Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 January 1887 — Page 4

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, MONDAY, JANUABY 31," 1887.

THE DAILY JOURNAL. MONDAY, JANUARY 31. 1887.

WASHINGTON OFFICE 513 Fourteenth St. T. S. IlEATH. Correspondent. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can be found at tL following places: LONDON American Exchange in Strand. Europe, 449 PARIS American Exchange in Taris, 35 Boulevard des Capucines. KE W YORK Gedney House and Windsor Hotels. CHICAGO ralmer Ilouse. CINCINNATI J. I. Hawley & Co., 151 Vine street T.OTTISVILT.,. H. T. Dearinff. northwest corner Tliird and Jefferson Streets. 1 T. LOUIS Union News Company, Union Depot and Southern Hotel. WASHINGTON, T). House. C liiggrs Honse and Ebbitt Telephone Calls. Business Office 233 Editorial Rooms 242 Memhtrtof the General Assembly wanting the Journal dvrina the rttiuiar session should leave their subscriptions. :rith directions as to where they desire to receive the paper, at the Journal Counting-room. It would b an awful thing if the bully who is. alleged to "preside" over the State " CTJ Senate should be treated with ' disrespect" by anybody. TnE Rushvilio Graphic suggests for 1888 this ticket: . FOR 00VERN03. ROBERT S. ROBERTSON, of Allen County. FOR T.ircrTTCN'ANT-GOVERXOR, F. N. ilcDONALD, o Jackson County. It says they can carry the State by 20,000 against the "Sim Coy gang." - i Will some one please tell us whether a con test of the election of Senator McDonald, of Whitley, upon the ground that there was no vacancy in that office which could be filled last November, could be tried in the courts by quo warranto, with an injunction to restrain McDonald from exercising the duties of the office to which the people elected him? Section 8, Article 5, of the Constitution of Indiana, reads, "No member of Congress, or person holding any office under the United States, or under this State, shall fill the office ! of Governor or Lieutenant-governor." The Constitution is plain enough. Green Smith is barred both by the Constitution and by - nature from "filling" the office of Lieutenant- - governor. ' - -' Mr. ADOLrn Fhey, in a card which was at least a day too tate, suggested the observance of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of "the birthday of Thomas Paine, which occurred on Saturday last, the 29th instant. Not on account of ' his religious or anti-religious views, but because of his liberty-loving doctrines, in which all men could readily unite in - honoring his memory. , ; The Michigan City Dispatch severely castigates Hon. " Sylvester Bertram, member from LaPorte, Starke and Pulaski, because of the expression of an opinion that "that there is no question about the legal election of Colonel Robertson as Lieutenant-governor, and that his constituents think and say so," and, further, because he said "that he. has his pri vate opinion as to Grben Smith's revolutionary methods." It is to be hoped tbat the Sentinel has received an access of information upon the ques tion whether Mr. Bynum told the truth when he sai l to the Journal correspondent that he did cot sign tho alleged telegram to Repre Bentative Robinson urging him to vote for Turpie. Over his own signature Mr, Bynum says he was never even asked to sign such a dispatch. Now, who committed the forgery, and in whose interests was the forgery committed? Tun claim has been made that the State Ct a ii TT i r . e r- . oena.e, nsexne unueu orates oenate, is "a continuing body," and therefore its presiding officer holds indefinitely. Senator Harrison exposed the fallacy of th.3 claim by showing that the United States Senate is a continuing body only by virtue of an express rule of its owr, The State Senate is no more a continuing body than the House is. The fact that half the Senators hold over does not affect the ease. One-half is not "a body." Ocit esteemed evening contemporary treats Us readers to an elaborate "don't know" article on the State library. If it "don't know" that the project to put the library in the hands cf Ihe State Board of Education i3 a personal ne; if it "don't know" that the person to be benefited suggested the measure to Governor Porter two years ago; if it "don't know" tbat li certain result of such a change will be the appointment of a male Librarian, wo would miggest that it send out a few emissaries to find out something; for all those who have anything to do with the 'matter "do know these things. One of the greatest troubles about this, as about many other, important measures; is that there are so many that . .. . . - dont Know' who insist on advancing their ideas, and sticking to them like grim death in pite of facts, figures and reason. Representative Robinson is havine his "'day" in the Legislature, and will never have Another if the Democrats of his district know themselves. The Crawfordsvilfe Review savs So was nominated by a hocus-pocus, which, by the way is a very good name for a Demooratic convention, and adds with a sneer of Jisgust at his conduct in the Legislature: "This is what comes of nominating any man lor policy's sake." Then the Review goes on to ffemark with virulence, that it will never again iuppoct any man who is not a known and reli able Democrat, and concludes with the direful assertions: "It matters not to us what the

