Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 April 1886 — Page 4

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THE DAILY JOURNAL, BY JNO. O, NEW ft SON. WASHINGTON OFFICE—SI3 Fourteenth St. P. 8. Hkath, Correspondent. .JTC"-" ■ ■: !-■■*■■■■ SATURDAY, APRIL 3, Isß6. BATES OF SUBSCRIPTION. VSfcXS INVARIABLY IK ADVANCE—POSTAGE PREPAID BY THE PUBLISHERS. THE DAILY JOURNAL. Qae year, by mail $12.00 One year, by mail Including Sunday 14.00 Wi montbs, by mail 6.00 fiutnontna, by mail, including Sunday 7.00 Three months, by mail , 3.00 Three months, by mail, including Sunday 3.50 One month, by fhail 1.00 One tnonth, by mail, including Sunday 1.20 Per week, by carrier (in Indianapolis) 25 THE SUNDAY JOURNAL. IPereopy Scents One year, by mail $2.00 THE INDIANA STATE JOURNAL (WEEKLY EDITION.) One year SI.OO Less than one year and over three months. 10c per month. No subscription taken for less than three mohths. In clubs of five or over, agents will take yearly subscriptions at sl, and retain 10 per cent, for their work. Address JNO. C. NEW & SON, Publishers The Journal, Indianapolis, Ind. THIS INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, Can be found at the following places: LONDON—American Exchange in Europe, 449 Strand. PARlS—American Exchange in Pari:;, 35 Boulevard des Capucines. |TEW YORK—St. Nicholas and Windsor Hotels. CHICAGO—PaImer House. CINCINNATI—J. P. Hawley & Cos., 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE—C. T. Des ring, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. WT. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot and Southern Hotel WASHINGTON, D. C.—Riggs House and Ebbitt House. Telephone Galls. Besines* Office 238 | Editorial Rooms 242 THE SUNDAY JOURNAL. The table of contents for the Sunday Journal of to-morrow, the 4th instant, embraces: Little Miss Joyce: Anew story by Mem Lin ton, a Western writer of rare power in character sketching; How the Black Snake Caught the Wolf: An Uncle Jlemas legend, by Joel Chandler Harris. This sketch is illustrated with drawings made by Beard, the celebrated artist; A Letter from Cuba: Giviue sketches of life in Havana and scenes among the people, by Hon. W. Dudley Foulke; The Moody-Heffren Duel: An incident in Indiana’s history in which Senator Moody, of Dakota, was a principal; The Religious Journal: A review of tbo scope and power of the religious press of the United States; a special article; The Seorf.t-Police Service: A special sketch written for the Journal, giving the methods of Inspector Byrnes in detecting crime, by Franklin File; Our Boys: The first of a series of short papers on what to do with boys—their education and development, by Superintendent Charlton. These are some of the main special features. There will be, in addition to these, Dr. Talmage’s •ermon; Marion Harland’s household department; the weekly New York letter, from Mrs. jlarvier, John Swinton, Nym Crinkle and others, besides the usual news and miscellaneous features of the Sunday JournaL This issue will be one of the best ever published, interesting to all classes of readers. The Bunday Journal is so far in advance of all other Sunday papers published in Indianapolis that no comparison can he made for either readers or advertisers. Its circulation is the largest and best, and extends Into all parts of Indiana, central and southern Illinois, and eastern Ohio, while copies of it are Sent to every part of the country. Advertisers will please favor themselves and us by sending in their copy as early as possible during the day.

