Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 April 1886 — Page 2

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separately on any occasion and on the demand of either body, which should be able to interpose a veto upon any measure for a limited time, either until a dissolution or for three years. These orders would be constituted as follows: There were the twenty-eight representative peers, who could not continue to sit in the House of Lords after the representatives of the Irish people left the House of Commons. They would have the option of sitting as a portion of the first order in the Irish Parliament, with the power of sitting for life. Some people thought that option was not likely to be largely used, but the speaker was not of that number. He propose that with the twenty eight peers now in the House of Lords, there should sit seventy-five representatives elected by the Irish people. With regard to the powers of Selection, the constituency would be composed of occupiers of the value of £25 and upwards, and they would be elected for ten years. The property qualifications of these representatives would he £2OO. Mr. Gladstone said he proposed that the one hundred and one Irish members in the House of Commons should be members of the Irish Parliament, and whilst the first order of the legislative body would consist of one hundred and three members, the second order would consist of two hundred and eight It was proposed to retain the Viceroy, but he would not be the representative of a party, or quit office with any outgoing government The Queen would be empowered to delegate to him any prerogatives she now enjoyed or would enjoy. The religious disability now existing, which makes Roman Catholics ineligible to the office, would be removed. With regard to the judges who had been con - earned in the administration of the criminal law in Ireland, her Majesty might, if she saw cause, by order in council, antedate the pensions of those particular judges. In future the judges would be appointed by the Irish government; bi paid out of the consolidated fund, and be removable only on the joint address of the two orders. The constabulary would remain under the present term of service and under their present authority. The charge for the constabulary was now £1,500.000 per annum, and the speaker felt confident the charge would be reduced, but. for the present, he proposed to relieve the Irish legislative body of all expenditure for the sonstabulary in excess of £1,000,000 per annum. The government had no desire to exempt the people of Ireland, in reference to its final position, from the ultimate control of the legislative body. The speaker had no jealousy upon that subject, as the care of providing for the ordinary security ■of life and property was the first duty of a local government. With respect to the civil service, the government did not think their case was the •ame as that of the constabulary, and the transfer of civil service to the legislative body would effect a great economy. He, therefore, thought it would be wise to authorize the civil servants now serving to claim the pensions that would be lue to them upon the abolition of their offices, provided they served two years, in order to pre rent inconvenience from a rapid transition of the service, and at the close of that time both parties should be free to negotiate afresh. That .vas all, Mr. Gladstone stated, that he had to say on the subject of the new Irish constitution. The proportion of the imperial burdens which he had to propose was that Ireland should bear >ne to fourteen. He thought the new Irish Parliament ought to start with a balance to its credit; but the only fund that it would have, if left alone, would be the solitary £20,000 from the Irish Church fund. He knew no way of providing the necessary money, except by carving it out of this year's budget, and he proposed that in the future Ireland should pay one-fifteenth toward the imperial expenditures. He went on to speak of how much Ireland would gain by exporting spirits to Great Britain, and how much Great Britain would lose to Ireland by the flow of money from one to the other. As the result of careful inquiry, he stated with confidence, not as an actual demonstration, but as a matter of certainty, with regard to the far greater portion, that the Irish receipts would gam from Great Britain a sum that would amount to £1,400,000 per annum. He then entered into an tlaborate calculation of the total income and expenditure to Ireland, in the course of which he stated that the total charge to Ireland, as an imperial contribution, he puts at £3,242,000 per annum. He stated, as an instance of the intense demoralization of the Irish administration, that while the postoffice in England showed a large surplus, in Ireland it just paid its expenses. He estimated the total expenditure of Ireland, including a payment as a sinking fund for the Irish portion of the national debt, at £7,940,000 per annum. Against that there was a total income of £B,850,000, or a surplus to the good of £404,000. “It has naturally been said in England and Scotland,” continued Mr. Gladstone, “that for a great many rears past we have been struggling to pass good laws for Ireland, and that we have sacrificed our time, neglected our interests and paid our money, and we have done all this in the endeavor to give Ireland good laws. That is quite true with reeard to the general conrse of legislation since 1849. Many of those laws have been passed under an influence which I can hardly describe other than as the influence of fear.”