politicians and political leadors may decree. If we cannot have a man of our own to vote and work for, we are not going into the ranks

of the Republican, Greenback or Prohibition party, to find him. Consequently, m 1883, or -XV - X. - t tUnn linvtnonll. 1 ' DVXitr veaia iu vmc, iu uiv vi meow usi mapurodite nominations, count us out." Verilv. ae. before stated, Robinson is having his day; and, come to think about it, he seems to rec ognize that fact, and to be making the most of his time. : A PARTISAN QUESTION. The argument in the case of Smith vs. Rob ertson has closed, and the Chse is now in the hands of the Supreme Court. There are some aspects of the case which make it conspicuous, and will cause it to be memorable in the judicial annals of the State. It is pre-emi nently a partisan proceeding. In this respect it has no parallel. The books fnrnish prece dents bearing on some of the questions involved (and, by the way, they are pretty much all in favor of the Republican position), but they furnish no parallel to the case itself. There have been many cases of contested elections in the courts of this and other States, but never before a case where suit was brought for the possession of an elective office by a person who was not a candidate and did not receive a vote, against one who received 233,000 votes, andwa3 elected by over three thousand plurality on a total vote of nearly five hundred thousand. This is not a case where there might be an honest difference of opinion as to who was the choice of the people. If it were, John C. Nelson would be plaintiff, instead of Green Smith. But Mr. Nelson like Colonel Robertson, labors under the disability of having been voted for by the people. The fitness of this case required that the suit should be brought in the name of a person whose name does not appear in the original record, and whose claim stands alone in the history of popular government. But not only are the claimant and the claim in this case peculiar; the political surroundings of the case, the motives that have prompted it, the methods pursued, the ends aimed at, the coarse, brutal, illegal and unparliamentary measures adopted, are all equally without parallel. It has been, from beginning to end, a grossly partisan proceeding, a brazen attempt to steal an elective office, and accomplish by foul means what the Democratic party failed to do by fair. If Mr. Nelson had been elected last fall, by no matter how small a majority, no Republican would have thought of questioning his right to the office, nor would any Democrat have thought of questioning the legality of the election. The present proceeding is a partisan job, that and nothing more. By a series of legal fictions and false pretenses its managers have finally got "it into the Su preme Court. We regard it a3 very unfortunate for the court that it is there. It would not be there if the maxim were enforced that he who seeks equity must do equity, and must come into court with clean hands. In this case the plaintiff comes into court with stolen goods in his hands and asks for an enabling decision that he may take advantage of his own wrong. We say it is unfortunate for the court that the case is there; for no matter what the decision may be, the judicial robes cannot escape being dragged into partisan political discussion. Already, when one decision in the preliminary proceedings did not suit, the Democratic State organ outraged all propriety bv saying of the judges: "Damn their cowardly souls." This is a politof the political. ical case, and the, decision court will be and must be If right, there will bo some who will again ex claim "Damn their cowardly souls," and if wrong, it will be reversed by the people, and the court will receive a vote of censure. The people are higher than the courts, and .they thoroughly understand the merits of the case. They cannot be fooled, and will not be trifled with. The hi itory of partisan decisions shows that they invariably injure the party and the cause they intend to benefit, and the court or judge that renders them. The popular will cannot be thwarted, nor the popular voice stifled by a partisan decision of any court. The people may yield a perfunctory obedience to such a decision for the time, but at the first opportunity they will right the wrong and put the stamp of their condemnation upon the prostitution of the judicial function to the aid of mere partisanship. . THE DUTIES OF LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. During Senator Harrison's argument in the Supreme Court, while discussing the validity of Colonel Robertson's election as Lieutenantgovernor, the following colloquy occurred be tween Judge Mitchell and the speaker: -"Justice Mitchell- Is it not the fact that in the absence of the Lieuteoant-governor the duties are devolved upon the President of the benatef "Senator Harrison I would be ve-v rlad if your Honor would show me where that is said. It is said tnat the Senate may elect a president pro tempore who presides over the Senate and of course discharges, so far ts he pre sides, the same duty that the Lieutenant-gov ernor would it he presided; but where is the provision in the Constitution or the law that invests him with any other function of the office of Lieutenant-covernor? "Justice Mitchell I mirht Answer that ,there !3. ,no. Provisio'1 iu the Constitution or with anv other function. That is th lml statement of the function of the Lieutenant-E-natnarrin-lvJnf f tion especially provide or permit that other dutlTS ay ?.ae,T0,lve(I uPn hiin by law? Justice Mitchell-j-u uvi uwue mat it In this passage Judge Mitchell distinctly avers that the sole constitutional function of the Lieutenant-governor is to preside over the Senate, and that the Constitution does not devolve upon him any other dutv 'whatever. Hon. W. H. JL Miller, in a letter published