Instead of attempting to reduce expenses, the Democratic plan is to demand more money from the people. The remains of Pension Commissioner Black should be removed from the public sight as a sanitary nuisance. The instructions, of Assessor Messick, backed by Commissioner Sahm, meant that she assessment must J>e increased. Their jleventh-honr repentance is intended only for Age on Monday. The executive board of the Kuights of Labor seem to be lost somewhere, but the Missouri Pacific railroad is moving freight. The people of Kansas are rising to a just appreciation of the situation. Will the voters of Center township stand further imposition in order to enrich the township trustee and such few men as he favors with his patronage, or will they vote for a change on Monday next? Township orders, when indorsed genuine by the present trustee in the presence of the buyer, sell at 25 per cent, discount. What do the voters of Center township think of credit like that under Democratic administration? What do the tax-payers of Center township think of the way township expenses have been swelled in the last four years? Shall it be kept up, as indicated by the instructions Issued to the deputy assessors, or shall there be a ohange? The Democratic assessor of Center township, Marion county, under the instruction of the Democratic Commissioners, has ordered that the tax valuation shall be raised to the highest notch. Is there another case of the kind in the State? If the Journal had not called public attention to the illegal and outrageous scheme of the Democratic officials to increase the total of the assessment, neither Assessor Messick aor Commissioner Sahm would ever have thought of trying to correct or evade the force of the instructions issued to the deputies, as reported in this paper. But the exposure we made yesterday stampeded the Democracy, and they are now busily at

work trying to “cover/' In view of the election next Monday. All the explanations and contradictions are simply pre-election cries. They mean nothing; the edict is that the assessment must be put up to $80,000,000, in order to have sufficient funds for Democratic officials to squander in prodigal expenditures, such as have been made in Center township under Mr. Kitz. The New York Herald discovers that the hearts of Republicans are heavy and their brows dark because they have been searching Southern papers in vain to discover expressions of sympathy with the Carrollton assassins. The murderous offense has been severely condemned, the Herald avers, by all the leading Southern papers. This may be, but it is very hard to understand why so strenuous objection to investigation was made in Congress by men of the South, after it was found that the local authorities could not or would not discover and punish the guilty parties. There is not a civilized community in the world that a crowd of murderers could invade and kill a dozen men in the court-house, while the court was in session, without any of them being recognized. It is so of this instance. These men made no attempt to conceal their identity, but not one of them has been apprehended, or likely ever will be, for the very good reason that public sentiment there will not suffer them to be molested. It is a homely adage that fine words butter no parsnips. The Southern press may talk like a minister from the court of heaven, but if Southern sentiment stand between murderers and justice, of what avail are all their professions of abhorrence for such crimes? The Southern members of Congress have confessed that they fear investigation. Not that they think that it will be distorted into a political crime, but that they know that a monstrous wrong has been committed, and that Southern sentiment indorses and approves it, the victims being negroes. * Speaking on the idea of the Knights of Labor expelling such members as have brought dishonor upon the organization by destroying or stealing the property of railways or other parties against whom a grievance is held, the New York World says: “Such an act would give the Knights more power than the enrollment of a hundred thousand members.’' It undoubtedly would, and until this sentiment obtains among them it is useless to expect to succeed. Workingmen rre growing up to this honorable standard, and it will not be long until such men cannot find fellowship among them. Already the line is drawn against certain classes, and, for the good of the organization, they will never gain admittance to the Knights of Labor. Such characters are not above wantonly involving the Knights In any kind of dispute or difficulty that they can. The Knights cannot afford to champion every brawler and bully that may find entrance to the organization. No such serious thing as a strike, involving the welfare of thousands of honest men, should be entered upon because some malcontent has seen fit to get discharged. Nor should a strike be kept up in defense of a man mean enough to steal or destroy the possessions of others. The man infamous enough to derail a train, to the endangerment of human life, is not fit to associate with honest, law-abiding men, and should be hustled out of the order and into the penitentiary as soon as discovered.

