Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 12 September 1888 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOtTKNAL, WEDNESDAY SEPTEMBER 12, 1888.

THE DAILY JOURNAL. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12. 1SS3. WASHINGTON OFFICE 513 Fourteenth St. P.S. Riath. Correspondent. HEW YORK OrFICE 104 Temple Court, Corner Eeekman and Kastan streets. TEUMS OF SUUSCIUPTION. DAILY. One year. without Sunday $12.00 One year, with Sucday I4.CO tlx month, without Sunday. ....... 0.00 Six months, with Sunday. 7.00 Three months, without Sunday. ...... ....... S.OO Three months, with Sunday. ....... .......... 3.50 One month, without Sunday. ....... .......... 1.00 One month, with Sunday.... ...... .......... l.EQ WXSSLT. ' rerjear ?L0O Reduced Rites to Clubs. Subscribe with rny of our numerous agents, or send subscriptions to THE JOURNAL NEWSPAPER COMPANY, Indianapolis, lxr. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can be found at the following placet: LONDON American Exchange in Europe, 449 Strand. PARIS American Exchange In Taxis, 35 Boulevard ties Capucines. NEW YORK Gilaey Hons and Windsor Hotel. PHILADELPHIA A. P. Kemble, 3735Laceast avenue. CHICAGO Falmer House. CINCINNATI J. P. Hawler & Co, 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE C T. Peering, northwest eornsr Third and Jefferson streets. ET. LOUT.! Union News Company, Union Depot and Southern Hotel. WASHINGTON. D. 0 RIggs House end Ehbitt Rouse. - Telephone Calls. Business O tee 233 Editorial Rooms 242 DEMOCRATIC expressions of hilarity these days have a hollow, lugubrious sound, as if Tittered in a barrel. Half a million dollars a year increase in the State debt is too high a price for the luxury of Democratic mal-administration in Indiana. A TRUST is a combination of capital to keep down competition and keep up prices. If protection did this trusts would not k be formed. Think of it! The Maine Senate unanimously Republican and the House 122 Republican to 27 Democratic. And it was only a little local affair. .

The Democratic bravado as the full returns from Maine come in is strongly suggestive of the email boy who whistles to keep his courage up when passing a grave-yard. THE more Cleveland's letter is considered the more the wonder grows why he did not write it months ago. A jumble like that eould have been dashed off any afternoon. Sfeakino of joint debates, why does not some Democratic orator challenge Hon. William Dud ,y Foulke or Dr. W. B. Fletcher to a discussion of the Insane Hospital issue? Gen. Harrison's letter of acceptance will be read by the country with the knowledge of the fact that there is a man behind every rord of it. He means what he says, and says what he means. Dr. Fletcher, at Tomlinson Hall on Friday sight, will hare something to say that may interest the Democratic cholera-ho, maggoty-butter ring of corruptionists that f introl the Insane Asylum. Chairman Jettett has instructed Democratic speakers in this State to "redouble their efforts and keep on telling the people "the truth." From present indications they will be exhausted before they begin on that line. The Chicago Tribune says of Mr. Cleveland's letter: "He nukes the strongest freetrade argument that he knows how. " It will be accepted, we think, that the Chicago Tribune knows a free-trade argument when it sees it, "Rats!' is the headline placed in bold, black letters by the Wheeling, Va., Intelligencer over Cleveland's letter. "Rats" is neither an elegant nor a dignified term, bat under certain circumstances is peculiarly expressive. Agricultural reports from Vermont and Maine indicate abundant farm crops, but the teeming fields fail to outdo the Republican harvest. However, agricultural plenty and Republican majorities usually accompany each other. Tee latest Democratic assertion is that "anything less than 20,000 Republican majority in Maine is a Democratic victory." Taking this view of majorities, what kind of a victory is it in Arkansas, which gave a Demc cratic majority of 45,336 in September, ISSi, find 16,500 in 188S? The rumor that Governor Gray receives hourly bulletins from Columbus concerning .Thurman's health, is probably unfounded. Governor Gray is a shrewd politician, and ' since he has seen which way the political wind is blowing, is probably not speculating cn possible emergencies and the securing of empty honors. The New York Democrats meet to-day to nominate Governor Hill. His nomination is opposed by the better element, but as honesty and respectability have very little show in the New York Democracy, the protests will have no weight. He will be chosen by the liquor interests, which will work together With the third-party people for his re-election. Mr. BynI seems to be more at home slan dering Indianapolis workingmen than stating facts. "The exact amount of the tariff duty is tidied to imported 0ods,n is his theory. But lately the government imported two thousand army blankets, upon which there i3 a duty of $1.47 each; but the price to the government for each was only 30 cents less than the regular price of American made blankets of equal quality. Tiie recent elections in Oregon, Vermont and Maine all show a considerable falling off b the Prohibition vote. This is a significant fact. These arr representative Northern States in widely-separated parts of the coun try, and a result like this may be taken as Udicative of a general condition. This con