With regard to the history of the land question, no man could know tha; until he had followed it from year to year, beginning with the Devon commission, the appointment of which, in the speaker’s opinion, did the highest honor to the memory of Sir Robert Peel. [Cheers. ] And then to examine the mode in which the whole labor of the commission had been frustrated by the domination of selfish interest. [Pamellite heera] He did not deny the good intentions of he British Parliament to pass good laws for Ireind; ‘'but,” he said, “in order to work out the irposes of government, there is something more . t his world occasionally required than the passi'g of good laws. It is sometimes necessary not ily that good laws should be passed, but, also, .hat they should be passed by the proper persona The passing of many good laws is not enough, in cases where the strong instincts of the people, distinct marks of character, situation and history, requires not only that these laws should be good, but that they should proceed from congenial and native sources; and that besides being good laws, they should be their own laws [lrish cheers]. “At times I doubted whether this necessity had been fully developed, and especially with respect to Ireland. If doubts could be entertained before the last general election, they cannot now be entertained- The principle I have laid down, lam not laying down for Ireland exceptionally. It is the very principle upon which, within my recollection, to the immense advantage of the country, Parliament has not only altered, but revolutionized our method of government. When I held office at the colonial office, the colonies were governed from Downing street. The result was that the heme government was always in conflict with those countries which had legislative assemblies. We had continual sparks with the colonies then. But all that has been changed. The British Parliament tried to pass good laws for the colonies, but the eolonies said: ‘We don't want yous good laws; we want our good laws,’ and Parliament at length had admitted the reasonableness of this principle. This principle has now come home to us from across the seas, and tbe House has now to consider whether it is applicable to the esse of Ireland. We now stand face to face with what is termed Irish nationality, in a demand for selfgovernment in Ireland, not in England. In conclusion, Mr. Gladstone said: "I hold that there is such a thing as local patriotism, which, in itself, is not bad, but good. [Cheers.] Tbe Welchman is full of local patriotism. The Scotchman is full of local patriotism. Now Scotch nationality is as strong as it ever was. end if the need were to arise, I believe it would be as ready to assert itself as was in the days of Bannockburn. [Cheers.] If I read Irish history aright, misfortune and calamity have wedded her sons to their soil with an embrace not closer than is known elsewhere, and the Irishman is still more profoundly Irish, but it does not follow that because his local patriotism is strong he should be incapable of an imperial patriotism. There are two modes of presenting iie subject which I have argued; one of them is to present what we now recommend as good, and he other is to present it as a choice of evils and s the least among tbe varied evils with which, us possibilities, we are confronted. Well, 1 have argued the matter as if it had been a choice of evils. I have recognized as facts, and entitled to attention, jealousies which I myself do not share or feeL I argued it on that ground as the only ground on which it can be recommended, cot only to a mixed auditory, but to the public mind of the country, that cannot give minute investigation to all portions of this complicated question. Ido not know whether it may appear too bold, but, in my own heart, I cherish the hope that this is not merely a choice of the leaser evile, but that it may be proved to be, ere long, ft good in itself. [Loud applause. ] There is, I

know, an answer to this; and what is the answer! The answer is only found in the view which rests upon a basis of despair, of absolute condemnation of Ireland and Irishmen as exceptions to those beneficial provisions which have made, in general. Europeans in particular, Englishmen and Americans, capable of selfgovernment—that an Irishman is a lusus naturae, that justice, common sense, moderation, national prosperity, have no meaning for him; that all that he can understand, and all that he can Appreciate, is strife, perpetual enmity. No, sir. I am not going to argue in this House whether this view, this monstrous view, [lrish cheers] is a correct one. I say an Irishman is as capable of loyalty as another man [Renewed Irish cheers]; but if his loyalty has been checked, why. it is because the laws by which he is governed do not present themselves to him, as they do to us in England or Scotland, with a native and congenial element I have no right to say that Ireland, through her constitutionally-elect-ed members, will accept the measure I propose. I hope they will, but I have no right to assume it; nor have I any power to enforce it upon the people of England and Scotland; but I rely on the patriotism and the sagacity of this House; on a free and full discussion, and, more than all, upon the just, generous sentiments of the true British nation—and, looking forward, I ask the House, believing that no local motive could have driven ua to assist in the work we have undertaken —work which we believe will restore Parliament to its dignity and legislation to its free and unimpeded course—l ask them to stay the waste of the public treasury under the present system of government and administration in Ireland, which is not waste only, but waste which demoralizes while it exhausts. I ask them to show to Europe and America that we, too, can faee the political problems which America had to face twenty years ago, and which many countries in Europe have been called on to face, and have not feared to deal with. I ask that we shall practice as we have very often preached, and that in our own case we should be firm and fearless in applying the doctrines we have often inculcated in others that the concession of local self-government is not the way to sap and impair, but to strengthen and consolidate unity. I ask that we should learn to rely less on mere written stipulations, and more on those better stipulations written on the heart and mind of man. I ask that we should apply to Ireland the happv experience we have gained in England and Scotland, which a course of generations has now taught us, not as a dream, or as a theory, but as Emitter of praotioe ahd of life —that the best and surest foundation we can find to build on is the foundation afforded by the affections, and convictions, and will of man, and that it is thus by the decree of the Almighty that we may be enabled to secure at once the social happiness, the power and the permanence of the empire.” Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat amid bursts of enthusiastic cheers, which were sustained for several minutes. Mr. Gladstone’s speech was three hoars and twenty-five minutes in duration. He finished at 8 o’clock.

