Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 April 1886 — Page 4

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to DAILY JOURNAL. BY JNO. C. NEW Jk SON. WASHINGTON OFFICE—SI3 Fourteenth St. P. S. lIeaTH, Correspordant. THURSDAY, APRIL 22, 1886. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL. Can be found at the following places: l/>NDON—American Exchange in Europe, 44.9 Strand. PARlS—American Exchange in Paris, 35 Boulevard des (japucines. NEW YCS&K —St. Nicholas and Windsor Hotels. CHICAGO-Palmer House. CINCINNATI—J. P. Hawley & Cos., 154 Vine street. IjOUISVTLLE—C. T. Dearing, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. St. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot am! Southern Hotel. WASHINGTON, D. C.HTiggs House and Ebbitt House. Telephone Calls. Business Office 238 | Editorial Rooms 242 Louisville is the haughty “Poo-Bah” of this day and age. Woman has no charms that win on this severe celibate. It always was a town that kept its trousers up by the aid of a shingle-nail. Tiif. Louisville mob threatening Mrs. Thompson, the reappoiuted postmistress, is resting on its arms and awaiting further developments. It is tho bravest band of men that ever made war on a woman, and is confident of ultimate success. As is well known, the Catholic Church does nut allow its members to belong to the Masonic, or any other secret order. The Masons should “call out" its members that belong to other denominations uutil the Catholic Church consents to allow its adherents to join that order. It may be a proceeding a little irregular, but it is the rule now. .Philadelphiaplumes itself on the absence of all strikes and disorder among the laboring classes of that city. Let him who boasteth that he standeth take heed lest he fall. In these uncertain times there is no telling where a strike will break out, and Philadelphia isn't so far from New York that it should feel secure of escaping the contagion. An angry German baker entered the shop of the boycotted Mrs. Gray a day or two ago, and, after buying some cakes, relieved his overcharged soul by throwing them at the proprietor’s head, “Leading citizens” of Louisville who hear of this will regret that Mrs. Thompson does not deal in wares which they can utilize in the same manner by way of showing their scorn. Major Courtland H. Smith, of Virginia, declares that President Cleveland is neither a mugwump nor a Democrat. The typical Democrat is often referred to by political scientists as an ichthyosaurus, and it was Senator Ingalls who recently described the mugwump as a pterodactyl. This leaves the President in the position of an unclassified fossil. Among the other reasons Mr. Beecher gave for designating the Democratic party as a double-eared ass was its persecution of the President in its hunger for office. Since then the Plymouth pastor has written to Mr. Cleveland asking the reappointment of the present Brooklyn postmaster. Evidently it is Mr. Beecher’s opinion that a mugwump application indicates patriotism and not asininity. It is reported that Mrs. Foraker has been socially boycotted by the ladies of Columbus becauso her husband, the Governor, presumed to send a special message to the Legislature calling attention to the way in which rich citizens evade taxation by refusing to make proper returns of their property to the asigssora. reveals another of the many beautiful phases of that great moral weapon, the boycott. Says the New York Advocate: “We often hear it said that politics are bad, corrupting, disgraceful, and that young men who wish to keep pure characters would do well to keep aloof from them. On the contrary, what the Nation most of all needs in this respect is to have its young men study politics carefully, become thoroughly versed in them, and prepared to do their full part in the political affairs of the country." John Jarrett and Andrew Carnegie are about to start a bank at Pittsburg, the stockholders to be men of limited means, no one being allowed to hold more than S2OO worth. The scheme also contemplates co-operative stores throughout the country. The latter seldom prove successful. If that lank should ever break, the officers must make it a point to get out of the country before the fact is made known. They will never be allowed to live after such a thing. Mr. Cleveland is accused of having weakly yielded to the demands of Congressmen in the respective districts in appointing the postmasters for Cincinnati and Louisville. Perhaps the early, though in that case futile, attack upon him by Mr. Bynum warned him that he oould not withstand a repetition of such onslaughts, and that it is the part of wisdom to come down, like the coon, when the Congressional gun is aimed at him. Knights of Labor, and knights of everything else, may aa well understand now, as at any other time, that this country will be governed by law, and that every man who desires will be protected in his right to work, if it