elsewhere, respectfully calls Judge Mitchell's

attention to Article 5, Section 21, of the Constitution, as follows: "The Lieutenant-Governor shall, by virtue wh;n fa committee of e whole, to ' - -1 - 1 A ,1 - nil nVl..l.. J i -join lu Ucuaie auu iv an euu itscw. auu( I". .1 I" 1. .1.11 L. 11 ... 1 whenever tne senate wmu ue equally aividea, he shall give the casting vote." The learned Judge must have overlooked this section. The rights and duties which it confers on the Lieutenant-governor, to join in debate and vote on all subjects when in committee of the whole, and to give the casting vote on any and all questions when the Senate is equally divided, are very important. It might happen, in an evenly-balanced Senate, that the Lieutenant-governor would have to give the casting vote on many important measures, thu3 exercising a power scarcely second to the veto power of the Governor. Was it a temporary lapse of memory on Judge Mitchell's part that led him into so unguarded a statement as that we have quoted, or is his copy of the Constitution defective! THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE TO ELECT. One of the strongest points in favor of the validity of the election of Lieutenant-governor Robertson i3 that all vacancies in elective offices should be filled by the people at the first general election after the vacancy occurs that as the elective power belongs to the people it should return to them to be exercised at the first opportunity, instead of being thwarted or unduly postponed by some intermediate power. The theory in general terms is, that irl case of a vancancy in office elective power should always revert to its original possessor to be exercised at the earliest regular opportunity. Section 18, Article 5 of the Constitution illustrates the idea. That section provides that "when, during a recess of the General Assembly, a vacancy shall happen in any office, the appointment to which is vested in the General Assembly; or when, at any time, a vacancy shall have occurred in any other State office, or in the office of judge of any court, the Governor shall fill such vacancy by appointment, which shall expire when.a successor shall have been elected and qualified." This section clearly implies that an Appointment by the Governor to fill any vacancy is only pro tempore, and that the elective power reverC in one case to the Legislature and in the c case to the people, to be exercised in both cases at the first opportunity. Thus in the case of a vacancy in the office of United States Senator happening during the recess of the General Assembly the Governor may appoint, for how long? For the unexpired term? No, but until the next meeting of the Legislature, to whom the power of electing - v I belongs, and to whom it reverts to be exercised at the first opportunity. The United States Senate has held that a Senator appointed by a Governor to fill a vacancy cannot hold beyond the next session of tho Legislature. So, in the case of a State officer or a judge of the Supreme Court elected for six years. If one of these should ie jmtnediately after his election the Governor would fill the vacancy by appointment, not for the remainder of the unexpired term, but until the next general election. Thus, in every case where it can be applied, the principle is recognized that the elective power, temporarily interrupted by an executive appointment to fill a vacancy, always reverts to the original depository to be exercised at the earliest opportunity. SOME POINTS IN GOV. GRAY'S MESSAGE. Governor 'Gray's message contained some recommendations which should receive careful consideration at the hands of the General Assembly. Chief among these are the following: First, his recommendation for the establishment of an institution, to be called bv some some such name as an "industrial school," for the . confinement of young convicts and of those guilty of their first offense, whose former character had been good, in order that they might have a chance to reform.' The name of the institution is immaterial the object to be accomplished is the main thing. The most advanced sentiment of the age is in favor of making the reformation of criminals, especially of ycung criminals, a prime object in their punishment. All prison reform movements are agreed on this point. The mere imprisonment of criminals, if they are to be turned loose at the end of their terms, as bad or worse than ever, to return to the paths of crime, is a poor result for modern civilization. There are old and hardened criminals, who are beyond the reach of reform or of any bettering influence; but for the large number of comparatively young men lust entering on a career of crime, surelv something can and should be done better than confining them with old and hardened criminals, to be released at the end of their terms with a stronger impulse to crime than they had before. The Governor says: "Tyo-thirds of the convicts in our State prisons are under tmrty years oi age ; we may add, a large number are under twenty-one. Most criminals at that age are not confirmed in crime, and many of them n Rfill within reach of 'wise reformatory measures. The Governor says: "Nearly every, dav our courts are sentencing to the penitentiary young men tinder twenty-one years of age, in many instances their first offense, and in many cases the offense, a technical one, and hundreds are sent to the penitentiary by courts and juries, thereby blasting theft characters forever, merely for the purpose of saving the county from the expense of a jail sentence, which would have been sufficient punishment for the crime committed:" 1 This state of thiDgs should not be permitted to ex