dition is not a falling off in the strength of

the temperance movement, as its enemies may hastily conclude, but rather a growing feeling m favor of practical pontics and ot seeking temperance reform through existing party organizations. The Journal has always maintained, and often argued, that the advo cates of prohibition were by no means the only friends of temperance, and still less that the third-party prohibition movement embraced all the true friends of temperance re form. The State elections above referred to show that the number of persons is increasing who do not believe that the cause of temper ance reform can 4e best promoted through prohibition or a third-party movement. The prohibition movement and the Prohibition party are on the wane, though the cause of temperance reform is not GENERAL HARRISOH'S LETTER. General Harrison's letter of acceptance shows his usual habit of honest thought and clear' expression. His recent speeches have made the American people pretty familiar with the cast and caliber of his mind, and with his remarkable faculty of thinking on his feet His letter will lead them to re mark that he deals with publio questions quite as easily in a different field, and expresses himself on paper as olearly and suocinctly as he does on the platform. Perhaps the most striking thing about the letter is its modest but dignified tone, and its happy mingling of a pleasant manner with firmness of purpose and assertion. In this respect the style is the man. General Harri son can fight, but he does not carry a chip on his shoulder. He has a great deal of selfassertion, but he does not flaunt it in people's faces needlesslv. He is a partisan from prin ciple and conviction, but he does not find it necessary to adopt a bullying tone toward those who differ with him, and he can even expose the viciousness of their policy without being abusive and intolerant. In this spirit of strong conviction and candid expression, the letter touches on most of the leading features of the Chicago platform and issues of the campaign. The tariff question it, very naturally, given greatest prominence, and is treated in a way that leaves no doubt of General Harrison's being in full and hearty accord with the platform and party. He divests the issue of all verbiage, and shows very clearly the logical antagonism of the two parties the Republicans favoring protection to American industry, with all the term implies, and the Democrats opposing it. It is cot a question of per cent, but of sj stems, or, in General Harrison's better phrase, "it is not a contest between chedules, but between wide-apart principles." Ho reminds people that the Democratic party have already taken a decided step towards free trade, and happily remarks that "the important question if not so much the let gth of the step as the direc tion of it" It is not so much the rate at which the party is moVing as the way it is facing. General Harrison does not care what the Democracy call their assault upon protection, "the assault itself is the important fact" Of those why insist that tariff duties increase the price of both foreign and domestic articles by the amount of such duty, he suggestively says "they are students of maxims and cot of the markets." Ills brief discussion of the tariff question, admirable for its clearness of expression, fitly concludes by leaving the whole subject to the people, whose interests are so deeply involved, and especially to the workingmen, who "will make choice between the substantial advantages they have in hand and the deceptive promises and forecasts of these theorizing reformers." The Treasury surplus is treated in the same frank and sensible fashion. While General Harrison would cot encourage the accumulation of a surplus or the continuance of unnecessary taxation or revenue, he would not permit them to be made a pretext for attacking the protective system. The existing surplus and excessive re venae can be properly treated without abandoning or impairing protection, and General