takes every other man in the country to maintain that right. It has cost too much in the United States to establish the freedom of labor, to have the oligarchy overthrown in 1865 succeeded by an oligarchy of any other description in 1886. At present, the contest seems to be fast degenerating into one for the right of men to work who may not have some particular strawberry mark upon them, or who may not subscribe to some prescribed formula. If this is to be the shape “organized" labor is to take, the outcome can be calculated in advance with the unerring certainty of a problem in mathematics. TEE RIGETB OF ALL, The strikers on the New York surface roads pursued the same tactics that characterized the strike against the Texas Pacific and the Missouri Pacific roads. When the employes of the former concluded to “go out," because of the discharge of one of their number —and that was the sole reason advanced at the outset—they counted on making it effective by calling out those employed on the Missouri Pacific. The drivers on one of the New York lines struck, for some reason or other, good or bad, and, to make it c r 9ctive and make it felt, they “called out" the conductors and drivers on the other lines, though the latter confessed they had no grievance. The demagogue, intent more on the immediate present and his own interests, will approve this, and say that it was justifiable. But suppose the corporations owning the lines should have acted on the same principle, and when they do not get what they want for one of their lines they should stop all, to the discomfort of all the people. How long would such an outrage be tolerated before the law would be brought to bear upon them and compel them to resume traffic? These corporations, that are popularly supposed to own everything, including the law, are so fearful of offending against the law that they dare not fail to try to run cars, even though it is apparent that it can be done only at the greatest peril and without tho possibility of realizing a cent. They are obliged to keep up the appearance of doing their duty, and must do it so far as possible or forfeit their charters. The same respect for the law should be required of the strikers. If they have a grievance against any road, let them settle it with that road, and not carry their tyranny to others and to the inconvenience of the public. Because one corporation does not do its duty towards its employes is noreason why the business of another should be destroyed until such time as the pleasure of the organized strikers shall be satisfied. And because one set of men conclude to 3top working for a certain corporation is no reason why these men who decide to quit should take upon themselves to say that no other men shall take up what they voluntarily abandoned. The old-fashioned docti*ine of equal rights is not yet obsolete, and will not be until a majority of the people decide that certain privileges shall be given to certain organizations that shall not be enjoyed by anybody else. It is something new that any organization should demand that its wish should be greater than the law, and this demand has not yet been conceded. It may be that the Masons, or the Odd-fellows, or those who belong to some certain church, will ask the same favor, aqd it were well to wait until all applications are in, so that this valuable franchise may be farmed out to the highest bidder. If the laws of the people are to be sold as so much rubbish, it is but fair that the people should be given the poor privilege of selling where they will realize the most. It is barely possible that somebody, or several somebodies, from some other country may want to run this American government according to these new and improved ideas. But until the sale is made and formally confirmed, it should be reserved that the old way of conducting affairs should obtain. The impression ha* obtained that the American people were essentially one, and that one law, impartially enforced, was the wisest thing that could be devised for its government. No amount of flattering talk by demagogues and schemers will ever change it. THE DISCIPLINE OF LAW. Human nature sometimes puts on some very ugly aspects. On the occasion of the great fire at Chicago there were hundreds of men and women who took advantage of the confusion to steal and plunder in every direction, and they were only stayed by the lynching of some of them. At Pittsburg, when the labor troubles of 1877 put everything in confusion, the rabble set about to loot and burn on every hand. And now, iu the stricken city of Stry, it is said that tne peasants of the neighborhood are looting the deserted houses that the flames spared. These peas ants, presumably, are the same men and women who were well acquainted with the very merchants whose shops they are now plundering. Practically, they were neighbors of the very men they are now robbing in their hour of distress. What is it in human nature that thus changes men and women into fiends the moment any great calamity overtakes any community? It has been shown that people, ordinarily peaceable and honest, lose these virtues often when opportunity offers. Then the very opposite characteristic is sometimes revealed, and mAu will do anything to save his neighbor’s life and possessions. It seems that such sacrifices must possess the elements of heroism before they suggest themselves. Then, too, discipline must have much to do with it. The soldier will risk his life to go to the help of a wounded or dying comrade. The sailor on a well-ordered ship will be the last to offer to leave when the vessel U sinking. The fireman will rush through flame and smoke to save the life of the wretchedest human being; and

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, THURSDAY, APRIL 22. 1886.