HOW IT WAS RECEIVED. Mr. Trevelyan's Objections to the Scheme— A Speech from Mr. Parnell. London, April 8. —When the applause had subsided, Mr. George Otto Trevelyan, who recently resigned the position of Secretary for Scotland, arose. After eulogizing Mr. Gladstone’s oration, Mr. Trevelyan proceeded to say that he interposed thus early in the debate in order to explain the reason of his resignation. He resigned with extreme compunction and regret, although the step, when finally decided upon, was taken with neither doubt as to its propriety, nor the least hesitation. He had joined the Cabinet because, as he considered at the time, to have remained outside would have been tantamount to a confession that the Liberal party was a home-rule party. This was a confession which he should never be willing to make. He could never consent to such a scheme as Mr. Gladstone had proposed. He had done his best to prevent the Liberals from identifying themselves with what he regarded as neither for the welfare nor benefit of the country. Not longer ago than last June the whole Cabinet was of the same opinion as himself. What was it, bo would like to know, that had happened since then to change them? The only security, he urged, that Parliament would have, according to Mr. Gladstone’s plan, for the money they would be called upon to vote for the purchase’ of the Irish landlord estates, would be the willingness of the Irish farmers to keep up their payments. How much dependence could be placed upon that? The Speaker at this point interrupted Mr. TrevelyaD, and reminded him that no land bill had yet been submitted to Parliament. Mr. Trevelyan acknowledged the correction, and proceeded with his speech by asking: “How long would it be, if the measure that has been submitted should become a law, before the Irish contribution to the imperial exchequer would be denounced by the Irish and reprobated as English tribute? For I have no hesitation in saving that I think complete separation of Ireland from Great Britain would be preferable to the plan of the government that has just been proposed. We should then know the worst at once.” As an alternative scheme, Mr. Trevelyan said he would propose that the execution of the law and the maintenance of order should be maintained in the hands of the general government. Then he would propose the creation of certain local bodies which should be composed of members freely elected. At the conclusion of Mr. Trevelyan’s speech, Mr. Parnell arose and was received with cheers by the Irish members. He congratulated Mr. Trevelyan on having, like the French general who had unsuccessfully defended Paris, his own plan—a plan, however, which did not seem to awaken much enthusiasm in the House. Mr. Trevelyan, he said, had stated why he had left the government, but not why he had resigned his post as Chief Secretary. [Cheers from the Irish benches.] Mr. Parnell then went on to justify his past utterances and actions, which had been impugned by Mr. Trevelyan. Speaking of America and the assassination literature which came from America. >fr. Parnell said that most of the literature was neither American nor Irish literature. “If Mr. Trevelyan,” he continued, “were to study the literature of America at this moment, he would find that sympathy for the just settlement of the grievances of Ireland, by the concession of a domestic legislature, is shown by all classes, whether Irish or native-born Americans, and more especially that native-born Americans are welcoming the efforts of Mr. Gladstone in the belief that they will briug peace between England and Ireland, and more especially between Irish-Americans and England. It is a remarkable fact that the great meetings now being held in favor of an Irish legislature are mainly called together and organized by native-born Americans, by editors aud conductors of Irish-Atnerican newspapers. We regard the fact that, during the last five or six month, we have succeeded in entirely gaining the sympathy of the two great parties in America —the Democrats and the Republicans—as a good omen for the future.” [Cheers.] As to the bill before the House, while reserving his full expression of opinion until he had seen the bill, Mr. Parnell congratulated the House on the fact that there was still living an English statesman who could devote his attention to this important matter, and begged to thank Mr. Gladstone for what would not only prove a beneficial measure from the Irish point of view, but which he [Mr. Parnell] believed would be found to be of equalbenefit to England. The bill, nevertheless, contained blots which the Irish representatives would do their best to remove. One of these was to be found in the financial proposals of the bill, which he regarded, as very unfavorable to Ireland, especially in regard to the Irish tribute to the imperial exchequer. He also complained of the proposition relative to the two orders intended to constitute the Irish Parliament, on the ground that the first order, consisting of peers not subject to the influence of the popular vote, would have the power of hanging up measures demanded by the people and their representatives for two or three years. On the whole, however, apart from these defects, he believed the measure would be cheerfully accepted by the Irish people and their representatives as a satisfactory solution of the long-standing dispute between the two countries, and as tending to prosperity and peace in Ireland, and to satisfaction in England. [Cheers-] The Right Hon. David Robert Plunket, Conservative, member for Dublin University, said the bill was one that went much further than what was usually spoken of as “the repeal of the union,” and ho predicted that public opinion would regard the measure with consternation *&a alarm. He felt assured, however, that the

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOUBNAL FRIDAY, APRIL 9, 1886.