Harrison very distinctly says that the idle money in the Treasury should be used in the purchase of bonds, thus reducing the government's interest account. He treats the surplus question like a sensible business man or practical statesman, and cot like an alarmist and panic-shrieker. The foreign contract labor and Chinese immigration questions are handled in a way that ought to be perfectly satisfactory to every honest man, and we feel quite sure General Harrison cares nothing for the opinions of any other class. His remarks on foreign immigration in general are just and timely, and his expressions in regard to Chinese immigration are in exact accordance with the views he has long maintained and expressed. What he says relative to honest elections, the suppression of the colored vote in the South and the duty of the government toward the soldiers and sailors of the late war, is what might be expected from a Republican so fully and heartily at one with his party on these questions as General Harrison. He cordially approves the declaration of the Chicago convention against trusts, with the added remark that his own public expression on the subject antedated that of the convention. His approval of a practical civil-service reform and of the existing law on the subject is as strong as its most ardent friends could desire. Referring to the temperance question, he says: "The Republican party has always been friendly to everything that tended to make the home life of our people free, purs and prosperous, and will in the future be true to its history in this respect" No person who knows General Harrison and the record of his life can doubt that this means that wherever he may be placed, his power, and influence, and example will always be used in favor of practical temperance reform. From beginning to end of the letter there is no attempt to magnify the personality of the writer or project his individuality into the discussion of national issues. This is characteristic of General Harrison. When the American people come to know him better they will find he has a peculiar facntly of dealing with principles and policies apart from person alism, and of lifting the discussion of publio affairs out of the sphere of individual disturbances. The letter is one

that wiH appeal to the calm, deliberate judg- j

ment of the people, and will, as his speeches have already proved, bo a powerful stimulant to the quickened and quickening beat of the public pulse, in harmony with the principles and policies of which he is tho advocate and embodiment GEff. HAEBIS0J9 AND AMERICAN LABOR. The Frankfort (Ind.) Banner publishes & letter from Mr. Martin Biorn, of that place; relative to a correspondence he had with Gen. Harrison while the latter was in the Senate. Mr. Biorn was at the time, and perhaps is still, master workman of the Knights of Labor assembly at Frankfort In his official capacity and by direction of the assembly ho wrote several letters requiring answers or requesting favors of General Harrison, and he says the latter's answers were so prompt and courteous that the assembly sent him a vote of thanks. The Frankfort Assembly, K. of L., was much interested in the Chinese ques tion, and by its direction Mr. Biorn bad some correspondence with Senator Harrison on that subject, receiving the following let ters: "United States Senate, ) "WasuinuTOX, Hay 19, lSStf. ) 'My Dear Sir: Your communication of May 17 has been received and carefully read. I am too busy to-day to enter into a discussion of the Chinese question. 1 agree with you that they are not.a class of immigrants that are desirable. Of course, as far as the actions of Congress are concerned, we are under some limitations. Where a treaty has' been made with some foreign power, we must,, of course, carry it out, until it can be repealed or amended by proper proceedings. The present law prohibits tho coming i in of any more Chinese, and I have been in' hopes that those who came under the previous treaty would be returned to their cativo land to star. I hotvePbometiine durine tho summer, to be at Frankfort, and will be glad to talk with you. Yours truly, V "UENJ, HARRISON. "United States Srvvrn, ? 