morality. On this plank all temperance workers, bowever radical, can stand and labor without hindrance; and those not so radical can also work in their own way. Each one judges1 what he regards as "wise and well-directed efforts." All will judce for themselves. No party lash can or ought to make tbem do otherwise, for moral re forms eanoot be hurried faster than the growth of individual convictions. 10. While our national platform has been silent until this year, almost every year and for many years the Republican State convention platforms hare contained emphatic temperance declarations. Though not as radical as some bsve desired, yet these declarstions have been advancing and strengthening year by year. The length of tbe step bus been increasing. It is a patent fact that the average sentiment among Republicans has been stronger than tbat embodied in tbe pbttorms, acd it is every year showing itf-elf in a practical way by more radical legislation. This is better than to talk loud, and do nothing but to helo to elect rum Democrate to the Legislature to defeat temperance legislation. 11. The work of enforcing the liquor laws has incalculably advanced within a decade by law and order leagues and other agencies; and who ever doe any thins io tbie 1ms of action bnt Republicans! Seldom does a Democrat, and almost as rarely a third party man; but these classes, with few exceptions, throw cold water, or, worse than tbat, actually obstruct liquor prosecutions. , III. Would it not be better to have a political party distinctly committed to a radical temperance policy and to its enforcement? By no means. I have already said tbat I bave not eo much confidence in the efileacy of mere'y partisan action, in settling the saloon problem, as many seem to have. This tdt-a is a kind of virus with which many are too easily inoculated. . 1. They do not duly consider that this problem has many elements entering into it which political action cannot solve. It has, indeed, political and ecopomu bearings, but it more fundamentally pertains to social and moral life, to appetites and drinking customs, which political partisan action can only incidentally touch. 2. If I could bave my way, no political party would chsmpioo specilie temperance measures. I would have party conventions strike the saloons sharply, and stimulate to action against them as a means of making strong and influential sentiment, butno party shibboleth of specific legislative measures should divide the reform forees. Strong sentiment will inevitably crystallize itself into enactments as fait as it develops and intensifies, acd laws thus brought about ean be and will be enforced. But to extraneously force measures, by political party platforms, divides and alienates true friends of reform, and postpones desired results. In a republic laws which do not grow out of tbe common sentiment and life of the people are worth but little. Bat Republican conventions have recommended legislatures to submit constitutions! prohibition to tbe people, ae a sure basis on which to decide the question of statutory prohibition. 3. Matters so vital to tbe bt welfare of our common life ought net to depend upon the accidental fortune and fluctuations of political parties, with tbe jealousies, bickering and reckleas ambitions incidental thereto. These interests are too great and too sacred to be periled as the foot-balls of politicises. 4. Thus far in its history the actual ialluence of tbe tbird party has been to handicap temperance legislation. 5. In a republic no part)' can long retain the ascendency, and when a party roes down tbe interests indentificd with it suffer a decline and possibly a collapse. So must it be with a political temperance party. 0. Moreover, it is a mistake to presume that only those questions which are made iteus in party platforms are settled at the poll a Tbe prohibitory legislation iu Kansas, Iowa and Maine was not enacted by any party organized on that tasne,' but through parties organized on other issues, and having in them a common substratum of temperance sentiment, diffused like the sentiment against larceny. Local option bas been extensively adopted as a favorite and effective policy "in treating tbe liquor question, but in only a few instances has it been a party measure. From the nature of the case, local option must as tarn an unpartisan relation, if it is to eucceeJ. 7. Besides, it is a matter of common observation that strictly partisan legislation can be enforce only in hni:ied localities. The best enforced laws are those freest from party taint, like the laws against lan-eoy, etc 8. The idea of a prohibition party to enforce a prohibition policy, which third-party leaders reiterate, sounds well, and is very misleading to those who bave not thought the matter through. Prof. Bascomb, the ablest expounder or this theory, says: "The State must be officered from top to bottom" on this basis, "elective the officers, from judire to justices cf the peace. Governors, mayors, aldermen and policemen." and must "hold the power for a dozen years or so," then ''it can enfores prohibition.