almost any man will risk his life to save that of another in danger. But only too often, when calamity comes In magnitude that would seem to appal the stoutest heart, the meanest traits of human nature come to the surface, and those who have enjoyed reputations for honesty become the meanest and commonest thieves. True, such calamities offer opportunity to the vicious, but the mischief does not stop there. There is enough in this fact to teach every honest man the importance of obeying the law in every act, and to never appear to slight or disrespect it, however great the provocation. When honest men become reckless, weak men often become thieves and plunderers. When strong men appear to despise the law, other men are emboldened to defy it. When workingmen appeal to passion to obtain justice, the loafer takes his bag to gather plunder. It was this fact that brought the Pittsburg strikers into disrepute, for their recklessness was sufficient incitement to set others to plundering. The striking railroaders had no intention of stealing anything, but the mob that gathered under their encouragement were not so conscientious, but went into the riot for the purpose of realizing on it. The result was that hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of property was destroyed or stolen, and a heavy debt was piled upon that city. The law is the best safeguard that the people have, and they can never afford to despise it nor to encourage the rabble to presume to defy it. The examination of Mr. Powderly before the congressional committee was in the nature of a farce, if the purpose was to inquire into the existing strike on the Missouri Pacific road. Instead of the demagogic taffy, that was enough to turn the stomach of a sensible man, why did not someone ask the chief of the Knights of Labor if he had not time and again denounced the stake as causeless, and had not ordered the men to resume work? The country knows this to be a fact, and all the dust-throwing in the world cannot do away with that record. It is also well known that Mr. Powderly has since then announced that, despite the unwarranted nature of the strike, it must be supported by the order as a whole, and he has issued a circular calling for contributions from those in employment to aid those who have voluntarily and wrongfully put themselves out of their situations. This is the reason the strike has lost all public sympathy, notwithstanding the almost universal indignation against .Jay Gould, and it also explains why the response to Mr. Powderly’s appeal for funds has hot been made with greater enthusiasm. Men at work, with their wives and children to support, have no money to throw away on hot-headed fellows, such as Martin Irons and his ilk. Every day that the confessedly causeless ilrike is kept up public opinion is being still further estranged, the order weakened iu every respect, and thousands of men wronged by being kept out of work, and other thousands wronged by making them believe that something is to be gained by contributing of tin ir hard-earned wages to a failing, because baseless, movement. The thing to do is to stop the strike, go to work—all who can—allow every one else to work unmolested, and then demand arbitration of such wrongs as may be found to exist. The present strike cannot possibly be maintained, and it is criminal folly for any one to give it encouragement. It was killed when Mr. Powderly struck it with his celebrated secret circular, than which he has never made a more statesmanlike and manly utterance. The pity of it is that he has proved too weak to withstand the influence of men like Irons, Hayes, Bailey, and the others who live off the continuance of disturbance. It i3 to be hoped that the troubles in Chicago will be settled without the necessity of calling upon the militia. Governor Oglesby’s position, that the State should not be called upon until the local civil officers have exhausotd all their power, is unquestionably correct. There should be no undue fostering of that spirit which, at the first dawning of any trouble, flies to the government for help. But, on the contrary, there should be none of that cowardice on the part of the State authorities that will result in another dreadful tragedy like that marking the shameful dilly-dallying at East St. Louis. The peace officers should exhaust all their authority for the preservation of public peace and the maintenance of private rights, but that authority stops at the line where it is necessary to use fire-arms. So long as the peace may be preserved, the right of every individual man to work protected, and the use of private property guaranteed, by the extraordinary use of the ordinary means at the control of the peace officers, there is no room for the militia; but whenever these ordinary means, extraordinarily employed by the calling of the posse, fail, then the military arm must and should be interposed in the interests of justice and mercy. There is no cruelty so great as to place arms in the hands of undisciplined and irresponsible people. We hope Governor Oglesby will not repeat his St. Loub error, only to be forced to his unpleasant duty after blood shall have been shed which the presence of the militia would have doubtless prevented. Every day the country is treated to statements from Mr. Powderly, or some other assumed representative of the Knights of Labor, to the effect that none but the most peaceful means will be used iu pursuing the several strikes in which they engage from day to day. Indeed, this proclamation of the lamb-like and orderly nature of the strike may be looked for as certainly as the stereotyped announcement, when a bank suspends* that the depositors