bill, which was one for the erection of a Parliament of the “National League," would never be used. [Opposition cheers.] How, he asked, were the checks proposed by the bill to be enforced if they were disregarded by the Irish Parliament, and ia what way was the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament to be maintained? He disputed Mr. Gladstone’s statement that for five centuries out of six Ireland had had her separate legislature, and quoted a statement by Isaac Butt, to the effect that during the time of the Henrys and Edwards, the Irish parliaments were mere conventions. without legislative powers. The whole object of the bill was to develop nationality in Ireland as distinct as possible from that which was found in any other part of the United Kingdom, and its first effect would be to drive enterprise ahd capital out of the country. [Opposition cheers.] The real foundation of the bill was the fact that the Prime Minister had bargained with the sm>aratist party to give them this measure, which, if carried, would be one of the most fatal mistakes that had ever been passed in the halls of Parliament. On the motion of Mr. Chamberlain the debate was adjourned. After Mr. Gladstone’s speech, the House rapidly thinned out, and, for the next two hoars, the contrast was striking. During Mr. Trevelyan’s speech the house gradually filled up again. Trevelyan’s speech was received by all sides in silence, broken only by an occasional outburst of derisive cheers from the Parnellites. Mr. Parnell, on the other hand, was listened to with rapt attention, and his speech left upon his auditors this impression —that he was ready to accept the leading proposals of Gladstone’s bill. The Parnellites warmly applauded him when he referred to Gladstone as “the one English statesman living who was lending his voice in favor of poor, helpless Ireland.” Mr. Gladstone left the House ten minutes after concluding his speech. He was affected by the reaotion after the intense excitement of the day, and was obliged to retire to rest immediately after dinner. The Cabinet has been summoned to meet on Friday.

Personal and Newspaper Comment. London, April 9. —After the adjournment of the House of Commons, eighty of the Parnellite members met in conclave and discussed Mr. Gladstone’s speech until 10 p. m. Advices from Dublin and Belfast say there was considerable excitement in those cities on reports of the Premier’s speech. Great crowds gathered around the newspaper offices to learn the details of Mr. Gladstone’s Irish scheme. The evening papers all published extra editions giving the speech in full. No disorders are reported. The Morning Post (Conservative) admits that Mr- Gladstone’s speech was a great oratorical effort, wanting in none of the fire and but little of the vigor with which he in times past electrified Parliament. “But,” says the paoer, “friends and foes are alike astonished at his plans, and we do not err if we say that, with the exception of the Parnellites, there are not twenty members who are not bewildered as to how such a scheme could seriously be proposed. Fortunately, there is not the remotest chance that any such scheme will receive the sanction of Parliament.” The DailvNews says: “If enthusiastic cheers, ringing on both sides of the House, are significant, Mr. Gladstone’s scheme has already received the approval of the House of Commons. The speech will rank as one of Mr. Gladstone’s highest efforts. Experience, however, has shown that immediate triumph is sometimes followed by final disaster. How the scheme will fare in its progress through the Commons is difficult to forecast. It is full of controversial matter, more especially in respect to the constitution of the proposed Parliament and the financial arrangement between England and Ireland, but in its broadest principles it is well calculated to soothe the fears so sedulously excited ana will challenge the public mind for a calm and rational consideration of one of the greatest problems ever presented. More serious than the Conservative and Orange opposition is Trevelyan’s attitude, which probably indicates the stand-point of Lord Bartington, Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Goscben. A erave responsibility rests upon these statesmen. A simple negative will not suffice. Something must be done for Ireland. The best and most patriotic thing sos Parliament to do is to take Mr. Gladstone’s well-considered scheme in hand, lay aside all partisan feeling, and honestly endeavor to perfect it in the interests of Ireland and the empire. Mr. Gladstone's plan for a Parliament of two orders sitting in one chamber, with power to veto each other’s acts, disposes of the wild talk of banding the legislature over to the National League. The protection of the minority is therefore complete. The class renting lands at £25 and upwards yearly will effectually hold small farmers in check The Daily Telegraph says: “While the dialectical display will fill everybody with admiration, the first thought to arise in all reflective minds will be, can the orator himself expect success? He has proposed the most revolutionary step ever submitted to a British Parliament. It was curious to note that a movement indicative almost of satisfaction pervaded the Conservative. benches at the prospect of the removal of the Parnellites, while the Parnellites received the news with something like disgust, disguised by faint signs of approval, widely different from the rapturous reception given to other sections of the bill. The essence of the scheme is this: Ireland is to be transformed into a colony, with some disadvantages and many restrictions. She will be as much apart from Great Britain as Canada, but, unlike Canada, will have to pay her share of our debt and the imperial expenditure. The Chronicle says: “It is not an exaggera-. tion to say that the scheme appeared to throw the occupants of the Liberal benches into a silence that comes of stupor rather than surprise. The reception of the oration was in strange contrast to the reception of the orator. Mr. Gladstone arose amid a frenzy of enthusiasm; when he concluded the only applause he received was Hibernian yelljß of delight and some sporadic Radical cheers. Though, generally, bills meeting with a