ist. It is discreditable to the State that it should be so. Surely, modern civilization can devise some better way than this. Second, the recommendation for a reasonable appropriation for the support of the militia is commendable. Every State should have a good militia, not alone for the remote but possible event of war, but for the enforcement of the laws in any contingency that may arise. The experience of the last decade proves that such contingencies do occur, and they are likely to occur in the future. A good militia gives strength to the executive, is a healthy conservator of the peace, and in may ways a credit to the State. In the matter of organizing and supporting a militia, Indiana is behind nearly every other Northern State a place she ought not to occupy. Third, the recommendation for the enactment of a law relative to animal diseases, and particularly to pleuro-pneumonia among cattle. The live-stock interests of the State are very large, and are entitled to protection in the form of a well-considered law for the preven

tion and treatment of animal epidemics. Illinois has an excellent law on this subject, which might serve as a model. The recommendations for the enactment of a law creating the office of boiler inspector, and for the remodeling of the township trus tee system, are also commendable. . All these matters relate to the general welfare, and should secure careful and candid attention from the Legislature, aside from any consideration of partisan politics. FUEL GAS IN TROY, N. Y. The city of Troy, N. Y.t has had a singular experience with the use of fuel gas. About a year ago a company was established there for manufacturing and distributing gas for fuel. The gas was manufactured by the Lowe process, from water, the product being nonodorous and non-luminous excellent for cooking and heating purposes, but useless for illuminating. The Troy company put in a valuable plant, distributing pipes, etc., and soon built up a good business. It furnished gas at 50 cents a thousand feet That price . can be reduced, it is claimed, so as to make the cost of gas fuel for all purposes less than the cost of coal. The whole cost of manufacturing it is covered by the cost of . the coal used, wages for superintendence, interest on plant and cost of repairs. No substance other than water is used. With the most improved apparatus the estimate is 100 pounds of coal for 5,500 feet of gas, or about 100,000 feet to a ton of coaL At the Troy works from CO, 000 to 80,000 feet to the ton of coal was made, The cost of manufacture at these works was about 9 cents a thousand feet. For heatiner purposes the gas was burned in the ordinary coal grates by filling the latter with broken fire bricks, which, becoming red hot, radiated the heat, or in handsomely de signed apparatus that could be moved about. There was neither smoke nor smell. The odorless quality, connected with the fact that it has been discovered to be very dangerous to breathe, has led to its being discarded, at least for the present. During the last year several cases occurred where persons were more or less injured by inhaling the gas, but its fatal character was not fully appreciated until a few nights since, when three persons in one building were killed by breathing it and several others narrowly escaped death. This was in a house where it was not used, but to which the gas found access from a leak in a mam pipe, ims snockmg accident immediately fixed public attention on the danger involved, and resulted in the .closing of the works. The City Council and board of health met to take action in the premises, but the superintendent of the works anticipated their action and ordered the fires put out and the works closed at once. The odorless quality of the gas makes it more dangerous, as a house may become filled with it and all the inmates become unconscious before they even detect its presence. The city of Lynn, Mass., is supplied with fuel gas made by the same process, and no accident has occurred from it there. As to the superior quality of the gas for heating purposes and its remarkable cheap ness there is no dispute, the only question being one of safety. Persons in Troy who have been using it are loth to give it up, and it is proposed to bring the matter before the General Assembly with a view of legalizing its use by regulations providing . for its safe dis tribution. PRO TEM. A little learning has been called "a danger ous thing," but it is sometimes useful. A froou many democratic oniciais. mciuainfr Senator Green Smith and others, are evidently in the dark concerning the meaning of the phrase "pro tem." Ihere 13 even reason to rear it nas Deen a stumming oiock to some m . 1. i ll i 1 Democratic lawyers and judges, and as is gen erally the case when a word or phrase is not understood, they seem to have invested it with a mysterious power. Democratic Senators from the hoop-pole counties are ready to die lor a .rresiueni 01 tne oenate "pro tem." who would not have made half so great a sacrifice for Lieutenant-governor Manson when he was the constitutional presiding officer of th3 Senate. Green Smith's title of "pro tem." awes them. They are like the man whose friend was ill, and when the doctor gave him the scientific name of the disease said, "That settles it; if his Latin parts are diseased he can't get well." A good many of Green Smith's backers evidently think President of the Senate "pro tem." a much higher office than that of Lieutenant-governor. "Pro tem." catches them. They evidently think J that Green Smith's Latin parts are the biggest thing about him: and. indeed, he seems to be - ' of the same opinion, for he is content to let

