Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 May 1886 — Page 2

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president of theCabinet-makers’Union.and Stalknecht, professional|agitator.violently denounced the idea of accepting anything. A vote was then taken and tne offer rejected. Michael McMahon and John Reynolds, chairman and secretary, respectively, of the strikers’ committee, then brought things to a crisis by resigning their offices and declaring their intention of going back to work. Great confusion ensued and agitator Stalknecht asked McMahon, in an ominous tone, if he knew what the result of his step would be. Be th men replied that they did not care what the result would be, and left the room, followed by the anathema of the union, which was launched after them by Hausch. The meeting then passed under the control of the agitators, and a motion to stand out prevailed. All power was vested in the hands of the union, and the men cat themselves off, on motioD. from the privilege of communication with the firm. Some of the men, nevertheless. privately admitted their intention of going to work to-morrow. The firm has promised protection to those who return to its employ. A. H. Andrews met his 400 employes Saturday night, and they will go to work to-morrow on terms identical with the Rothschild proposition. To-night the freight handlers held a long and turbulent meeting, lasting nntil nearly 12 o clock. The proceedings were behind closed doors, carefully guarded. As nearly as can be learned, no organization was effected, and the only conclusion reached was in the shape of an understanding that the men should assemble at the various freight-houses to-morrow, and endeavor as best they could to induce the railway officials to concede their demands. RIOTING AT GRAND RAPIDS. Right-Hour Advocates Won’t Work Themselves and Object to Anyone Else Working. Grand Rapids, Mich.. May 2.— Yesterday about one hundred men who wanted every one to observe a holiday and work only eight hours a day hereafter, marched from piace to place making their demands known and reviving recruits as they marched along. Some carried bock beer banners. *On arriving at Puller & Rice’s mill, outside the city limits, they began to interfere with the workmen. One, a leader of the party, drew a revolver and ordered every one to stop work. There being hesitation at this demand, the procession soon made a break in a body, driving all hands from the mill. Quickly they were met by clubs in the hands of the mill workmen. This changed the aspect of affairs, and the mob took refuge behind some freight cars and renewed the battle with stqnes. At this point the proprietors attempted to make the men withdraw, but they refused, and a pitched battle resulted. During the melee, one man was hit iu the abdomen with a large stone, and another was seriously injured. A perfect hail of stones was showered upon the mill workmen by the mob. The police and sheriff’s force were called out and quiet was restored. The employes profess Jo be entirely satisfied, and sa7 they had no desire to strike.

TRADES-UNION CONFERENCE. War Will Not Be Hade on Knights of Labor, but Closer Union Solicited. Cleveland, May 2.—P. J. McGuire, general secretary of the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, whose name heads the list of signatures to the secret circular made public yesterday in Pittsburg, was interviewed to-day regarding the object of the conference of trades-unions. Being asked who was the author of the circular, Mr. McGuire said: “Now that the matter has been brought into print, I will not hesitate to admit that'l am the author of the call for the proposed conference of the chief officers of all the national and international trades-unions. The conference will be bald at Philadelphia on the 18th of this month, and since its issue many hearty responses favorable to the call have been received at my office. 1 prepared the circular after due consultation in •various cities with many prominent labor men, alike trades-unionists and Knights of Labor. Had it been a matter of public concern, I would most gladly have given the circular to the newspapers at the start. Prom all indications, some indiscreet or misguided person in Pittsburg furnished the circular to a certain daily in that city, and sinee then I have been besieged with letters and telegrams concerning it There is no cause for any undue alarm, and far less need for sensational announcements of a labor war, or of a bitter struggle between the trades-unions and the Knights of Labor. No such thought ever entered my mind—not for a moment; nor is it the intent of the signers of the call. Nothing would afford the enemies of organized labor more pleasure than to see the trades-unions and Knights of Labor precipitated into open hostilities or engaged in an internecine quarrel, which it is needless to say would be mutually hurtful, if not largely destructive.” “What is the object of the conference?” “As I understand it, the object of the proposed trades-union conference—and it is distinctly Otated in the call—is to provide for a plan for the closer alliance of the trades-unions and the Knights of Labor‘for their adoption.’ It is hoped that in this way both orders can enter into a reciprocal arrangement under which they can work toeether without any antagonism and without encroaching on each other’s legitimate work. v or want of this, difficulties have cropped up iu a number of instances, and unless someing is done, there is every likelihood of their urrence in the future. There is a certain • w, impatient and inexperienced element that s recently floated into this labor movement, his element is hostile to the patient, constructre, conservative methods of trades unions, and, us is said in the call for the trades-union conference, ‘under cover of the Knights of Labor, and, as far as we can learn, without authority from that body, this element pursues its ev\l work.’ Now, it is with a view of checking this strife-breeding, anarchist element, and to arrive at a harmonious understanding with the Kuights of Labor, that the call was issued. Between the Knights of Labor and the tradesunions we desire to establish the closest ties of fraternity, a complete solidity of interests, and in this I speak as a member of both orders, and, like myself, most of the trades-union officers are Knights of Labor." Was there any real hostility between the two orders it would not be likely that trades-unionists would have done so much to nurture the Kuights of Labor and aid them, as, notably, in the telegraphers’ strike. On that occasion, in New York and the large cities, most of the funds for the relief of the strikers were subscribed by trades-unions. If our object was hostility to the Knights of Labor we would not have called the conference to Philadelphia, the headquartors of the K. of L. But we understand the general executive board meets there May 18, and we propose to have a committee wait upon them, so as to have the subject brought to the attention of the special general assembly, which meets in this city May 25." HISTORY OF THE AGITATION. The Movement in Australia— I The First EightHum* Convention iu the United States. i bicago News. It is difficult to fix an exact time at which the eight hour movement can be said to have begun. Previous to 1856 twelve hours constituted a day’s work. Iu that year tbe working hours were decreased to ten, and, generally speaking, have remained unchanged up to the present Tne eight-hour day was established in Australia thirty years ago, and one day in each year —April 21—is celebrated in commemoration of the event —just as it is proposed to celebrate May 1 in this couQtry hereafter for alike reason. 1 he eight-hour movement in this country received Its first noticeable impetus just after the var of the Rebellion, and a million and a half of aen, mustered out of the army, were thrown ipon the labor market, overstocking it to a distressful degree. Eight-hour leagues were formed throughout the country with the avowed pur pose of securing a decrease of working hours, in order that there might be a corresponding increase in the number of laborers, thus affording the idle soldiers an opportunity of earning a living. In 1866, a labor convention waa held in Baltimore, at which delegates were present from all parts of the United States. It pronounced in favor of an eight hour working-day. Very little was said cooncerning any change in currant wages. The stone-cutters’ craft waa the only

one which, at that time, secured the eight-hour day. In February, 1866, the eight-hour league of Chicago petitioned the City Council for an ordinance making eight hours a legal working-day. The petition was inferred to the judiciary committee, agaiust which action the league protested in another petition. The judiciary committee reported that the Council hnd no power to fix the number of hours in a workinc day, but recommended that the matter be referred to the corporation counsel for an opinion. S. A. Irwin, the lawyer, reported that the Council had no power in the matter, but that it could recommend to the Board of Public Works to adopt the eight-hour day as regards its own employes. On April 0 Alderman Wicker presented a resolution that eight hours constitute a day’s work, although “the Council has no jurisdiction in the matter.” After some debate the resolution was put on passage, and the vote stood 12 yeas to 12 nays. Mayor Rice voted in the negative, defeating the resolution. The league evinced some political strength about this time, and all the aidermanic candidates for election were sounded as to their feelings on the question. At a political meeting in the Fifteenth ward, prior to the spring election, J. S. Quinn championed the cause Os the league in a speech. The “copperheads” made political capital by favoring the cause of the league, and Id the Fourth ward a man named Darling was run for aiderman by thealeague. He was defeated. The agitation of the movement has continued more or less active ever since. Now labor is organized as it never was before, and the Knights of Labor, trades-unions, Central Labor Union, Socialists, and all the other organizations, are unitedly in favor of an eight-hour day. Some are in favor of that, pure and simple, and believe it unwise to connect with it any attempt to increase or equalize wages. For the last year or two, during which the eight-hour movement has made rapid strides io public consideration, the German Socialists and trade-unionists have t itcen the lead, and to a greater degree than any other organizations have been energetic and persistent in pushing the movement Asa rule they demand not only eight hours, but ten hours’ pay, and advocate resorting to violent measures, such as strikes and boycotts, in order to succeed. A large proportion, a majority, perhaps, of those now trying to establish the eight-hour working day claim to disapprove of such measures, and also the connecting with the movement of any agi tation regarding wages. Speaking of tie movement, one of the leaders said: “We want to open up employment for the unemployed masses who have been displaced by machinery. They must have it or starve. The movement will succeed. There will be difficulties. How are we going to overcome them? Well, it will be time enough to cross a stream when we get to it. Those who get eight hours will have to help those who don’t. This movement is going to break up the Republican and Democratic parties. The Labor party is the coming one. The majority of workingmen will get better wages for eight hours than they now get for ten, and that, too, within a few weeks.”