sulky reception stand a fair chance of success after being molded to the satisfaction of Parliament, we fear that Mr. Gladstone’s measure is not of this plastic nature. If we grant the proposition from which he starts, every provision in his bill is a matter of necessity.” The Times “It is not a metaphor to affirm that Mr. Gladstone’s statement is without a parallel in our parliamentary annals in its mastery of completed details and its dialectical resources. It is not only marvelous, but is lifted out of the region of political commonplace by a spirit of elevated purpose and a tone of self-imposed conviction. With what fatal vices must a cause be smitten for which even Mr. Gladstone’s energy and influence are able to win no more creditable opposition than that accorded his Irish scheme in the House of Commons. In substance, the measure proposes to place Ireland in a position not like that of the American Union, but like that of Canada—a self-governing province. Separation is com plete and absolute in principle, and the restriction by which it is professed to secure the-supremacy of the imperial Parliament must in practice be worthless, since there is no official sanction beyond them. This is the cardinal point to which public opinion must be immediately directed. Is the nation prepared to give Ireland an independent political existence? We cannot suppose there is any room for doubt on that poiut. It would be grossly unfair to assume that the House will consent to a second reading of the measure, which cannot possibly survive the debate in committee.” The Standard says: “Not the least striking feature of the scheme is its omissions. The absence of any special provision for Ulster is the first thing that oondemns the bill. Hardly less astonishing is the frankness with which Mr. Gladstone explained the ground on which Ireland, though saddled with a portion of the imperial taxation, would have no representative at Westminster. The whole argument is vitiated by incapacity in the face of plain facts. Mr. Parnell’s speech is evidence that he would require the immediate instead of the ultimate transfer of the constabulary to the Irish executive; the abrogation of the checks which Mr. Gladstone would place on the proceedings of tho Irish Parliament, and the reduction of the very moderate sum which Ireland is to contribute for tbe expenses of the empire. If the committee is unprepared to accede to his views on these points, the bill will not satisfy the Irish separatists, whom it was primarily meant to content We cannot believe the measure will meet with the approval of any largq section of tbe Queen’s subjects. It is a message of discord, not of peace.”

INDIANA AND ILLINOIS NEWS The Daily Chronicle of Happenings of All Kinds in the Two States. Forty-Third Annual Session of North Indiana M. £. Conference—Condition of Winter Wheat in Illinois—Gleanings. INDIANA. North Indiana Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. Warsaw, April B.— Last evening the anniversary of the Freedmen’s Aid Bociety was held. Dr. George W. Gray, of Chicago, former president of Little Rock University, and Dr. J. C. Hartzell, t>f Cincinnati, assistant corresponding secretary of the society, delivered the addresses Dr. Gray said that it is time for us to stop asking what to do with the negro, and earnestly inquire what we can do for him.. God’s word to the Jew was that when a man was liberated he should not be sent ont empty. When we freed the negro we only stopped his being robbed. We sent him out empty as to property, education, moral character, social standing and manhood. Let us do something for him, and let God do with him. Dr. Hartzell said: “There are five hundred negro children born in this land every twenty-four hours. Increasing at this rate, they are here to stay. Their ignorance is dense. We must give them light Our church has built 3,000 houses of worship on what was slave territory, since the war. One-fourth of our membership is now in that territory. We are planting schools there, as we ought, to educate and provide intelligent, well-equipped ministers and teachers. Let us help yet more.” At 8:30 this morning, Bishop W. L. Harris, of New York, conducted devotional exercises, and at 9 o’clock the business of the conference began. C. G. Hudson, conference secretary, called the roll, after which he was re-elected to this office. L. J. Noftzger was chosen statistical secretary. Bishop J. M. Walden, of Chattanooga, took his seat on the platform. Standing committees were appointed and various papers were referred to them. A resolution looking to the location of a certain class of supernumerary preachers, called forth a stirring little speech trom Bishop Harris, explanatory of the supernumerary relation, and showing the duty of the conference in reference to it Dr. Hartzell was introduced, and represented the Freedmen’a Aid Society before tbe Confer ence. Besides our work for the colored people, we have two universities for the poor whites, one at Little Rock and one at Chattanooga. The buildings for our schools are erected by special gifts, and not from conference collections for the society. The spirit of self-help is rapidly growing among the freedraen. They are giving liberally according to their means, for this work. • State education in the South is weak. In proportion as it was right for us to make the South stay in the Union, in that proportion are we bound to educate it and make it fit to stay in. Rev. Cbas. Martindale was readmitted, and his case was referred to the committee on conference relations. The roll of superannuates was called and P. Carlin, H. N. Barnes, John Maffit. J. C. Medsker, G. W. Bowers, B. Smith, O. V. Lemon, Wm. Wilson, L. Roberts, R. D. Spellman, R. A. Newton, Geo. Havens, J. W. Smith, Wm. Anderson, J. H. McMahan, James Johnson, N. Gillam, R. Tobey, L. W. Monson, J. Harrison, W. Lash and W. M. Van Slyke were continued in their relation. R. F. Brewington was granted this relation, also Charies Maitindale. J. Thomas was made effective. Bishop Walden, who has just returned from holding the Kansas conferences, gave a glowing account of our advance there. John xiv, 12 was the text from which Ref. W. H. Daniel, of Logansport, preached the annual missionary sermon, at 2:30 p. M.