the vast euperstrucfure of his present great

ness rest on a pro tern, foundation. If he and his backers could be made to understand that, when he was elected President of the Senate two years ago, it was, in the language of the Constitution, "for the occasion" only, they might gradually be brought to see the absurd ity of his present claim; but a3 long as they continue to roll the magic phrase "pro tem." like a sweet morsel under their tongues, there is no hope for them. They are victims of pro tem. HOW PROHIBITIONISTS ARE MADE. An article in the Century for January discusses "How Prohibition Grows." The writer thinks that as yet most Americans are somewhat indifferent and undecided on' the temperance question, but that the n umber of Prohibitionists is steadily increasing. This is not due, he thinks, to prohibition speeches or documents, because, while these are listened to or read approvingly by confirmed Prohibitionists, they'make very few converts. The converts, it i3 held, are mainly due to the action of the liquor interest, manufacturers and dealers, in putting themselves aggressive ly before the public under the pretext of pro tecting their own interests. The opposition to the liquor interest thus aroused takes dif f erent forms; in most cases perhaps it is "only a feeling of anger against the party which has been the agent of the organization; in a small er number there appears a somewhat vagi willingness -to appear as the public opponent of 'the saloon in politics;' a still smaller num ber will account for the steady increase in the absolute Prohibition vote." These are all part of one movement, and the drift is strongly against the liquor interest. The Century writer discusses the question in a candid spirit, and concludes that "whether the stream of opposition is to remain a narrow torrent of absolute prohibition, or is to spread out into the broad reservoir of high license and moral opposition to 'the saloon,' will .depend very much on the power, for it is a power, which i3 now engaged in the defense t of the manufacture and sale of intoxicants in the United States. It may, if it will, make this a prohibition country." We call attention to these views not because of their novelty, for they are not new. Precisely the same views have been expressed again and again in the editorial columns of the Journal. But the fact that they now find strong expression in the pages of a leading non-partisan periodical shows that this view of the case is impressing itself on intelligent minds everywhere. Rapid as the growth of the liquor movement has been during the last decade or two the growth of the anti-liquor movement has been still greater, and no one . thing has contributed more to its growth than the aggressiveness of the liquor interest, and especially its attempts to shape politics. Nothing in the future can be more certain than that the "saloon in politics" must go. A vert remarkable letter was written by Mr. Jason B. Brown to the Seymour Demo crat, under date of Jan. IT, just after the decision bv Judge Ayres, in the Circuit Court. We copy it in full: .. "In the Circuit Court of Marion county, this morning. Judge Avres sustained the complaint of Hon. Alonzo Green Smith, on every point in his quo warranto proceedings, deciding that the election for Lieutenantgovernor, last November, was illegal and unwarranted by the Constitution of the State, and denving the claimant, Robertson, the right to preside in the Senate or at the joint convention. This virtually decides the case, as the Supreme Court will not reverse the decision of the Circuit Court. ' 'Jason B. Brown." What information had Jason B. Brown that could possiblv lead him to the confident assertion contained in the last sentence? Judge Ayres confessed grave doubts of the question himself in his decision; yet Mr. Brown, with an assumption of Sir Oracle, at once declares what will be the course of the Supreme Court. It is barely possible that the members of the Supreme Court have not made "Bazoo" Brown the keeper of their consciences. - The only constitutional duty which I have been able to find devolved upon the Lieu tenant-governor was that of presiding over the benate and of being in expectancy to discharge the duties of Governor in case of the death or resignation of the Governor. Now, when the Constitution also provides that in the absence of the Lieutenant-gov ernor those came duties shall bo devolved upon another, then the question comes to my mind, don't that nil tne onice, and can it be said that there is a vacancy then in the office when the duties are immediately devolved upon another? Judge Mitchell to Senator Harrison. A clause of the Constitution, referred to in another article, devolves three other important duties upon the Lieutenant governor besides that of presiding over the Senate. These duties are all such as cannot be discharged by a Senator. Now, if Green Smith is so far Lieutenant'govemor as to authorize him to discharge these duties, then he has no right to act and vote as a Senator, for no person can hold two offices at the same time. Will Jud e Mitchell be kind enough to say whether Green Smith is Senator, or Lieutenant-governor with the full duties and powers of that office? The fact that all United States bonds avail able for use by national banks as security for their circulation will soon t retired has elicited much discussion as to how to preserve the i Itr yauii. cuixBDcy ana suu give note-holders a perfect security. The latest suggestion cotues from Mr. John Thompson, president of the Chase National Bank, of New York. Doing away entirely with the deposit of bonds to secure circulation, his plan proposes, first, limiting the circulation to a fixed percentage, say one-half, of the capital, or the capital and surplus of the banks; sepond, giving the noteholders a first lien on all the assets of tho

bank; third, a fund to bo deposited in thf treasury of the United States of, say, 5 pefr