-" This is the ideal scheme the ' tbird party is entertaining. Aed some cueh machinery through all the towns and cities of a State will indeed be necessary to justify tbeir theory of a prohibitory party behind a prohibition poliey to enforce it. Bnt what a vain delusion. Where is the State, especially it it has any large cities, which is "officered from top to bottom,' and in all its municipalities, by tbe party tbat holds the State .offices? Not one can be mentioned. The Democrate are now io the ascendency in the State of New York, but large areas of tbe State are Republican; and when the Republicans bave held tbe State office in New York the Democrats have held New York city and many other towns and cities. The same is true of all other States. Ana yet theee ideal party builders would postpone the great interests of the temoerance reform, would hedge up and obstruct the efforts of those who, by unpartisan methods, seek to protect tbe home against the saloon until this impossible political conception ean be realized. On this visionary basis tbey make extravagant promiees and predictions their principal stock in trade. It ia an old trick of bankrupts tbat they are lavish with promises to pay; so a political party fhat is built upon a hallucination can never be solvent, either in present or prospective results. It costs one nothing to offer 11 the kingdoms of the world" wben he does not own a rood of land. ' For these reasons I am a Republican, and support Harrison and Morton in' tbe present campaign. Daniel Dorchester. BosTosr, Sept. 28. lS'jS. air. Chandler's Canvass. Indianapolis lndei-eudeot. Mr. Chandler, the Republican candidate for Congress, for a plain, every-day citizen not educated for a politician, is certainly making excellent headway in his canvass. He is not so much a dealer in rhetoric as in cold, comprehensible facts. A. llarrieuik Campaign. Chicago Journal. And General Harrison' speeches crow better, more varied, more timely and expressed with greater felicity ail tbe time. Tbe notion that this is somebody else's csmpaign, and not Harrison's, appears to have disappeared, to a great extent

ENGLISH PAUPER FARMERS

Some Facts for the Consideration of th3 Agriculturists of America. How Cad Seasons and Foreign Competitioa Have Lowered Asricnltural Waes A Talk with Joseph Arch. Correspondence of the Indiana rolls Journal. London. Sept 13. The Royal Asrieultural Benevolent Institution of England is a sort ef home for pauper farmers; not farm laborers, but actual farmers wno msy bsve been men of substance, overtaken by misfortune or impoverished by any cause not cerjuiicial to their char acter. it has now on its lists some 7Z0 pensioners, and although last year its funds were in creased many thousand pounds through derotiost to them of a portion of the Harvest Home collections, and although a similar appeal this year is likely to meet with an equally generous response, 240 worthy applicants for relief are en rolled for whom no present ail is possible. Matters must have been badr indeed, to bsve compelled the formation of snch a charity, which sounds so strangely to tbe ears of an American farmer, and they are cot likely to be much mended by the present eeason. Of eourse. American readers are familiar wit the fact tbat this has been an extraordinarily weS season in England, but it is doubtful if many cC tbem realize the enormity of the ruin wrought by the constant rain. Traveling England from end to end, penetrating nooks unvexed by tourists on pleasure bent, attending county fairs and talking with many farmers in different counties, I bave gained a pretty cood idea of the extent cf the disaster which has befallen the already harassed farmers of tbe "tiht little island." Tbe crops, in the first place, have beet very heavy, but have "run to straw," as a Yankee would say, and beaded out but poorly In a wet season tbe yield of any cereal will b worse than it looks; in a dry season better thaa it look. Standi o thick and heavy, with tms perfectly developed heads, the gia n was beatet down with heavy rain after rain till it was tangled and matted eo as to double the labor ol harvesting. It ripened very sowly, the headf turning brown instead of golden, tbe tceds be log small and poor. Bad as it was, tbe grata could net be harvested, for tbe sun never shone to dry it Some of it was finally hustled nndea cover imperfectly dried to ran the desger of teat ferment Other farmers let their grait stand long, waiting for better weather. Some ol them are waiting yet A good deal of England's grain ie still Branding in tiie field, and yet more: is in shock, and it is near tbe middle of September. , Bad as is the condition of the grain crop 23 per cent, of which is probably a loss hay ha suffered even worse Hay which has la:n lone In tbe rain ii-n't tit for much but bedding and tbe belk of England's crop bas been gsttered in that condition. I bave seen numberless haycocks standing half submerged in pools of water. Many fields of hay lay in the rain a month after cutting. 1 euw eons which bad lain seven weeks and it was hardly worts hauling for any purpose. In ncmberles irv stances haycock fctood untouched so lone tha they tal to be moved to prevent rotticg the sod under them. Those farmers were wisest who hastily improvised siloa and hurried thetf hay into them, wet as it wss with rain. Bu Eng!:'sh farmers are conservative and learn slowly. Very little of the crop was saved is this way. Thus steads it withthe British farmer at the end of a long series of disastrous year. 11 makes no difference, under free trade, to the consumer of grain. He cau get all te wants' from America, where there is plenty. But th?re is one other besides the farcer who is iu tcrested the farm laborer. Seated the other day in a "city man's" cozy office, iiear the bum aud bustle of Fleet street and the Strand. 