THE LOGICAL END OF IT. The Present Disturbances Prove the Fallacy of Agitators’ Arguments. “Gath’s” New York Letter. We are told that by law wages ought to be established. It is said that the laborer is entitled to more than he now gets, and the asssumption is made that this wage can be ascertained exactly and can be made invariable, with the exception of the fact that it must be always rising. It can not only be a well-ascertained wage, which grows all the time, but it must be earned by less labor than before. Eight hours is to be the limit of all work, and if a man wants to take two hours more and work for himself or sell his time to somebody else, he must be boycotted. But, suppose that a business does not p~y up to the standard wage, and that the proprietor cannot get enough money to live himself and pay the exact sum demanded for the eight hours’ labor, where is he to get the rest of the money? Why then he must shut up his place of business. That is what all this labor foolery will come to if it is pursued far enough; individual men will stop employing people, and go to work themselves, they and their wives and children; cook their own food, and have some independence, at least. Again, when a strike occurs on a large railroad, a lot of workingmen, who know nothing whatever about the economical and financial facts, and have no general capacity for reasoning upon them, proceed to address the country upou the fact that the railroad was watered, that its stock was overissued, etc. What have they got to do with that question? It does not pieet the crisis of the time, which is simply a question of wages. How is agitation on the stock-watering matter going to benefit that corps of men who are on a strike on that especial road? If the road is ill-managed the punishment lies there in the fact that it or its accessories are already in the hands of a receiver appointed by a court —a constable, indeed—who is running the property for other than the owners, Instead of there being any occasion for fright over the present issues, they ought rather to be welcomed as premature affirmations of a general series of fallacies. During the past hundred years a number of ingenious men have endeavored to solve the problem of idleness for man without coming to any conclusions. The nearest form of idleness, or rather independence, that any man can have is to go and get a little piece of ground and till it himself and marry a woman who will cook for him. But there can be no eight hours for that man or woman. In all such conditions of independence the hour for rising is the earliest dawn, and the hour for knocking off work is night. Few persons who are now upon a strike will stand a life like that. They want idleness with intercourse, and are under the impression that politics is going to give it to them. Nobody is blind to the fact that these present labor movements all converge upon politics, and mean, through the ballot, to affect the laws and the government. In nearly every State in the Union politicians and editors have been encouraging fallacies of this kind, and now they will have to meet them. They will probably endeavor to throw upon the people, who are carrying the country on by their brains and business knowladge, the responsibility of meeting this issue. There can be no doubt of the fact that these men who have made this country, who promote these great enterprises, and who have given employment to tens of thousands, will beat the politicians on this question, however they may prevaricate upon it. There can be no compromise upon any man’s right to employ, or not to employ, using the general market for the standard of w’hat is right or wrong. Many things have been at work in the United States to demoralize the average plain and humble man. Beer-gardens, pool-rooms, concerthalls, ball-playing, education itself, have made work mere and more onerous, not to the body of mau, but to his miud. It is thß vagrant iu the mind rather than the burden on the back which is destroying a good many people who are out on a strike. How to shake off to-day’s duties and play truant like a boy from school tempts us more or less from the beginning of our days. Yet what boy ever played truaut from school who cheated anybody but himself? The time comes along and there is something he failed to learu that day which is out of the sum and utility of his life. So it is witn a man’s daily labor. He may go through life as he likes, but nothing will be so sweet at last as occupa tion. A holiday now and then is good, and it is all provided for by law. Singularly enough, these very people who are declaiming agauist the workingman’s hours of occupation would take from him his Sunday also. Men like Herr Most aud Schwab would have everything open on Sunday, and how can these things be open unless everybody works 1 THE RAILROAD STRIKES. Lessons that Should Be Learned by Both Workmen and Employers. New York Evening Post. The railroad strikes may now be considered for all practical purposes at an end. They have caused a great deal of pecuniary less to the corporations, to the workingmen, and to the business community. But they have been of inestimable value as a means of securing for the labor problem an amount and kind of discussion from all classes such as it never received before. Never before have the labor associations attracted so much attention to their aims and methods from others besides large employers.

THE ITttA-NAFOJjIB JOURNAL, MONDAY, MAT 3,188 e.