Hobart O. Hamlin, the well-known real estate dealer of Minneapolis, Minn., in making an unconditional gift of SIO,OOO toward the new Young Men’s Christian Association building in that city, says: “The gift is tendered, first, because I have lived in St. Anthony and Minneapolis more than thirty years, and feel very much interested in the moral surroundings of the thousands of young men who now reside here and are constantly coming; second, because I feel that the time has come when a grand effort should be made to secure a permanent homo worthy of the cause and the city; third, because I feel confident that a subscription for a large amount will act as a stimulus upon others to heartily co-operate in the enterprise; fourth, because I feel that I can give SIO,OOO, and still do justice to my creditors and family, and I prefer to give it now rather than by bequest after I am dead. ” Is there any one in Indianapolis who will give $5,000 for the same reasons? or $3,000? or $2,000? or even $1,000? Are there not men in Indianapolis who will do something worthy of, themselves, and of young men, and of the city? One of the questions which Mr. Irons and his colleagues seem determined shall be settled in their favor without arbitration is that “an unorganized” workingman shall not be permitted to work in this country. The right of a man not a Knight of Labor to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is just as sacred as the right of Mr. Irons, or any one else, no matter how triply-plated with “organization” he may be. In the interests of common decency and common humanity, there should be no adjustment or arbitration that will turn men out of work who have honestly accepted employment causelessly abandoned by others. Such a settlement would be no settlement at all. An “organized” workingman has no more right to work for a living than an “unorganized” one. Because the financial views of both Mr. Thurman and Mr. McDonald differ from those of the President, discredit is cast upon the statement that one of these gentlemen will be invited to become the Secretary of the Treasury in oase of Mr. Manning’s retirement. As Mr. Cleveland is not known to have any fixed flews on finance, it is not likely that this

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, SATURDAY, "APRIL 3, 1886.

difficulty stands in the way, but it must be admitted that the Cabinet prospects of both Thurman and McDonald are small. Mr. Cleveland was a ward politician long enongh to know that it is not the part of wisdom for an official who wants a second term to place a rival in a position where he may distinguish himself. It won’t do in the present case to have a “bigger man” than Cleveland brought into prominence. The manner in which the President passed by the leaders of his party to select a little nobody from Wisconsin as the representative of the West, showed plainly that, in the language of \he ruralist, ho meant to be the biggest pig in the puddle himself. As yet he has shown no signs of having changed this policy. Mr. Martin Irons openly encourages law lessness. “If the railroads,” says that newlyfledged statesman, “force us to violate what they call law, the time will soon come when the class of people that make this country and government will be overthrown.” What the railroads call law is usually the law of the land. Such as it is it may not suit all parties, but those who are displeased with it, if they are in the majority, have the privilege of electing legislators and congressmen who will make other laws that may suit them better. Until this method of improving the condition of the laborer has been tried and has failed, Martin Irons and his kind should t j given no authority to speak for workingmen. This government is one in which every man has a voice, and if one class permits itself to be overridden by another it is because it has not made the most of its own legal privileges. If law is wrong the first wise movement is to make it right I. H. Walker, a railway postal clerk, has been on duty for about ten years p A the Terre Haute depot He is thoroughly efficient and extremely popular. Postmaster-general Vilas just found him out last week. Walker turns out to be a wounded Union soldier and a colored man. This was too much. As soon as these damaging facts were duly certified to the Postmaster-general by “proper affidavits,” he was forthwith “bounced, ” and, the other day, he “toddled away” to make place for a Democrat, who was not offensive in either of these particulars. To be a wounded Union soldier was bad enough in the eyes of the Democracy, but to be a colored man, too, was a double offense, which could not be overlooked. The punishment was made to fit the crime. He was instantly beheaded. It is said that Terre Haute Democrats are wearing little tin roosters in their hats, in celebration of their victory over Walker.