will be paid in full. Yet, strange to say, the papers are daily burdened with the reports of workingmen being forcibly taken from cars, or driven from their places of work, and not infrequently severely and murderously beaten. There is more than one such case reported this morning. The Knights cannot relieve themselves from the responsibility of these cutthroats and murderers. Fine words butter no parsnips; and so long as men who desire to work are forcibly prevented, and are assassinated for attempting to earn a living in an honorable and legal way, all the rot that Mr. Powderly may pour into the ears of a committee of congressional demagogues will have little effect upon that public opinion that is more powerful in this country than ‘ 'organized labor,” or master workmen, or congressional committees, or stock-jobbing, stockwatering millionaires. The issue of to-day is the right of the American workingman to life, liberty and the right to earn his living. According to Captain Cottier’s own account of the sinking of the '‘Oregon,” he was to blame for the loss of that magnificent vessel. He says she would have floated but for the fact that the bulk-heads could not be closed, and they could not be closed for the reason that they worked in horizontal instead of vertical grooves, and the grooves were clogged with coal. This is a remarkable confession, and should result in sending him to a term in prison. The doors in the bulk-heads are intended to be speedily closed on occasions like the disaster that overtook the "Oregon.” If the coal interfered with the prompt closing of these doors, it was the fault of the captain. If there were such quantities of coal on board that it came up to these doors, it could have been prevented from clogging the grooves of the doors by building a wall of coal, in sacks, next the doors, as is often done in such cases. The officers of the ill-fated "Oregon” can not be held to strict accountability in this matter. The safety of the traveling public and the welfare of the steamship companies demands the strictest investigation and punishment suitable to the character of the offense. The form of the movement has changed. Instead of favoring unlimiting pensions, with the object of getting the rebel soldiers on the rolls in time, the leading Southern newspapers are now advocating the cutting down of the list, on the ground that the ex-confederate widows and children get along without any help from the government, and therefore the ex-Union ones should do the same. This is a shrewder move than the old one to bring about the extinguishment of any official difference between those who fought for the government and those who fought against it. That is the tendency of the times, and the country will reach that point very soon, unless the men who were not afraid to be loyal, iu 1861-C5 shall be willing to acknowledge it without apology in 1886. Representative Holman has introduced a bill which makes it unlawful for any corporation acting under United States patent to withdraw any machine or process from public use in the State, although its tariff has been regulated, that is, reduced, without the Legislature’s consent. In other words, the State can let in a corporation to operate the patent it owns, then reduce tbo rate of compensation to what it pleases, and, though it may bankrupt it to do so, can compel it to continue until it does. Before any more such bills are introduced in the interest of buncombe, perhaps it would be well enough to wait till the United States Supreme Court has its say on the subject of the States regulating what the national government grants. It is about time the Masons should essay to boycott all who presume to join other secret orders, or who fail to join any. No man has a right to do as he pleases, and the Masons should not be slow to enforce their rights in this matter. The various religious denominations might do a little in this direction, too. The Presbyterians might assert that no man has the right to be a Baptist, and the Methodists might set up the rule that no man shall be allowed to cast his lot with the Lutherans. If any man should presume to question this modern inquisition, the boycott could be ordered against him, and thus the right could be speedily vindicated. The Charleston News and Courier says that the widows and orphans of ex-confederates get along without any government aid, therefore the widows and orphans of the ex-Union soldiers should do the same. The Washington Post, the Democratic national organ, says: "In view of the liberal provision which has already been made for the Union soldiers of the late war, it is not ungenerous to say that the limit has been reached. Further concession would be unjust to other interests.” This is the new song of the Democratic party. The tune is set in the South. AND so Gen. H. V. Boynton, the Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, who left the Republican party to support Mr. Cleveland, is about to expose the hypocrisy of the administration policy. Has his newspaper hand lost its cunning that it means to dish up a lot of chestnuts? Correspondents who had too much sense to be taken in by absurd pretensions have been actively engaged in showing up the same hypocrisy for twelve months past. At Baltimore the natural heirs of Gustavus Nicholson are contesting his will on the ground that he was of nnsonnd mind when he made it, and cite as proof that he was inordinately fond of cate. Such a plea may do in this country, but in Egypt it would be acoepted only as proof