cent, of the total circulation of all the bank for the redemption of the notes, of any on failing to redeem. This would link all the banks together, and make each one part ia dorser or insurer for the redemption of the notes of every failing bank. It seems like a simple and efficient plan for securing the noteholder. What is the use of quibbling over the po er of the Governor to appoint a United StateC Senator in case of failure to elect by the pres ent Legislature? The Constitution of tha United States is as plain as words can maka it. Itsavs: "If vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State the executive thereof may makl temporary appointments until the next meefr ingot the Legislature, which shall -then fill such vacancies." On the 4th of March, when Senator Harrison's term expires, the Legislature will be in session. If the Legislature deolines to fill the office of United States Senator that settles it for the State. It is the refusal of the State, and the Governor cannot appoint soma one to represent him in the Seaate. It is the State, and not the Governor, who is to be represented in the Senate; and it the State declines to be represented the Governor cannot send a man. It is true that in 1SS1 Judge Turpie was one of several Commissioners to compile the laws of the State into one volume. This compilation was intendod to embrace all the gen' eral laws, and the Commissioners had nothing to do in saying what laws should be omitted or inserted. It was their duty to make th6 compilation in as compact and as systematically arranged form as possible, and they would have been cuiltv of a violation of their oatha if they had left the intimidation laws out oi 1.1 ;i a; mi .1- t lijw compilation. j.nis is tne oniy connection that J udge Turpie had with the intimidation; laws, and the people understand it. Letter in Courier-Journal. The correspondent of the Courier-Journal can confer a great favor on himself and Mr. Turpie by showing where the intimidation laws existed before they were reported by tho Turpie commission. There never were any such laws to compile; they never were "com piled." They were originated by the Turpie t 11 i m mission. Tne intimidation laws nave a thoroughly Democratic origin. The latest praetic&l application of electricity is to a letter-box designed to expedite the dalivery of mail matter. In all large cities letter-" carriers are more or les delayed by the watting for persons to answer their door-fcella, to receive mail. To obviate the difficulty, some houses have boxes with an opening in the front door to receive mail matter, but the objection to thesft is that important letters sometimes lie there for some time without being removed. The netv electric device consists of a letter-box to be placed at the .door. This box has an electric connection with another box to be placed, in a conspicuous position in the house, and the drop ping of even so light a thine as a postal card into the box at the door rings a small bell in the house and displays a disk, which will remain exposed until a cord is puiled to return it to' its place. The device is a Boston invention and a company nas oeen tormea mere 10 introduce is. It is of some Interest to know what per centage of the weather predictions