• The Boston Herald is constrained to say that Senator Harrison has givhn instances of removals and of appointments “which, on their face, could clearly not/be justified, and which call for explanation at the President’s hands.” The Herald would have<iho President explain his action in these cases not because the Senate demands it, but merely as an accommodation to a curious public, a guarantee of good faith, so to speak. If he declines to confer this favor on the community, it will make no difference in the loyalty of the Boston mugwump organ, which will go on sounding his praises as a reformer, confident that if the “man of destiny ” puts thugs and thieves into office it is a part of the inscrutable wisdom of his plan of reform. State Auditor Rice says there is no warrant in law to instruct deputy assessors to keep up or to increase the rate of appraisement. Justice to the tax-payers of this township is to appraise property at its fair value. Anything more than this, to accommodate official extravagauce, is illegal and wrong. It is the evident intention of the Democratic officials to keep up the present extravagant way of conducting the public business. Tax-payers know what this means by the remarkable increase of current expenses from $7,000 in 1882 to over $20,000 during the past official year. Unless a change is had it is quite probable that the next year will show a demand for $30,000, and more for the next. The cry now is for more money. Official extravagance means higher taxes and a constantly growing chance to squander the people’s money. Center township has seen what an extravagant trustee can do in tho way of getting away with the public money, and now the inevitable result is at hand—a demand for more money. With increased opportunity and the precedent of an extravagant trustee not rebuked, the next Democratic trustee would not hesitate to go to even greater lengths In getting rid of the people’s money. It is the duty of the people to put a sudden end to this kind of thing on Monday next by turning out those who have proved so expensive to the public. The plan for more plunder is already plain. The Pall Mall Gazette warns Mr. Gladstone that his followers will not support him beyond the grant to Ireland of a form of home rule similar to that existing in the several States of the American Union, in contradistinction to the federal authorities. Few have been aware that even so much was asked. It is quite certain that Ireland will be content with anything approaching the liberality suggested. There is not another assessor in the State ' instructing his deputies to increase the valuation in order to realize more money. The reason is that there is no other township in Indiana that cares to assume more than its just share of the public burden, as it would with increased valuation. The instructions issued by Assessor Messick mean that for the next six years, at least, the people of Cen-

ter township shall be obliged to pay more than their just share of the burden of taxation. The right kind of a vote on Monday next will place these schemers in such position that they cannot realize on their plan to rob the people. Mr. Frederick Turner, secretary and treasurer of the executive board of the Knights of Labor, objects to the use of the word “arbitration” in connection with the Missouri Pacific troubles. He says “the use of the word 'arbitration' gives to their [the employes’] grievances a magnitude which has misled the public.” This is an official opinion of the merits of the strike which has oroduced so much loss and damage by a head official of the workingmen. The strike is utterly cause less, and deserves unqualified and stem condemnation. Congressman Pulitzer, who has been able to devote but three days of his valuable time to the service for which he was elected, has donated his first year’s salary to a New York hospital for the endowment of a journalists’ bed. How would it do for Senator Jones to emulate this example, and establish a harbor of refuge in some suitable place for Congressmen who are afflicted with the malady from which he now suffers? Charity is akin to love, and such an endowment by Jones would have a peculiar fitness. A Democratic trustee increased the expenses of Center township from $7,000 in 1882 to over $20,000 in 1886. Is any taxpayer stupid enough not to see a c jnnection between this fact and the instructions issued by Assessor Messick? The people, haying quietly submitted to being plundered, the scheme is to be tried again, and a call is made for more money. The more in sight, the easier it will be to get away with it. Extravagance costs the township $20,000 a year now. What will it be next? The release of Henry T. Wright, of Racine, who confessed to having stolen from the postoffice, the ground of his release being that he was convicted of an “infamous” crime and was tried on information, whereas he should have been arraigned on a formal indictment presented by the grand jury, is another of those decisions that disgust honest men with the way the law is made the friend of thieves and criminals in general. No one ever hears of a technicality being used to strengthen justice. Eyery workingman in the City of Indianapolis is interested in the question of taxation. Extravagant officials mean higher taxes [in some way or other. If not in higher rates, in a higher rate of valuation, as now practically proposed by the Democratic assessor. A better way than to increase the burden of taxation would be to reduce the expenses, but this does not seem to have found favor in the eyes of the present officials. The only way to do is to turn them out. This can be done on Monday next.