of the testator’s religious devotion. In some countries the monkey is held as sacred, and in others other animals of varions kinds. What is justice in one country may he considered the opposite In others. The heirs will not be Bwayed by such considerations, however, and will press the cat theory for all it is worth. Mr. Gladstone bears the cares of a great nation upon his shoulders bnt finds time in the intervals of considering problems of statecraft to attend to the interests’ of a fourth-class postmaster. He has jnst succeeded in having the salary of the postmaster at Hawarden raised to SIOO. American statesmen who look upon such matters as beneath their notice should have their ‘‘attention called.” Indianapolis took no interest in the strikes yesterday—the circus season opened in that town.—lnter Ocean. This is a slander. While we dote on circuses, yet Indianapolis is strict in the observance of Lent. The circus season will not open until Monday Dext. A jealous Tennesseean has tried four several times to kill the imagined lover of his wife, but fortunately without success. • The impression is gaining ground that this man is a dangerous character, and the correspondent ventures to say so. It does look that way. The statement that no Indian man was ever known to kiss an Indian woman causes surprise in certain quarters. Those persons, however, who have ever seen an Indian woman accept the story without the least hesitation. Says a New York critic: ‘‘The audience seemed pleased when he had finished.” We have noticed a number of entertainmeuts of which a like remark could have been safely predicated, ABOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. Mrs. George B. McClellan, who is in poor health, is going to Europe. The education of Prince Albert Victor of Wales is tobe completed on the plan drawn many years ago by the Prince Consort for the Prince of Wales. It is stated by a Rhode Island paper that since ex-Governor Sprague’s last marriage there has been a marked improvement in his personal conduct and financial standing. Every Spanish woman at her wedding, besides the wedding ring, receives thirteen coins. The custom was observed at the recent royal marriage of Donna Eulalie to Don Antonio. A Georgia man who has just died at ninetyseven could lift a barrel containing thirty gallons of whisky and drink from the bunghole, and handle a 450 pound bale of cotton as if it were a baby. Algy: Say, Jimmy, you come around to m3* house some time an’ I'll show you my pa’s diploma what he got in college. Jimmy: Humph! That ain’t nothing. Wait till you see my pa’s divorce papers. Between five hundred and six hundred essays were contributed by competitors for the prizes offered by Messrs. L. Prang & Cos. for the best essays written by women on the social and educational character of Christmas cards and kindred topics. “When Mrs. George Bancroft died,” says a Washington letter writer, “Mrs. John Davis, Secretary Frelinghuysen’s youngest daughter, told me it was the fifteenth death of persons with whom she was intimately acquainted since her father left her on the 11th of March last year.” Archduke Charles, of Bavaria, brother of the Empress of Austria, has developed a dangerous proclivity to practice medicine as an amusement, and for a member of his family, his suite or his retinuo of servants to pretend to be sick is presumably as much as bis or her life is worth. “When Mrs. George Bancroft died,” says a Washington letter-writer, “Mrs. John Davis, Secretary Frelicghuvsen’s youngest daughter, told me it was the fifteenth death of persons with whom she was intimately acquainted since her father left her on the 11th of March, last year.” The gentleman whose humorous verses e Boston Courier make thousands smile, n r. George Russell Jackson. He is a native of Scot land, about forty-two yearsold, and according to published portraits as handsome as his poems are funny. His “Pencilings” are among the most entertaining humorous verses published in the country. The late attempt to kill Jules Verne recalls an attack with murderous intent that was made upon Alphonse Karr, which that veteran is still fond of referring to. It was made in the days of his youth, by an excited woman. Karr disarmed her, aud next week in his satirical journal, Les Guepes, published a picturesque account of the affair, embellished with a drawing of the carv-ing-knife which prominently figured therein. The sublimation of the mind-cure craze in Boston is a man named Bennett, to whom patients go in and lay down $lO, never more nor less, the “doctor” pronounces the formula “you are cured,” and the patient walks out again. This is humbuggery reduced to its simplest form. There is no diagnosis, no treatment, nothing but faith, and yet it is said that Bennett is making a big income, ten-dollar bills comingin by the mail, and requests for consultation by telegraph. He calls himself an apostle of the “Order of the Inspirati.” (ii Fritz Metzler, the famous banker of Frank-fort-on-the-Main, has lately celebrated his eightieth birthday anniversary. It is remarked that the oldest banking firm in that city is that of J. Mertens, established in 1005, followed in chronological order by D. & J. de Neutville. established in 1607; Johann Goll fe Sons, in 1610; B. Metzler, Son & Consorts, in 1674; Brothers Bet'nmann, in 1748; M. A. von Rothschild & Sons, in 1771; Ph. Nic Schmidt, in 1773; Brothers Meyer, in 1790; Brothers Schuster, in 1780, and Em. Mueller, established in 1799. COMMENT AND OPINION* The Knights of Law are recovering from their recent stampede, and are coming to the front again.