'Washington, I). C, May -0. IsfsG. J 'Mir. filartluUiorn: "My Dear Sir Your kind lette of the 24th received. I was sorry myself not to have time to go more fully into the Chinese Question in my former letter, but the fact'- is 1 am very busy. I have so many lettera'to write that I am compelled to write very briefly. While I am writing we are considering in the Senate a bill to amend and make more stringent the present law. I will tend you a copy of it It will make the coming in of Chinese laborers, in violation of law, more difficult 'l hope when visiting Frankfort this summer, as 1 expect to do, that I may make the acquaintance of yourself and such 'of your friends as will do me the honor of calling on me. Very truly yours, "Benj. Harrison." Mr. Biorn, to whom the letters were addressed, is not a Republican, and says he has never met General Harrison personally. He publishes the letters as a matter of justice to General Harrison. Hesavs: "Although not a Republican, I consider it my duty as a good citizen to contribute my mite in righting a terrible wrong perpetrated by a few men in the ranks of organised labor. Through misrepresentation, Hon. Benjamin Harrison has been held up before the' people a3 a man utterly devoid of synipath with the laborers, and thousands of honest toilers have accepted these false statements through the labor papers as gospel. I, for one, decline with thanks the effort at nose-ringing on the part of our leaders, and ask your assistance to place certain documents before the public documents that will speak in tones of thunder to those who havo been led to condemn Jlr. Harrion on the evidence of some unknown dictator. "I have found Mr. Harrison, in his dealings with us as an organized body of laborers, to be prompt and honorable in the full sense of the words- He has shown his honesty by bis work in the committees as well as n the Senate floor, by voting for those verysentiments so briefly expressed In his letters, as proven to our satisfaction through the' Congressional Record. I also learn from the same organ, where Mr. Harrison has performed the same eervico for other assemblies in our State, and has made appropriate remarks in favor of their measures. And now I 'wish to' ask those assemblies, who are keeping eo silent, is it just for us to allow this blackmail-; ing to go by unnoticed, without raising our voice in behalf of him who defendl our measures so well? J think cot. Wo are not a political body. We-- ask a favorable consideration fer-nieas-ures in favor of the toiling rnitlicx.?, independent of party, and we aro in honor bound to redress the wrong1) of onr'.friends. In conclusion, I will state that I have the originals of the letters I publish; that" I ha va never met Mr. II., and that he has cot been consulted in this matter. Further, ho stands on a platform not indorsed by no, and only a strong i en so of duty impels me to place the gentleman in his true light before the people of a supposed free country." ? 1 i We do cot consider that General Harrison's record on the Chinese question needs'any defense; but if it did these letters would show his position and teeling on the subject t r: tten more than two year3 before las com-1 ination, and never intended for publication,! they show that he regarded the Chinese as an undesirable class of immigrants, and was anxious to do all that could be done.utrier the, treaty in keeping them out of the country. AS EXPLODED CHARGE. Only a few of the more disreputable Democratic papers continue to circulate the snSmeless lie that General Harrison said that a dollar a day was enough" for a workingman. Rochester Democrat-Chronicle. Of course this is true now, as it has all along been. Only a fool or a knave, whether a man or a newspaper, would ropeat such an idiotic charge, at any time or under any circumstances. General Harrison has been more or less in public life since he became of age, for more than thirty years, and at any time has been liable to become a candidate for public office. To suppose that he would or could have uttered such a sentiment, putting it on the lowest possible grounds of selfish prudence, is to presume that he was a fool, and nobody has seriously charged him with that. Wo note, however, with regret, that the Atlanta Constitution and the Charleston News and Courier repeat tho assertion, upon the report that evidence of the truth of the charge has'been submitted to the Journal, and a demand made for the $2,000 offered as a reward for evidence. Theso papers should know that nothing of tho kind has occurred No ''proof has been submitted, nor offered to be submitted. A mac, in the employ of the Democratic committee, and who has been convicted by sworn and unimpeachable testimony of having confessed that he was a liar, made a demand for the reward in a letter which repeated, in substance, what the disreputable Bailey had scraped together in his recent speech. Oneof the chief witnesses summoned, Isom Hughes, of this city, at once denounced Bailey as a falsifier and garbler, and outside of that there we not a syllable of evidence that any justice of the peace would accept as con-

elusive against a yellow dog. - The Atlanta