The debate on the O’Neill arbitration bill is sufficient to make an honest man very tired indeed. But we believe tho principle of the bill to be a just one, and favor it upon the grounds so well and cogently stated by Representative McKinley. We do not think there is a workingman in the country so ignorant as not to know precisely the scope and purpose of the measure. It is, more than all else, a declaration on the part of Congress in favor of the principle of arbitration. A Washington dispatch says of the rumor that Assistant Secretary Fairchild will be promoted to the head of the Treasury, that it is improbable, as Mr. Fairchild does not come up to the President's standard of what a Cabinet officer should be. Judging from two or three of the specimens now in the Cabinet, Mr. Cleveland’s standard cannot be called high, and if the Assistant Secretary does not come up to it, he must necessarily be regarded as a rather poor stick. The Prohibitionists of Springfield, C., have given further proof of their inconsistency by meeting with a lot of Democrats over a saloon to nominate a citizens’ ticket, the avowed purpose being to defeat the Republican nominees. With fanaticism, or dishonesty, like this, it is not to be wondered that the cause of prohibition does not make progress in the North. It never will till these aiders of the saloons are driven from the control of the movement. A call appears elsewhere signed by a number of our prominent merchants for a public meeting, to be held on Wednesday night, the purpose of which is to see what can be done to increase and extend the trade of the city. This is a good move, and should receive the hearty encouragement and support of all the business men and manufacturer* of Indianapolis. Frank Leslie’s Weekly says: “This country is not a mob. Its forces, civil and political, are in the hands of citizens whose interest it is to preserve order and sustain law/’ This is something that should not be forgotten by the demagogue press, the demagogue pulpit and by the demagogues both in and out of Congress. The Mississippi Legislature has just passed a bill appropriating S3O per annum to “every disabled soldier who has lost an arm, or a leg, or his widow.” Thirty dollars may be enough for an arm or a leg; bat there is many a man who will consider that amount no sort of compensation for the loss of a widow, particularly if, as is apt to be the case, his heart is set upon her. Another art sale in New York has resulted in selling eighty pictures for an aggregate of about $40,000, or an average of SSOO. It is probablt

that the erase for “fine” pictures la having the effect of causing susceptible collectors to pay too much for them. Irons, of District 101, is of the stove-pipe variety—very thin and very hollow. Asa friend of the workingman, Mr. Irons is not as true as steel. Rabid transit—going to be treated by Pasteur. COMMENT ASP OPINION. Gould’s millions will not avail him if Powderly’s millions behave themselves. —Philadelphia Record. Pension Commissioner Black draws the largest pension on the rolls. It is for total disa bility, and he earns it. —Philadelphia Inquirer. While Mr. Garland remains in the Cabinet the administration is tainted with a scandal which prevents confidence.—Boston Advertiser. If the Knights of Labor want to reinstate themselves in the confidence of the people they must obey Powderly and overthrow Irons, who is evidently a reckless agitator and not a wise or honest leader of labor. —New York Mail and Express. Mr. Morrison is a good fellow, of plain, blunt common sense and an attractive art in swearing, when he “cusses” the right thing, and the only fault in the man is that the tariff is not his specialty and he thinks it is.—Memphis Avalanche. The men in any country and under any government who now own property far exceed in numbers and strength those who own nothing. It will always be so, and therefore law and order in some form will always prevail.—Denver Republican. We cannot see that the situation has been changed by a long and dreary debate in the Senate, which hAS emphasized the fact that the Democratic party has no sympathy with the personal policy of’ Mr. Cleveland. —Macon Telegraph (Dem.) There is no excuse for the refusal to accept and act upon the facts now established. We know that the Indians can be civilized. We know that to deny them civilization is to doom them to a speedy and miserable extinction. —New York Tribune. The aggregate loss of capital since the first of the year from strikes has been enormous, amounting to many millions of dollars, and that of labor has been only less ruinous. Such a loss is absolute, and the money it represents, once gone, is gone forever.—Philadelphia Telegraph. The ultimate failure of this strike was inevitable from the first, for the simple reason that it was not based upon any defensible ground. But even real grievances can be redressed by more logical means than strikes, and the futility of this foolish device has been shown in a way that ought not to be forgotten.— Philadelphia Times. In these dark days of deep disgruntlement it takes something very funny to upset the gravity of the Hoosier Democrats, but a wild wave of Democratic laughter rolls along the State, from Lake Michigan to the Ohio river, when mention is made in the papers of Edgerton and Oberlv running the cml-servioe machine.—National Republican. It must be confessed that a disclosure of the testimony on which the President acted in the cases cited by Senator Harrison would be edifying to the country, and would relieve himself from an embarrassing responsibility. While it cannot be called for by the Senate as a tight, it would cause no harm to the general interest to make it public.—Boston Herald. The civil-service law gives an equal chance to every competent American citizen to get into place without being indebted to any man’s patronage or favor and solely on his own merit, and it provides that he shall not hold his place by any man’s favor, but by his own deserts, and as long as he does his duty. This is the true American system.—Louisville Commercial. People do not like hypocrisy. They do like the straightforward, manly way. To remove a man on the pretense that he has been faithless to his sworn duty, and send him out into the world with a stain on his character, and then refuse to give the people the charges on which such removal was made, is not the manly way. And that is why the people do not like it, Mr. President —Chicago Mail The work of destruction by riot is quick; the work of restoring employment is slow. In the order of nature all the load of all society rests at last on labor. It has to bear the burden of all calamities and losses of the general wealth. But as if this were not enough, these rioters go at work to directly destroy their own means of employment. And they call this suicide of workmen the war of labor against capital.—Cincinnati Commercial Gazette.