Never before has the public been brought to a thorough comprehension of the theory which underlies nearly all the strikes which take place in this country—the theory that the striking laborer has a moral right to be employed on his own terms in the place he has left. It is this theory which causes the resort to violence to which nearly every large strike of unskilled, or only slightly skilled, labor owes the smallest success. Not one of the recent railroad strikes would have delayed traffic for over a day or two but for the forcible resistance of the strikers to the conduct of the business by anybody but themselves. This forcible resistance is due almost wholly to the belief that when a member of a union gets a place in anybody’s employment he acquires a vested interest in it. of which the employer has no right to deprive him. It is this which makes the members of all the unions sympathize either secretly or openly with the assaults and other acts of violence which accompany all the large strikes. They look on them as not wholly illegitimate attempts to defend a species of property. This delusion has never before been as thoroughly examined by the public at large as it has been during the late troubles. In fact, there has been for a great many years a sort of ignorant or indifferent acquiescence in it But this is at an end. It has been oxaminod, and its absurdity made mauifest, and a manifest absurdity does not live long in this country. But there is another lesson almost equally important, which we trust the strikes may bring home to railroad managers, both East and West No matter how mischievous or how badly managed trade organizations may be, or how absurd the pretensions they make, their continuance and growth is certain. The individual laborer in any calling is, in these days of great accumulations of capital, very weak and helpless in his relations with the employer. He knows that combination with his fellows will give him strength in making his bargains and defending his rights, and therefore combine he will. But the very fact that these combinations are intended to make the weak strong makes them also, to a certain degree, hostile to all excellence. They nearly ail oppose bitterly any display of individual superiority. They nearly all see to it that superior ingenuity, or skill, or diligence, or ambition, or industry, shall not profit a man. They nearly all try to keep all the members down to the level of the most stunid, or slow, or indolent, or contented. In so far they are hostile to civilization itself, and are drags on the wheels of botu moral and material progress. They cultivate deliberately, in spite of the professions of their documents, a rather low mental and moral type of man. But this makes it all the more important that the corporations and other great employers of labor who suffer from them, and who refuse to “recognize” them, should in their dealings with their own employes open up a more excellent way. If there be any one inference from the late labor troubles more palpable than another, it is that the great corporations should do more to raise the character of their own service, to infuse into their dealings with their employes something better than the spirit of contract or patronage merely. In other words, they should do something to make their men feel that the union is not a necessity to them; that the employer will not take advantage of their weakness and that the corps in which they work serves all the purposes of a trade union, and does secure them kindly and considerate treatment, the best wages the market allows, and protection from arbitrary or hasty dismissal. There is not a railroad in this country which might not by a little effort make its own service a sort of corps d’elite, which would attract the most capable and ambitious men, and in which there would bo free play for talent and capacity. Some of them have done this, or made a very near approach to it already, but in a large number the managers care very little how the employes feel, as long as they do not strike, and do very little to make tho service attractive to picked men. We believe that a change of policy in this respect would soon give us large bodies of laborers iu all fields, who would be just as much ashamed to abandon their work, without knowing why, on seeing two fingers held up, or to pummel people who took their places, or picket or boycott their employer’s premises, as clergymen, or lawyers, or doctors would be. Large numbers now live in slavery to the O’Donnells and Ironses simply because they cannot do better. Large numbers are doing poor work and keeping their best facilities dorm, -.t, under union compulsion, simply because outside of the union there is no sympathy or support or consideration for them to be found —nobody on whom they can count for help or counsel on dark and rainy days, and they fear to face the world absolutely alone with wives and children dependent on them. i

THE MATTER OF WAGES. Evidence that the Present Soale Is About the Correct Thing. Philadelphia Telegraph. Is there not some mistake about the matter of wages? It is generally believed that the wagerate was never before so high in this country, and it is the most easily demonstrable fact that for upwards of a quarter of a century the cost of living has not been so low. We think if there were any doubt about the fair, or even the generous, rate of wages generally paid at this time, it might be determined by the large numbers of workingmen throughout the country who are on strike for causes having nothing to do with wages, and by the enormous sums which are being contributed by the employed to the unemployed. Here, for instance, from this city alone a siif|rle check was sent last week to the St. Louis railroad strikers for $15,000, and the committee declare that tnev will receive in the aggregate not less than a million dollars for the support of that strike alone. In New York the Third-avenue railway strike is supported not only by paying the wages of the strikers, but also by offering a premium to all the new employes of the railway company to join the strikers. In fact, it appears that the employed workingmen are receiving such generous wages as to enable them to support in comfort not only themselves and their families, but a large number of the officers of their unions, and tens of thousands of strikers and their families also. To be able to do that to the extent they are doing it, from one end of the land to the other, our workingmen should be verv well paid, indeed. GENERAL LABOR NEWS. Inauguration of the Eight-Hour Movement at St. Paul and Minneapolis. St. Paul, Minn., May 2.