Constitution, 'at least, should ba above such things. It can afford to be honest enough to concede, whatever else it may think of him, that the man it desires to beat for President of the United States is not a common fool. THE MAINE VICTORY. The Republican victory in Maine does' not shrink. The majority will be, as Mr. Blaine telegraphed Monday night, 20,000, with both branches of the Legislature overwhelmingly Republican. Thu is the largest Republican ' majority for twenty years. Garfield, popular as he was, only carried the State by 8,563. The local enthusiasm caused by Mr. Blaine's candidacy in ISSi resulted in a Republican majority, in the September election, of 10,700, and of 20.060 for Mr. Blaine himself. That was high-water mark, and the present majority exceeds it Mr. Manley, chairman of the State central committee, telegraphs to General Harrison, "This means 25,000 foryou in November," and we havo no doubt it does. The force of this victory cannot be broken. The same causes that operated in Maine are operating in other States, and will produce a like result. Democrats are trying to belittle the victory by saying that it was a foregone conclusion, that they made very little effort etc. This is not true. They made great efforts to reduce the Republican majorities. All accounts from Maine agree that both parses did their best, and it was a very hot campaign. The Democrats expected to make -a reduction in the Republican majority which "they could claim as a victory. Instead of 'that they are completely "knocked out" and (he Republicans come up smiling with the biggest majority since 16C6. Unless we mistake the signs of the times, this is the beginning of a tidal wave which will sweep over the country and land every Northern State hjh and dry in the Republican camp. A FREE-TRADE PARTY. I'M. Cleveland says, in his letter of acceptance: "We have entered upon no crusade of free-trade. The reform we seek to inaugurate is predicated upon the utmost care for established industries." r Mr. Cleveland says in private conversation: "I believe in free trade as I believe in the Trotestant religion."Roger (. Mills, the chief instigator of the "reform we seek to inaugurate," and the au- - thor of the "reform" bill, says: "I desire free trade, and will not help perfect any law that stands in the way of free trade." Henry Watterson says: "The Democratic party is a free-trade party or it is nothing. The Democrat who is not a free-trader should go elsewhere." Secretary Fairchild says: "Add to the free list as many articles as possible. Reduce duties upon every dutiable article to the lowest point possible." Henry George says: "Mr. Cleveland 'stands before the country a champion of free trade." Sunset Cox says: "It would be a glorious consummation of this debate could we only have gentlemen on the other side join in this invocation to paper and type, and to the henrta of honett men in clear th r for j British Cobden free trade." In tho light of these interpretations of Democratic policy, the candidate's attempt to "hedge" is too transparent. It indicates fright, and when the leader is scared, a stampedo of the flock is sure to follow. A Democratic candidate for President now deceased, who was not afraid to tell the, truth concerning the operation and results of free trade, said: "My distinct recollections on this head co 'back to the period of industrial derangement, business collapse, and wide-spread pecuniary xuia which closely followed the close of our war with England In 1S15. Peace found this country dotted witia furnaces and manu factories which had suddenly grown up dur ing the few last preceding years, under the , precarious shelter of embargo and war. These not vet fairlv established in a country , whose commerce was almost wholly external, or confined to the seaboaru steam navigation being jet in its infancy, and canals end railroads unknown among us found them1 selves exposed to a determined and resistless competition from abroad. Great Britain, under the regis of her vast naval armaments, had pushed her fabrics into almost every corner or Asia, Ainca, bouth America, and the isles of the sea, meeting no competition but from the rudest and most inefficient barbarian rivals, ignorant alike of spinning-jennies, power looms and steam. Of some of ber fabrics great stocks had nevertheless accumu lated. These were now thrown upon our markets in a perfect deluge. Our manufactories went down like grass before the mowers; our agriculture and the wages of labor speedily followed. In New England I judge that fully one-fourth of the property went through the sheriffs mill, and the prostration was hardly less general in any part of the country." None of Cleveland's pension vetoes has created more indignation among right-minded people than that of the widow of Lieut