made at Washington prove true. The last monthly re ; port received shows that the predictions, issued three times a day, amounted to 9,025 during the month. Of these, 770, or 8 per cent, are considered. to have failed entirely; 608, or 6.32 per cent., were one-fourth verified: 1.665, or 17.30 percent., were one-half verified; 1,654, or 17.20. per cent, were three-fourths verified, and 4,919, or 51.10 per cent, were fully verified. The predictions are basod on scientific facts and framed with scientific care, but the conditions are so various that it would be unreasonable to expect absolute accuracy. In the main they are pretty reliable. To the Editor of the Iudianauolis Journal: In case of the death of President Cleveland. for how long would the Secretary of State hold the position of President of the United State&i m Joun Smith. For the remainder of the term. APATTT rlDTt ivn mitivnn ' It is said that Mrs. Sawyer; a copyist in tha Interior Department offices, is "the very counta. -.n r v-i ierpan qi xurs. trover Cleveland, and has od numerous occasions been mistaken for her. "I want to be an angel," Said the singer aged and solemn, An editor in the audience said: "Put an 'ad' in our 'want colon.' " , ' , Cincinnati Telegram, Baron db Joest, of Paris, noted all his life for his cruel treatment of all men and animals he came in contact with, has left his whole es tate of $..00,000 to the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animata. Fkanz Liszt was received into the Masonia order in 1841, and remained a member of it until his death, fiia cage is referred to as remarkn ble for his bavin? been a Mason and also a canoa and a friend of the Pope. A DAMSEL wbo kner how to knit. For hours with her needle would kait, i And the stockings she knitted Were handsome, and kfittod Without ever wrinkling a kbit Boston Courier. Whes Mr. Joseph Jefferson was camping out last summer, one of his mates asked him to ra cite a certain scene from Rip Van Winkle,1 but the actor declined, saying that he could not repeat any long passage from his parts away frona the theater. It is the man who talks who lives the longest. The man who is talked to dies younp. You don't believe it? Road this and be convinced: 'Stat istics show that the average life of a clergyman is sixty-seven years, and of a day-laboror thirtytwo years!" Mr, John Rcskin writes to tho Spectator that England continues, with remarkable folly, to manufacture iron-clads and to maintain her young men in "the graceful, amusing and certainly I speak as an artist decorativo and dramatic prof ebsion of arms." . Rev. Brooke IIerford" makes the very effective point that it is on such ranting as the Rev. Sam Jones's declaration tbat he will take the Bible from lid to lid, and it doesn't make anr difference whether Jonah was in the whale or the whale in Jonah" that Bob IngersolHsut thrives. A strikiso instance of the enthusiastic admiration of the Irish for Mr. Famel! is related by the Pall Mall Gazette. Recently soma children in a London school were asked whether, as a treat, they would, ho taken to tha children clamored in en orris that "they wanted to go where they could see Parnell." They ver taken to Mme. Tcisaud's, an.d great wm thei$ sun 1 iaiis ur iuuiu. xuanuuuo. iua irua