1 was chatting about free trade and Fc' itics with tho city man, who happened ia ' this ease to be tbe London manager of a manufacturer employing a couple of thousand men. Said he: "TheM is no question - that free trade has) teen the making of England. Why. I can remember when farm laborers got YLTOaweelc and bad to pay 15 cent for rent. Now they get their 142 and $2.01 a wees, 'ften their wives and children went to work in the fieide all day to eke out their earnings. Now the women mind the bouse and the children are sentta school. " (Of course, ''ten and twelve shillings' was what be really said, but here and hereafter I shall translate Bnglish money into States money, 2 eents to tbe penny. 24 i cents to tbe shilling and i.N to the pound, for convene ience.) That chance remark of a city man throws a good deal of light opou the condition of the EaV clisn farm-laborer to-day. It is a triSe incorrect, though, in that wemen still do common! work in the Celds iu considrable numbers in regions more remote from London. So far set tbe children are concerned, as the father net only loses tbe possible proceeds cf their labor, but is compelled to pav school fees for ech cue, it is quite likely that the rigid school laws caue aimost as much misery to the present generation of English laborers as they are likely to benefit tne next. Out of bis scanty waees tbe Isborer bas to pay usually, rent and school fees and always the total iiviec expenses cf his fami ly. He has no garden to lichtea tbe exrecse of maintenance. Ills outdoor work requires aeon sideratie expense for clothing, lie en save nothing. The work-house will receive him at the end. His children, with the xnest meager education, may do better, but for him there ii no hope of change. The year 1SS0 or 1S31, perhaps, was the high water mark for tbe British farm laborer. He then became more prosperous than he had yet been, and more prosperous than he basques succeeded in remaining. The improvement IS his condition was due solely to the formation c2 strong trades onions capable of sustaining a protracted struggle and to tbe efct of emigration in reducing competition. The condition of agriculture iuelf had nothing to do v?:th this Improvement but it has had rnueh to do with, the retrograde movement which has since been eoing on. Tbe farmers main expense are taxes, rent and labor. Taxes be bas always with him: rent reduction is limited by tbe land lord's mortgages, acd labor mutt bear the brunt, as it has done, of Dad years and low prices lag produce. The report of the Rcyal Agricultural Commission in 1561 placed tbe aversge wacosot English: farm hands at $4.37 per week. This averr.ee in eluded foremen, fiist plowmen, tbstchers and others earning rather higher wages than U.e ordinary farm laborer. Tee report of the United States consuls for 1S4 gave the waeee of laborers in the ceigbbcr&ooi of Bristol at $3.63 in summer and $2 91 iu winter. In Yorkshire, almost at the other end cf the inland, tbey were given at from $3.GGto?l37. All thee figures rnut be revised for the present day. The best judge would probably put the present averajte for all England at about 2.73 per week, witfc extra pay in harvest time. And, by tbe way. this extra compensation in harvest is tbe ra reason of the grudce the agricultural laborer bears against harvesting machinery. To the) machinery itf-eif be bas no objection, but te does hate te see tho time during which be expects extra pay shortened by its aid. Upon the question of agricultural wages admittedly a difficult one to get at, owiog to local differences I will atk tbe readers of the Journal to accept no authority but the highest, acd the highest authority is. of course, Mr. Joseph Arch, whose grand work in organizing the field laborers of Great Britain and 1 ettering their condition has made hi natne a household word tbe world over. With this plain, strjee Englishman I bad the pleasure c-Z talking just a weekt ago to-day. Here is a portion of the converse tion: 'How do farm laborers' wsges compare witU those of ten yeare agoT' "They are higher now." 'And how about six years apof ''Six years ago tbey were higher than tbey are . now. A fair average of the present wage tor all England is $2.07 or f l'JL In some counties it may run as high as $3.40 and in otnera as low as iili Women wrr ia the field much lees than they used.1 The laborers' cottages are usually two rooms each, are tbey not? 'Usually two rooms. There are still a great many one-room houses left, though I bare torn down a good many, and to some extent threeroom bouses are now being built. Wbere there is but one room it is, of course, kitchen, diningroom and bed room for the entire family." la discussing remedies for the bad condition of tbe farm-worker, Mr. Arch said tbat be etronclf favored an extended system cf small allotments . ef land to them at rate net higher than those paid by farmers. At present if an agricultural laborer asked for aa allotment under the useless