—St Louis Globe-Democrat The boycott is dying a natural death in this country. It is an affair that doesn’t appeal to the American spirit—Atlanta Constitution. Brer Morrison, with that tariff bill in his pocket, ought to be ashamed to look an honest American sheep in the face.—Boston Record. Whatever form the strike may take, it has lost its power. It has lost the sympathy of the only portion of the people whose sympathy is of any value.—Central Advocate. Mr. Powderly has too little influence in the order to promise large success. If the Knights are to accomplish much they must have a wise king and must obey him.—Cincinnati Advocate. Mr. Garland admits that he is a failure as a poker-player, and now if he will admit that he is a failure as an Attorney-general, and resign, the country will cry “quits" with him.—Philadelphia Press. The olection frauds in Cincinnati last Ootober have cost the State of Ohio over forty thousand dollars, and the bills are not yet all in. The Democratic party has always been an expensive luxury.—Pittsburg Chronicle. * Wk believe that If more vocations were open to women, and better wages were paid them, fewer of them would fly to crime as a refuge from despair, and fewer tears would fall on untimely graves.—Western Christian Advocate. When a monopoly like the Bell Telephone Company seeks extraordinary privileges it is a very public institntion, but when it desires to evade its da ties and obligations to the public it tries to shrink into a very private affair.—Philadelphia Record. A thoroughly well disciplined and capably officered regiment, on whose steadiness and prompt obedienoe entire dependence can be placed, ordered to Cbieago immediately, probab-

ly would prevent enlargement of the insurrection and possibly avoid the effusion of blood that, by any other coarse, will hardly be avoided. —Chicago Times. About the time peace comes and there Is at last seeming content in the land then more appointments are made and the sun goes down tor weeks. It is a sad world, but it might be happier if there were more holes than corks.—Philadelphia Times. No strike can succeed or gain a point by violence. The strikers will best serve their own interests by adhering scrupulously to peaceable and orderly methods. No other can succeed or will be countenanced by law-abiding people. —New York Herald. Mr Cleveland needs Democratic counsol and independent Democratic criticism more than he does mugwump flattery. If his administration should be moro positive than Pierce’s or Hayes’s, it will be doe to a diet of mugwump sweetmeats. —Brooklyn Eagle. We expected the liquor question to break out In Indiana about this time. The Democrat* need an agitation to divert public attention, and nothing comes as easy and goes so far as an oldfashioned row about the sale of intoxicants. —Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. What lowa prohibition papers must do before they can close saloons is to educate people to use what law they have. But that is a good deal slower and harder work than getting stronger laws passed. It is less popular, but it pays better.—Springfield Republican. The right to work for whom, and at whal wages, and how, when and where he pleases, must be enjoyed by everybody in this country. Any effort to make that right dependent on membership in any society of whatever kind is a a sort of Know-notbiugism which will not do. —New York Sun. The people at large are no doubt sympathizers with the wage-workers rather than with the capitalists, but once their pocket nerve is touched their sympathies invariably follow their interests, and against this force, which is peremptory and unyielding, no striko can expect to make much headway.—National Republican. “After all,” wrote George Eliot, “our sentiments and emotions are the best parts of our lives.” And it is because Gladstone and Morley —having taken a balance of mere material and political forces —have thrown into the scales the deathless sentiment of a gallant race that their memories will require no monuments.—National Republican. If conspiracy and riot are to be authorized, there is no reason why an invidious distinction should be kept up against other forms of crime, aud by associating with themselves all the friends of crime and declaring a boycott of the whole penal code the persons interested in abolishing penalties for conspiracy will greatly increase their numerical strength and the consequent pressure that they will be able to bring to bear upon the Legislature.