DePauw University Notes. Correspondence of tbe Indianapo Is Journal. Grkencastlb, April B.— The second annual commencement of the School of Law took place in Meharry Hall, last Tuesday evening. The following are the speakers and their subjects: “Justice” Geo. A. Mason “Federalism as Viewed by an Outsider”.. J. U. Brown “(Characteristics and Accompaniments”.E. L. Scarritt “The Foundation of Law” Orin Parker “A Necessary Factor in Civilization”.. C. R. Cameron “The Lawyer” W. Ward “Morality in the Legal Profession”...N. S. Carpenter “Tbe Modern Pessimist” C. C. Hadley The orations were well written and finely delivered. The annual address and the presentation of diplomas wore made by President Martin. Bishop Bowman was in the city daring the first part of the week. Prof. W. W. Grant, of Indianapolis, visited the college halls on Wednesday. Prof. Grant is making a tour of the several State colleges. Killed by a Train. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. Sullivan, April B.—-Lee Wolf was run over by a train going south, a few miles below town, this evening, and instantly killed. His body was literally cut to pieces. No blame is attached to the railroad company. Wolf was fifty years old, and resided at Paxton. Township Election Returns. The Republicans of Ripley county have elected six out of eleven trustees, and on this vote have carried the county by about one hundred and fifty majority, making gains in nearly every township. The returns of Warren county show the Democrats to have elected seven out of the twelve trustees. This is the first time in the history of the county that the Democrats have had a majority of the trustees. The Rush county returns show the election of eight Democratic trustees and four Republican; but as in one township the Democrats cast six illegal votes and their majority was only three, and as in another township they had no printed ballots, but wrote the names of their candidates on all kiuds of paper, the Republicans will contest the election of trustees in those townships. The Republicans of Franklin county elected five out of thirteen trustees, and Lase Day, Republican, was elected in Laurel township by 77 majority, which is considered a great victory, as that township has not elected a Republican before for twenty years. Joseph W. Jackson went into the fight in Springfield township with a Democratic majority of GO against, and came out with a Republican majority of 20. William H. Trusler, Republican, was elected in the Blooming Grove township by 54 majority, which is a large Republican gain. The Democratic trustee in Brookville township was re-elected by a reduced majority. The election returns of Fountain county give the Republicans six and the Democrats five trustees. Jackson township elected Henry Kraut, Democrat, by 115 majority; Mill Creek, Chas. Hadley, Republican, by 36; Fulton, H. B. Hensley, Republican; Wabash, James H. Tipton, Democrat, by 105; Cain, Philip B. Myers, Democrat, by 84; Van Buren, J. J. Walker, Republican, by 141; Troy, George Robb, Democrat, by 141; Richland, Q. H. Wright, Democrat, by 34; Shawnee, Elias Pugh, Republican, by 19; Logan, John Cooley, Republican, by 123; Davis, James W. Campbell, Republican, by 20. This shows slight Democratic gains over the last presidential election. The assessors in Fountain county stood six Democrats, four Republicans and one Greenbacker. _ Minor Notes. Miller Bros., of Evansville, dry goods merchants, who failed a week ago for $400,000, have made an offer to their unsecured creditors to settle at 35 cents on the dollar. This does not include the cotton notes, which caused the failure. James Aldrich, the would-be murderer of Jerome Snyder, of Xenia, who was released on a bond of SI,OOO last week, has disappeared and forfeited bis bail. This was discovered yesterday when aa effort was made to re-arrest him

for the purpose of increasing his bond. Snyder is yet alive, but in a critical condition. A large reward isbffered for Aldrich’s apprehension. ILLINOIS. Tbe Winter Wheat in More Favorable Condition than Since 1882. Springfield, April B.—Prom advance sheets of tbe April crop report of the Illinois State Board of Agriculture, it is learned that the condition of winter wheat has not been more promising on the Ist of April since 1882 than it is this season, and with continued favorable weather there will be nearly an average yield per acre in Illinois. Brief Mention. It is the intention to organize prohibition clubs in each township of Stephenson county. General Fitzsimons, of the First Brigade, I. N. G., is decidedly opposed to the selection of grounds at Springfield for a permanent State camp. He is in favor of a location at Waukegan. Alexander McPhedran, a Lasalle saloonkeeper, while tending bar drew a revolver from his pocket and deliberately blew out his brains in the presence of his customers. No cause is assigned for the act Qe was forty years old and unmarried. Mr. F. H. Collier, of Chicago, has presented a claim to the State Board of Live-stock Commie sioners at Springfield for payment for a number of horses killed by the State Veterinarian, by order of the board, on account of infection with glanders. The allowance of the claim would establish a precedent which would put many thousands of dollars into the pockets of people who have been summarily deprived of their horses without compensation. THE FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS. Defeat of Mr. Yoorbees’s Amendment Providing for Admission of Washington Territory. Washington, April B.