Clin ton D. Smith, of Winchester, this State. This man suffered tortures for nearly twenty years, and finally fell a victim to a wound re ceived in battle. The fact that he had some times, by the advice of a physician, resorted to morphine to alldviate his sufferings gave the President a pretext for vetoing a pension for his widow, and, at the same time, slandering the memory of the dead soldier. Atten tion is called anew to the case by the state ment of a friend and fellow-workman, who ciys that during the ten years following the war not less than ninety-seven surgical opera tions were performed on his arm and shoulder. Yet the President not only vetoed his widow's pension, but libeled her dead husband's memory. x "The Wheel," upon which the Demo cratic majority in Arkansas came near being broken, is a secret society operating in some of the Southern States, much as the Grangers once operated in the Middle States. In Arkan sas its demands were: (1.) Consolidation of the national and State elections, and rigid and severe laws for the protection of the purity of the ballot-box. (2.) Protection to farm products. (3.) Stat a improvements by taxa tion. The "Wheel" made no nominations, but asked the Democratic party to sanction its claims. This was denied, but the United Labor party did, and that party "The Wheel" r supported at the late election. It is a Jittle late to introduce "the Wheel" into America, . but if It can be used to break the solid South

that much of the inquisition may be compla

cently regarded, at least for the present la 1884; the Democratic plurality in the State of Arkansas was 46,336; in 1SS6 it was 36,5S0; in the election just held it is about 16,000, counting in all the ballot-boxes stolen, and the usual counting-out, and intimidation, some features of which were given in the Journal yesterday. "The Wheel" is a good thing. Protection proposes to convert American raw material into finished prod nets for Ameri cans by American labor, while free trade would import the finished products of foreign labor. Protection would pay American wages while free trade would pay foreign wages. One would keep the pay-rolls in this country, while the other would send them abroad. No country in the world surpasses the United States in the variety, extent and richness of its natural resources. ' Our fields and farms, mountains and plains are rich with undiscov ered or undeveloped wealth. Every kind of metal or metallic ore exists here in abun dance. Our forests yield every kind of timber. We raise more cotton than we can use, and ought to raise moro wool. There is nothing manufactured in the world that cannot be manufactured here, and very few things pro duced in the world that cannot be produced here. Nature, therefore, and the God of na ture have indicated protection of home in dustries as the true economic policy of the United States. Let us manufacture our own raw material with our own labor and keep our pay-rolls at hoDie. The existence of a surplus in the Treasury is a standing rebuke to the present administration and a monument of financial folly. By the act of March 3, ISSI, the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized "to apply at any time the surplus .money in tho Treasury, cot otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as he may consider proper, to the purchase or redemption of United States bonds." With a large public debt and this authority to apply the suiplus to its reduction, there is no ex cuse for its existence. The administration has 6hown far greater anxiety to increase the surplus than to reduce the debt If the surplus cow in the Treasury were applied to a re duction of the debt, as it could and should be, it would result in saving the government millions of dollars in future payments of in terest The millions which might thus be saved and which tho administration refuses to save by applying an idle surplus on the debt will eventually have to be paid by the tax-payer. Mr. Blaine told a story in one of his re cent speeches which indicates that the Demo cratic campaign liar of 1S40 was no less accomplished than his descendants of 1SS3. It was a Pennsylvania orator, who, as the story at goes, undertook to prove that the stories which the Whigs were circulating about the heroism of General Harrison at the battle of Tippecanoe were false. He had in .his hand, he declared, the documents to prove that the battle was about to be lost through th9 utter incom petency of General Harrison, and every man sacrificed to the fiendish ferocity of tho Indians, when, at the- critical moment Majorgeneral Martin Van Buren, of the New York Reserves, came to the rescue, and routed the enemy. A good many colossal lies have been told about