—New York Times. Poverty and toilers have our warmest svm| pathy. We rejoice at their success whenever by any proper means it improves their condition. But in order to elevate the toilers to obtain their proper position and do something more than earn their daily bread, th<*3' must have the sympathy, the judgment and the sense of justice of the American people. And the American people are, above all, the stout champions of liberty, equalitj*, law and order.—New York World. The widows and orphans of confederate soldiers manage to live without help from any quarter. If they can exist in the most impoverished section of thecountry without outside assistance, certainly the widows and orphans of the men who fought for the Union should be able to live without help in a land flowing with milk and bouey. Keep the telegraph operators out of the treasury, cut down the pension list, guard the treasury against the demands of the beggars who are as thick as the locusts were in Egypt. —Charleston News and Courier. It is not enough to say that people will not fight against their own interests. Iu masses they have done it tirpes without number. When 4,000 men on the Gould roAds strike because one man on the Texas Pacific road has been discharged; when switchmen at East St. Louis and Chicago, and carmen at New York, had rather have no work than to work in the company of men who do not belong to their union, it is not too early to consider the nature of, and the possibilities involved in, an epidemic of labor madness.—New York Mail and Express. Judge Pardee is right, unless a striking workman may legally destroy property and take the lives of other workmen in order to prevent udv one from working in his stead. Do the strikers realize that they have, for the first time, as’sertad their right to violate law when they please? Or are they growing indifferent to public opinion, and ready to defy that as well as the law? Surely they do not really imagine that the dictation of 500,000 men will set aside the laws by which the liberties of 18,000,000 workers are protected.—New York Tribune. That next step, we have no hesitation in saying, should be—not a license law, whether high or low—but a discriminating tax on every establishment where either malt or distilled liquors are sold, exceptionally light on the sale of malt liquors alone, and exceptionally heavy on distilled liquors. We should be perfectly’willing to couple with this a local-option bill, under which rural communities, where the majority really prefer prohibition and have such a sentiment with them in the community that they can enforce it, may have a chance to do so.—New York Tribune. WHAT AILS THE WIDOW? That Mrs. Thompson, P. M., Was Not a O. 8, Democrat Is What’s the Matter. Chicngo Tribune. The only charges the Louisville Bourbons have made against their postmistress, Mrs. Thompson, are embodied in the following letters: [lßßo.] I hereby submit a letter from Mr. John C. Now, chairman of the Indiana Republican State campaign committee, calling for contributions to defray the expenses f tho campaign now going on in that State. I have shown the letter to the Hon. Horace Maynard, Postmaster-general, now in the oity, who says the object is a worthy one. I therefore request that all em* tloyes of this office contribute as liberally as possile. Virginia Thompson, P. M. [1882.] There is now in progress in the State of Indiana an important congressional campaign, and money is cslled for to defray the expenses of same. In order that the principles of the Republican party be carried out, it is highly important that wo have a Republican Congress. You are therefore requested to cotribute as liberally as possible. Virginia C. Thompson, P. M. At the time these letters were written the Pendleton civil-service act, forbidding assessments for political purposes had not been adopted, and, therefore, the Democrats are not able to oharge Mrs. Thompson wmi violation of the civil-service act It is clear, however, that she desired the election of General Garfield, who fought for the Union all over Kentucky, and considered bis cause a “worthy one.” At another time she was anxious to have the Republicans succeed that “the principles of the Republican party might be carried out.” So that her real offense was not in any violation of a civil service law not yet enated, but in her sympathy for nationality and Union rather than State sovereignty. At a public meeting, on Monday night, tome one of the decent Democrats of Louisville recognized the disgraceful character of the assault on Mrs, Thompson and rebuked the Union hating mob that roared with rage because a woman of loyal sympathies had been appointed to a Kentucky office. Let the fanatical Bourbons keep ud the fight if they desire. The issue they present is one that has two sides, even among Kentucky Democrats, and it may prove a wedge to separate the decent Democrats from the rowdies. But What About “the Document*?'' Atlanta Constitution. When President Cleveland goes to appoint anybody to office he shots bis eyes and rant his hand in a grab-bag. Sometimes the result of this admirable system is not such as to make tl# Democrats howl with joy. Where He Could Du the Most flood. Boston Record. President Cleveland is said to want to get hold of the tariff question as a party issue. Upon the other hand, some of the old warrior# of tho party would like mightily to have him held them to let go of it A Cool Suggestion. Philadelphia Prens. If Mr. Powderly would like a breath of briny air perhaps Mr. Gould would lend him the Ate* lanta for a nice little April cruise as far as the Azores.