—The plumbers lead the movement for a shorter working day in the twin cities. In St. Paul about one hundred, and in Minneapolis some sixty quit work yesterday, demanding that they should work nine hours for $3.50 per day, and eight hours on Saturday. The bosses offered $4 for ten hours, but this being declined, they declare they will hire others to do the work. In Minneapolis, the brick-lay-ers and stone-masons have secured a nine-hour day without striking. The employes in some of the largest planing-mills and sash, door and blind factories in both cities have demanded nine hours’ work and ten hours’ pay. In two cases they have demanded an increase of pay. The firms are unanimous iu refusing the request, declaring that they will close their factories before they will grant them. In all the Minneapolis shops the cigar-makers began working on the eight-hour system yesterday. In both cities the shorter hour movement is mostly confined to the building trades, but the pressure to build is so great that, in most cases, it is likely the demands of the workingmen will be complied with or a compromise effected. Tariff Meeting of Iron-Workers. Pittsbueo, May 2.—The Amalgamated Association of Steel and Iron-workers will hold a grand tariff demonstration at Beaver, Pa., Saturday, June 5, on the occasion of their annual reunion. Among the speakers who will deliver addresses on tariff and labor are Governor Pattison, Lieutenant-governor Black, Samuel J. Randall, Gen. John A. Logan, Hon. Nathan Goff, jr., Congressman McKinley, T. M. Bavne, James S. Negley, Samuel Griffith, Samuel Miller, Martin A Foran, John Janet and T. R. Armstrong. _ Stone-Masons Decide to Strike. Pittsbueo, May 2. —At a meeting of stonemasons of Pittsburg and Allegheny, to-night, it was decided to strike to morrow for $3.25 per day of nine hours’ \%>rk. They have been receiving $3.30 for a day of ten hoars, and the employers are willing to concede them a decrease

in hours, but they say they cannot afford to pay more than thirty-three cents an hour. About 1,000 men will be thrown out of employment by the i trike. Concessions at Boston. Boston, May 2. —About twenty of the largest carpenter firms of this city have yielded to the demand for eight hours, aud fifty other firms have agreed to do as the balance may determine. About twelve firms have offered to concede to the extent that nine hours shall constitute a day’s work, but the offer has been refused. Twelve hundred painters held a meeting today. They expect no concessions, and will strike. Three hundred and fifty plasterers tried to reach an agreement with their bosses. On meeting the latter they found that instead of getting nine hours regularly, as they expected, they were to get nine hours on Saturday only. Hence they will strike to-morrow. This is likely to involve a thousand hod carriers and stonemasons. Trouble Feared at Milwaukee. Milwaukee, May 2. —The brewing companies of this city held a conference to-day and resolved to make a united stand against the 2,060 striking brewers. Men in the Falk brewery having refused to join with the strikers, the latter announce that they will march to that establishment in a body to-morrow and force the men to quit. If this plan is carried into effect, serious trouble is apprehended. MINOR WASHINGTON NEWS. [Concluded from. First Page.j they must if they are in a majority iu the next House. The labor question, the tariff, the Chinese and other immigration questions, the temperance issue at the South, the various new projects for navy reorganization, coast defenses, etc., involving enormous expense; all these are troublesome matters which each party would rather have the other party shoulder. The majority in the next House will have to shoulder these aud all other questions, and the minority will not; and both parties are afraid of them. The Democrats, for their part, would like to shift this responsibility upon the Republicans. They are painfully aware of the weak showing they have made since coming into power in 1884. They would rather take the chances of the Republicans blunderiug in full control of the fiftieth Congress than run the greater risk of blundering themselves. They see that tne Democratic party is all split to pieces on many points, aud they think that a defeat in 1886 would be better than a victory, with reference to the campaign of 1888. These are undoubted ly the real opinions of the principal political leaders, as expressed by many of them lately in private, and with considerable caution. The upshot of the matter is that a sincerely vigorous general campaign is not to be expected this year. MINOR MATTERS. Figures Showing tbe Birth and Death Rate In the United States. Washington, May 2.— The report of Dr. Billings on the mortality and vital statistics of the United States, as returned for the tenth census (June 1, 1880), has been received by the Secretary of the Interior. It says: “The total population in 1880 was 50,155,788, an increase in ten years of 11,597,412. Os this increase, 281,219 per annum may be taken as due to immigration, the total number of immigrants for the ten years being 2,812,191. This makes the mean annual increase due to excess of births over deaths 878,522.” The mean annual birth rate for the United States is given as thirty-six per 1,000. It appears from the data presented in the report that the United States, as a whole, during the census year, had a comparatively low death rate, and a high birth rate. Tbe death rate is shown to have been higher in the colored than in the white people; in the foreign element than in the whites of American parentage; in the cities than in the rural districts. The most important causes of disease aud death were consumption, pneumonia, diphtheria, typhoid fever, malarial fever and those ill-defined forms of diseases to which children under one year of age are subject.