the Harrison of 1S8S, but no one has gone so far yet as to say that it was Gen. Cleveland and not he who behaved so gallantly at Peach-tree Creek. Still, there is no telling what may come. The Civil Service Record quotes General Harrison's recent remarkson the regulation of the State, penal and benevolent institutions, and says the speech shows that he is fully aware of the necessity of lifting these insti tutions above the evils of the spoils system. The Record adds: "His election to the presidency, of course, could have no direct influence upon this most desirable attempt, but his words are valuable as evidence that he is alive to the need of reform in his own State, and understands the only method of making it permanent" The civil-service reformers are coming to learn that General Harrison is right on this question, as he is on others relating to public interests. Mr. Cleveland vetoed, during the first three sessions of Congress, 171 pension bills, and up to the 1st of August he had refused to sign 157, which makes 323 bills that did not meet his approval. The record of twentyfour years' Republican administration is three actual vetoes. The record of a trifle over three years of Democratic administration is 171 vetoes and 157 disapprovals. These figures are absolutely correct, and can be verified by the records. No Democratic news paper dare publish them and then assert that Cleveland, the man who hired a substitute and turned his back on the exercises of Dec oration day, is a friend to the veteran or his cause. You cannot fool the English newspapers. They know a hawk from a handsaw. The London Chronicle says of the President's letter: "It is immaterial to discuss what President Cleveland's crusade should be called. He may give it any came he lik as long as we know it is, in fact a crusade of free trade." Possibly Mr. Bynum and tho Indianapolis Sentinel will call this a "stupid forgry," but the extract came all the way from England by Associated Press, and appeared in the Chronicle of yesterday morning. Mr. Blaine sent the following telegram to the Chicago Tribune: "Augusta, Me., Sept 10, 18SS. At 11 o'clock I estimate the Republican majority at 20,000. It is not simply a great victory. It is almost a political revolution. It recalls the immense majorities of the war period. The question of protection was the only one discussed. Many Democrats turned against the Mills bilL James G. Blaine." Chairman Jewett's assertion that because a joint debate between candidates had been declined the Republicans are unwilling to discuss the issue, is very cheap campaigning, as was the issuing of the original "challenge." There is no issue before the people, or none that the Democrats can bring' up, but that Republican orators are willing and anxious to talk about To pul it briefly, Be-

publicans have the "bulge" on their opponents at every quarter, and propose to keep it; but mean to do it in their own way. They are not looking to the Democratic committee to arrange their campaign.

Mr, Bynum asserted in his speech on Saturday night that the rate of the tariff was added to the price of the articles imported. The present Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, haslately published the report of L. A. Lathrop, consul to England, which states that "cotton cloth and flannels are both cheaper in New York, Washington and San Francisco than here England, and yet there is a tariff duty on cotton cloth and woolen goods. Does Mr. Bynum talk to the people for the purpose of deceiving them, in order to avoid the consequences of his free-trad principles? This is a reading age. A PARMER writes ns that he has a copy of the English free-trade journal, which he intends to read to one of Mr. Bvcum's audiences, after the latter is through, which contains the following editorial; "If the Mills bill should pass, it would, no doubt, stimulate the trade in English wools, as one of the provisions of that bill is to admit all wools free of duty." The writer adds: "I am opposed to opening our markets free to the products of the British, and Mr. Bynum will find plenty more who are thinking the same way." In accepting the Republican nomination for Congress from the Second district of Mississippi, Gen. James R. Chalmers says: "I believe that the protective tariff, if continuous, will enrich the South as it has enriched the North. Already we see that cotton factories and woolen and lumber mills are springing up in our midst, and that more pig-iron was manufactured in the South in 1SS7 than was made in the whole Union in 18C6 under a revenue tariff." The light is breaking. Mr. Bynum has, thus far, neglected to sen! the Journal the name and address of that coble "workingman" who 'tended the