—The Senate resumed consideration of the bill, some weeks since laid over, granting to the Kansas & A rkansas Railroad Company a right of way for a railroad through the Indian Territory. The pending question was on Mr. Van Wyck’s proposed amendment prohibiting the issue of any more stock or bonds than would represent the actual cost of building and equipping the road. M. Piatt suggested an additional amendment, that no shares of the stock of the company will be transferable till 50 per cent of its par value shall have been paid in in actual cash, the amount paid in to be sworn to by the company’s officers, false swearing about it to constitute perjury. These amendments and others in the same direction, offered in succession by Sabin, Sewell and George, led to a discussion on the general subjeet of railroad etock-watering. The amendments were voted down and the bill passed —yeas 36, naye 8. Mr. Dawes reported from the appropriations committee the Indian appropriation bill, with amendments, and gave notice that on the legislative day next after to-morrow he would call it up for action. The bill was placed on the calendar. The Washington Territory bill was placed before the Senate, and Mr. Voorhees spoke in advocacy of his amendment, which consists of an enabling act for the admission of Montana Territory. Mr. Platt and Mr. Harrison opposed the amendment. Mr. Teller and Mr. McMillan favored the bill. Mr. Voorhees’s amendment was voted down by a party vote —yeas 19, nays 23. The Democrats voted in the affirmative and the Republicans in the negative. Mr. Eustis, in speaking of woman suffrage, said, on the question of tbe constitutional qualification of a female Senator —for example, as respects age—JGreat laughter, in which the remainder of Mr. Eustis's sentence was lost. Mr. Beck remarked, sotto voce, that the women would never be old enough to come within the constitutional limitation as to age. [Renewed laughter.] Mr. Eustis characterized woman suffrage as a demoralizing proposition, and as “offensive and destructive to the institution of the family. ” A long discussion ensued, but without reaching a vote the Senate adjourned.

The Free-Colnage Bill Defeated. Washington, April B.—The Speaker laid before the House a communication from the Acting Secretary of the Treasury inclosing a draft of a bill authorizing the canceling and destruction of securities of the United States mutilated in the process of printing or remaining on hand in excess of the amount required for issue. Referred. Mr. James, of New York, called up the silver bill. . Mr. Anderson, of Kansas, inquired whether an opportunity would be given for amendments. The Speaker stated that, according to the order of the Rouse, the previous question was to be considered as ordered at 5:30 o’clock. Mr. Anderson then asked that at 4 o'clock an opportunity be given to members to offer amendments. Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania, objected to any change being made in the order of tbe House. Mr. Dibble, of South Carolina, spoke in opposition to the bill. He favored the suspension of silver coinage for a definite period, one or two years. Mr. Herbert, of Alabama, premised his speech with the declaration that in the President and in the success of his administration lay the hope of Democratic ascendency, and he had no sympathy with those Democrats who seemed to think the hope of the Democracy lay in the destruction of the present administration. He favored the rehabilitation of silver, but did not think this government, by itself, was equal to the task of rehabilitating it. Any attempt to do this by the passage of the pending bill would result in an income of silver and an outgo of gold. Mr. Bland, of Missouri, asked leave to withdraw the motion entered by him yesterday to recommit the bill; but Mr. Morgan, of Mississippi, objected. Mr. Bland quoted from an article in a morning paper a statement that he did not expect a majority of the House to vote fqr free coinage. It was unnecessary for him to deny that that statement was made without any authority from him. He hoped that the House would do its duty, and would pass the bill. Mr. Tillman, of South Carolina, advocated unlimited coinage of silver, and Mr. Little, of Ohio, took the opposite view. Mr. McKenna, of California, thought that the true and lasting interests of bimetallism would not be conserved by free coinacre. Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania, spoke in support of a double standard, and vigorously comoated the proposition to suspend silver coinage. Mr. Bland, of Missouri, then obtained unanimous consent to withdraw his motion to recomit the bill. Mr. James, of New York, then took the floor, and yielded to Mr. Dibble, of South Carolina, to offer an amendment, providing that, unless in the meantime, through concurrent action of the nations of Europe with the United States, silver be demonitized prior to the first of July. 1889, then and thereafter so much of the act of Feb. 28, 1878, as authorizes and directs the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase silver bullion, and cause the same to be coined, shall be suspended until further action by Congress. The amendment was defeated—yeas 84, nays 201. The question then recurred on the engrossment and third reading of the bill, and it was decided in the negative—yeas 126, nays 163, so the bill was killed. The Indiana vote was cast as follows: Yeas— Messrs. Bynum, Cobb, Ford, Holman, Johnston, Kleiner, Lowry, Watson, Owen and Howard. Nays—Messrs. Browne and Steeie. Mr. Ward did not vote. When tbe House reached a vote on the bill, it was defeated—yeas 126, nays 16L Adjourned. Tb Place to Bay Males. Philadelphia Press. The general who is in Rome baying mnles for the Greek army has got into the wrong shop. He should have gone to Indiana with a purchasing agent from Connecticut United States Senator Voorhees, of Indiana, says St Jacob's Oil eared him of rheuma tiam.

THE FIRE RECORD. Complete Destruction of David Coopov # Son's Boiler Flourlag-MUU. Special to the Indianapolis Journal Rochester, Ind., April 8 —The roller flow* ing-mill of David Cooper it Son wae totally da* stroyed by fire, late last night, entailing aloes of about $17,000. There were 800 bushels of wheat in the building, besides six tons of flour, all of which burned. The insurance of $9,100 on th building and stock is distributed as follows: Fargo of Dakota, $1,000; Hope of New Orleans. $1,500; People of New Orleans, SI,OOO- Pelican of New Orleans, $1,000; Monarch of Des Moines, $1,000; Mount Holly of New Jersey, $1,000; Fira Association of England, $600; Standard of New Jersey, $1,000; Louisiana of New Orleans SI,OOQL The origin of the fire is unknown, bat is $• tributed to spontaneous combustion. Otber Fires. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. LaPortk, Ind., April a— Pitner & Sons carriage and wagon repository, was totally dastroyed by fire early this morning. Lois SI,OOO. Insured in the Westchester of New York. The fire was of incendiary origin, it being the fourth attempt to burn the building in a year’s time. To the Western Associated Press. Philadelphia, April B.— Fire broke out early this morning in tbe Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, and many valuable pictures wer*> burned and many pieces of statnary damaged. The amount of the loss cannot now be estimated easily, as much that was burned could not be replaced by money. One of the largest paintings burned was Harrison's “Bord de Mer.” Portland, Ore., April B.—Smith Bros. A Co.’s frame saw-mill at the foot of Columbia street, burned this evening. Loss, $40,000; me insurance. Cause, a lamp exploded. Minister Winston and Jennie Woods* Chicago, April B.—Mr. F. H. Winston, the corporation counsel, last night sent a cablegram to his father the United States minister to Persia, informing him of the publication that had been made here concerning him and Jennie Woods, the young woman who died here the other day from the effect of smoking opium in a* Chinese laundry. This afternoon Mr. Winston received the following cable: “Teheran, April 8. “To Winston, Chicago—My relations with Jennie Wood were perfectly proper. I tried te educate and make a good woman of her, and failed. That is all. If letters show the contrary, they are forgeries. Commence libel suits against all papers slandering me. Sorry lam notilt home to meet my accusers, but will be there at the trial. Documents proving ail I say are in my hands. Winston.* The coroner’s jury, to-day, after hearing nil tbe evidence obtainable as to the death of the young woman, rendered the following verdict: “We the jury, from the evidence, believe that the practice of opium-smoking is too common* and, in the interest of public morals, would strongly recommend the suppression of opium dens in this city.” The remains of the deceased were delivered to H. Weaver, of Minneapolis, the brother-in-law of Miss W ood, to-day, and were taken to Minneapolis. Schooner and Crew Lost. Sottthwest Harbor, Me., April B.—During a. fearful gale on Tuesday night, an unknown schooner went ashore here, and before morning was badly wrecked. It is supposed the vesaal was the Chanticleer, of Vinal Haven. Yesterday the sea ran very high, and considerable wreckage was afloat. The body of an unknown sailor has been found, and it is supposed the entire crew are victims of the waves. It is thought there were five or six seamen aboard the vessel Vitality, exhausted by overwork or disease, is surely restored by the use of Ayer’s Sarsaparilla.

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