English Capitalists and Mexican Railways. Washington Special. This afternoon the correspondent of the Commercial Advertiser called Senator Plumb’s attention to the published report that he had said that the Mexican Central railroad, now owned in this country, is likely to pass into the hands of English capitalists. He replied that he had made the assertion, though not expeoting it to be made public, but that it is based ou absolute authority. Mr. Plumb said that the indifference of our government to the interest of our citizens in Mexico, and the refusal of Congress to adopt the Mexican treaty, has greatly discouraged the owners of the road. English capitalists who wish to control Mexican trade, and see that this American railroad is their greatest danger, are trying to purchase it, and run it in their own interests. Unless something is done, Mr. Plumb is afraid it will so happen. Senator Plumb favors a vigorous policy on our part, which would make the Mexican government respect its contracts with our citizens, as in the case of this road, which, he says, ought to be made the channel of our controlling the Mexican markets. Condition of the Public Debt. Washington, May L— The following is a recapitulation of the public debt statement issued from the Treasury Department to-day: Interest-bearing debt $1,230,365,762 Debt bearing no interest 540,656.444 Debt on which interest has ceased.... 6,063,649 Interest.... 9,486,551 Total debt and interest $1,786,365,552 Debt, less available cash in the Treasury, May 1, 1886 1,484,057,847 Decrease of debt during the month.. 10,965,387 Cash in the Treasury available for reduction of debt 202,307,706 Total cash in the Treasury 492,462,510 Marshal Hawkins’s Witnesses. Special to the lndiananolia Journal. Washington, May 2.—The La Porte men who came here last week to testify before the Senate committee on the judiciary in behalf of the nomination of Marshal Hawkins, having completed their work, left this morning for their homes. Mr. Hawkins will remain a few days longer. The departure of his witnesses is regarded as au indication of his having finished his defense. The La Porte men were all cordially received, and reported they had a pleasant visit Passports for Turkish Travelers. Washington, May 2.— The United States consul at Smyrna has informed the Department of State that foreigners will not be allowed to enter the Ottoman Empire unless supplied with a passport by a diplomatic or consular representative of the government, the fee of which is fixed at 20 piasters; and foreigners desiring to travel in the interior of the country must be provided with a passport from the bureau of passports in Constantinople. Miscellaneous Notes. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. Washington, May 2. Mra Steele, wife of Representative Steele, has gone to her home at M.v' \ Major Steele will follow her in a few days, to look after his private business affairs. It is stated udod good authority here that Representative Holman is “iayingpipe” for the United States Senate to succeed Senator Harrison should the Legislature elected this fall be Democratic. Holman thinks he can slip in between ex-Senator McDonald and Governor Gray. This makes Holman's present candidacy for renomination half hearted. It is known in his district, however, that he is only flirting with his constituents. Rev. James McLeod, of Indianapolis, is in the city. Andrew W. Runyon has been commissioned postmaster at LaCrosse, lud., and William W. Olvey at Fisher’s Switch. Just before Pis departure, on Friday afternoon. for Omaha, where he enters United States Treasurer Wyman’s banking house, J. H. Sample. late of Indiana, was the recipient of a farewell token of regard from his fellow-clerks of the cash-room of the Treasury Department, in the shape of a beautiful watch, and ohain, and charm. Cashier Horace Whitney presented it in

a few well chosen remarks, to which Mr. Sample feeling replied. Mail messenger service at Johnstown, Greene county, will be discontinued after next Wednesday. Secretary Manning, accompanied by Mrs. Manning and his sister, Miss Manning, took a long drive to-day. During the afternoon and evening he received a large number of callers, among them being the President, Colonel Lamont, Secretaries Lamar and Whitney, Senators Gorman and Call, and Mr. Bancroft, the historian. In his conversation with the Secretary, the President expressed the hope that he would soon have the pleasure of seeing Mr. Manning occupying his accustomed place at the Cabinet table. LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE. A Modern Fable with a Kick in Ik To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: Once on a time Trunk of the body-politic saw