children while his wife went to the wash-tub to make a living for the family. We had hoped to print his portrait by this time. We still insist that Mr. Bynum should take that man around with him in his campaign, and exhibit him as an awful example of the effects of a protectire tariff on the manufacturing industries of Indianapolis. Mr. James Deery, the superintendent of carriere in the postoffice, presided over the Grady meeting. Of course, this is a violation of Mr. Cleveland's order to government employes, but no attention will be paid to it. The fact, however, may explain some things in the wretched postal service. If Mr. Deery would pay less attention to politics and more to the business for which the public pays him, it would be better for the people. A SPECTAL dispatch in yesterday's Sentinel assures the readers of that paper that, under the circumstances, the result in Maine is a great Democratic victory. It was very modest of the Sentinel to hide the news of that "victory" in an obscure corner of the seventh page, and build no display heads over it Po litical victories are not usually announced in that way. The veterans at Columbus are non-partisan this week, of course; but perhaps they will withdraw their attention from Grand Army affairs long enough' to read General Harrison's letter and contrast it with that of the champion vetoer. All accounts point to the possibility that poor old Mr. Thurmaa may cot last the campaign out In the event of his derrise Got. Gray might probably be chosen as his substitute on the ticket, in which case two new issues would be added to the campaign namely, graveyard insurance and the harvesting of the watermelon. - fo the Editor of the Indianapolis Joorn&If Is the "Hon." John W. Kern, candidate for Reporter of the Supreme Court on the Democratic State ticket tbe sam6 man who volunteered his ser? loes to defend Sim Coy in the United States Court, and who wanted to bet f 1,000 that Coy would never go to the penitentiary J. IL T. IIacge villi, Ind., Spt 11. He is. T0L1TICAL X0TE AND COMMENT. Tun President has concluded to accept the Democratic nomination. More fool he. Springfield (IlL)News. Mr voice is still for war. Sempronius Cleveland. His voice was very still for war in 1SG3. Buffalo Ne ws. As a tariff-reform measure the Mills bill is a sham and a fraud. To all practical intents and purposes it puts whisky on the free list, and yet its advocates bare the impudence to bawl "frea liquor" at the Republicans. Chicago Tribune. The wage-earners of this country own more property tnan all the other wage-earners of the world put together. The wage-earners of Connecticut and Rhode Island own more property than wage-earners of the whole world outside of the United States. Senator Piatt I havb made up my mind that a country that raises and sells raw material will always be poor and ignorant and a country that manufactures what it raises and allows its brain to s:o into partnership with its hands will become intelligent and rich. Colonel IngersolL Tux poll of seven excursion trains passing through Logacsport, Ind., for Columbus, O., te attend the national encampment of tho Grand Army of the Republic showed the choice of the passengers for President as follows: Harrison, 2,440; Clereland, 319. The trains polled contained passengers from California and Iowa. Samuel Alu:ton, of Chicago, owner of stock yards at Chicago and Pittsburg and of a 30,000-acre farm in the West, ssys: "Protection is the greatest boon to the farmers of this eonntry that the country has eTer known. The fact is that per cent, of all the farm produce of this country is sold in the manufacturing centers of Chicago, Pittsbnrjr, Philadelphia, New York and the New England States." Tiiekk is one clause of tho Mills bill that the Democratic organs have suppressed, as far as they can. Il reads as follows: That all clauses of section 32 H cf the reris-! Statutes, and all laws amcna&tory thereof, sad all other laws which imooso any special txes upon J211 ufacturers of stills, "retail dealers in liquors, and retail dealers In malt liquors are hereby resale J. How is that for fre wniskjr Cleveland Leader. Hcke are some free-rrade figures. They come from Ireland, where fx trade with England, Scotland and . Wales mis instituted in 1821. Free trade ws: i. F itut 3-1 !d England In 189. Ireland, sinco ibZi. tboae tatutics bear upon: Died of famis.e. - - 1.223.00O Persons evictol 'V'K Number of emicraa Kumbisr evicteu fra 1 ID U 11 1'2i.VSJ Number evicted fros 18;i to 3 800....... 'JMXKJ Number evicted from IStfl 170 J'SS Number evicted from lw 71 o 4 1-3,000 THS DJMOCIIATIC I'EOOKAMMS. Yes. that is our visb. O, th U oxt wish. To table t'ae tariff Aid talk about iish. Sew Tork TUe.