that his bulk was increasing rapidly. This gave him great pleasure until the Legs began to complain on acconnt of the increased burden. The Trank told the Legs to keep quiet; that it was none of their business how fat he got; that he would not only keep all the fat he had but would get as much more as he could. And *o the Trunk got heavier and the Legs kept on com plaining. The Legs claimed that blood did not flow freely in their arteries; that the fat that gathered on the Trunk ought to be distributed over the whole body, at least the legs ought to increase in size and strength as their burden became greater, instead of becoming more like pipe-stems every day. The Trunk told the Legs that those great philosophers, U. L. and the other Sees, had told him that he had a perfect right to all the fat he could get and even keep for his own use all the blood that flowed in the Legs’ arteries. “Oh, hang the hoe philoßopy of the Sees,” responded the Legs. “Why don’t you follow the divine philosopher, who said, ‘Do unto others as you would have others do unto you?’ Put yourself in our place. Your increase in weight and stoppage of blood will ruin us if it keeps on, and you can’t get along without us any more than we can get along without you. If we suffer, you will suffer with us.” And so they argued, and the poor old bodypolitic couldn’t navigate, but sat in an easy chair and suffered on account of the avarice of the Trunk, and the inability of the Legs to bear their burden. Finally, the Heart and Brain held a consultation. The Brain said he had been in pain ever since the trouble between the Trunk and Legs began. The Heart said his free action was impeded, and he didn’t know what would become of the whole body unless the trouble was adjusted. And so the Heart and Brain commenced trying to adjust the trouble. But the Trunk, with his paunch as big as a barrel, remained obdurate under the influence of the foolish Sees. And thus endeth the first chapter. Knight of Labor. An Open Letter to U. L. See. Dear Tom—l want to tell you a true story. Many years ago, in southwest Pennsylvania, the inhabitants were forced to club together to repol the frequent raids made by black bears on their flocks of sheep. One day some eight or ten neighbors, eaoh one armed with a large clnb and a huge knife, proceeded to the woods to slay a bear that made freauent incursions on their stock. Only one of the party had a gun, and it was an old flint-lock. Well, they soon treed Mr. Bear. The man with the flint-lock approached cautiously, while those with clnbs remained at a safe distance, bantering Mr. Bear to come down and they would soon “make short work of him.” They were, in their own estimation, very willing to fight Mr. Bear. Mr. Flint-lock emptied his gun two or three times at Mr. Bear without effect, except to cause him to climb further up the tree. Just then a young man, only eighteen, came forward, and respectfully asked Mr. Flintlock to let him “try the gun.” Flint-lock only answered with a look of disgust. Our hero then proceeded to climb the tree, holding a large knife between his teeth. Mr. Flint-lock and his companions “took to their heels.” Our hero finally got hold of Mr. Bear’s tail, and by a few vigorous jerks and twists enraged the bear so he turned to fight his tormentors. This was what oar hero most desired, as he then plunged his knife through the bear's heart. The bear fell to the ground, and our hero leisurely descended. Flint-lock and his companions were “nowhere to to be seen.” Our hero called, and after repeated calls he discerned, “afar off.” Flint-lock’s head, his body concealed behind a large tree. Our hero kicked the bear a few times, to convince him that it was dead; still, it was a long time before Flint-lock and his companions could comprehend it was safe to approach very near. They finally concluded the bear was really dead, and the way they rushed at him and beat him with their clubs was terrible to behold. After being almost tired out, they skinned the bear, and cut him in pieces, one for each man. In the division oar hero was left out. He “cut no figure” in the killing, they thought, and therefore was not entitled to any. Now, Dear Tom, the lesson: Our hero represents the Union army, the bear the confederate army; Flint-lock and his companions, those cowards who remained at home and who are now vigorously waving the bloody shirt, trying to fill all the offices or gather in all the fruits of the victory. Jim Blaine, John Sherman, yourself, et al.. are representatives of the latter class. The Union soldier, and he alone, is entitled to wave the bloody shirt, and I do say the true soldier is too magnanimous for such dirty work. Affectionately yours, John P. Avery.

Democratic Responsibility. To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: It is well, perhaps, that the vanity and senility of Jeff Davis have been the occasion of bringing to the surface the 'ill-concealed sentiments and purposes of the men late in arms against the government. It may have come in time to lessen, if not wholly avert, the calamities to which we are rapidly drifting. That the virus of confederatism remains deeply imbedded in the political sentiments of the Southern people was no secret to those who had kept an eye upon the political movements of the day, but these bold utterances open the secret to the world, so that henceforth no man need aid them, unless he is in hearty sympathy with them. And for this the Democratic party is responsible. There never would have been any armed rebellion but for the promise of aid and com fort from the Democratic party. What Horace Heffren said with so much emphasis io the Indiana House in 1861, was the sentiment of every recognized Democratic leader in America at that time: “If the government attempts to march upon the sovereign States of the South to coerce them it must march over my dead body.” Except for assurance of such help Fort Sumter would never have been fired upon, and not one drop of loyal blood would have been shed. The Democratic party was responsible for the beginning of the war, and no less for its continuance. It would not have lasted ninety days bad the Democratic party taken the loyal stand that Stephen A. Douglas and John A. Logan, of Illinois, and Joseph A. Wright and A. C. Hovey, of Indiaha, and tens of thousands of other individual Democrats did everywhere. From the day that Fort Sumter was fired upon until Lee surrendered at Appomattox, there was not a township, or county, or State, or national Democratic convention that did not strengthen the bands of the rebels in arms by some adverse criticisms of the methods of the administration, if not by as strong words of sympathy for the rebels as they dared to utter in the face of aroused loyalty, so that the Confederacy counted ou the moral and material support of the party, as such, everywhere. The Knights of the Golden Circle was only another name for the bone and sinew of the Democratic party—a special organization of the truest and best of the party for a specific purpose—to “take care of Governor Morton,” to assassinate him, and to release the rebel prisoners at Camp Morton, and sack Indianapolis, and similar deeds in other loyal States. There would not have been another gun fired after Vicksburg and Gettysburg but for the hope that at the election of 1864 the Democrats would come into power and concede what the rebels demanded. All along the sympathy of the party as an organization was known to be with tbs rebels, though tens of thousands of the beet of Democrats, on every other issue, were in the ranks of the Union army, doing the best of service for their country. Again, to-day, the Democratic party is responsible for this outburst of secession sentiment which has so alarmed the Nation. The silly rebels have assumed that the accidental plurality of 1,047 in New York in 1884, in an aggregate vote of 1,167,187, and an absolute minority of 40,855 in that State, and by which they were pat in poa-

session of the government, was indicative of the surrender of loyal men to the confederate forces, and they have thereupon ridden high horses ever since. The confederated are not te blame. The swaggering air of every Democratic politician, not to say their insolence toward Republicans, could not be greater if a political upheaval, measured by large majorities in everv State, had rebuked the corruption and incompetence of the Republican party, whereas every other reliable Republican State had given about its usual indorsement of Republican honesty and capability. An unparalleled personal quarrel, and the aefeotion of more than fifty Republican papers, for purely personal reasons, and some of these th# most influential in the State, gave the confederates a plurality of only 1,047, and they gloat over it as they did over our defeat at Bull Run, as though it was decisive. The Democratic party is responsible for this, for they assume the same airs, and yet, with a powerful majority in the House, they dare not pass one distinctively Democratic measure through the so-called Democratic House. After all, this may prove to be the proverbial rope with which the devil is sure to hang himself, if he gets a chanca This outburst of secessionism looks very much like a purpose to commit suicide. The people are not ready for another civil war and especially with Jeff Davis as leader of the governmental forces, for that is now their boast. “The next rebellion," they sav, “will be a rebellion of Republicans. We have had otir fill of it We expect, next time, to be the government” This is the way they talk now, and it looks that way to the men in the saddle; bnt it will take more than an accidental plurality oL 1,047 in New York to give such a government much backing. Even Indiana, with the disfranchisement of a majority of her voters by those in collusion with these secessionists, will nc vote this year to put another secessionist in the Senate. U. L. See. Tidings of comfort and joy. St. Jacobs Oil oures rheumatism and neuralgia. • In Spain, when a person eats a peach or a peas as he passes along the road, he immediately plants the seeds. Fruit trees are plenty andfrM to every passer-by. Every remedy is called good until the best is found, and that is Red Star Cough Cure.

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