Plotters and schemers may seek to embroil Republican leaders, but they will signally fail, and the effort to thrust in the presidential nomination as a wedge to drive them apart will be impotent The nomination will settle itself when the time comes, and there is no occasion for any premature agitation. The candidate will be determined by the general sentiment of the party as to what selection will be most wise and most sure to bring success.—Philadelphia Press. Asa demonstration of power the strike has proved a failure, and has done the Knights of Labor an injury that it will take a long time to repair. If it has taught them that their strength must depend on the justice of their cause in every case and upon the adoption of methods which have a contant regard for the principles of equity and careful consideration for public and private rights, it may yet be turned to good account The lesson is one that all labor unions should seriously ponder.—New York Times. The absolute edict of the Knights was uttered by those who had not the authority, and was blindly obeyed by the workmen, and thus they were sacrificed. The declaration made by the eeneral executive committee give to workmen ground for the hope that out of this great crime and calamity will grow an organization, discipline, authority and deliberate government of the order of the Knights, which will not allow inconsiderate chiefs of local assemblies to destroy the livelihood of an unnumbered multitude of contented workmen.—Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. There can be no doubt whatever of the soundness of the view of Judge Dillon, that a combination to enforce demands like those made in the West, by the violent means there employed, is a conspiracy for which all concerned are severally liable, both civilly and criminally. This has been constantly maintained by the courts. Chiefjustice Beasley sustained an indictmeut in New Jersey for a combination by several employes merely to notify their employer that, unless he discharged an obnoxious workman, they would quit his employment He said it was seeking a mischievous result by oppressive means. This was going far, and we do not cite it as the general law, but only to point out how plain it must be that a combination to enforce such a demand as is made on the receiver of one road in the hands of a court, by “killing” the engines and captaring the property of another, must subject all concerned to punishment and restitution, If the legal remedies shall be invoked.—Frank Leslie’s Weekly. The great railroad strike in the Southwest is not sustained by public sympathy, because no reasonable ground for it has been stated, and because it attempts not only to assert eba right of employes to decide upon what conditions they will work, but to destroy the similar rights of other employes, and to deprive property-owners of the right to control their property. This is an assault upon social order itself, which could right no wrong, and whieh, unchecked, would involve the country in a common disaster. However intelligent and well-meaning individuals among tjje Knights of Labor may be, the remedy which their conduct in Missouri offers for what they ihold to be wrongs is sheer anarchy. If the’owners of the roads desire to continue to operate them, and if they can find employes who are willing to do the work, it is the duty of the State to protect them in their unquestionable right. The right of the property-owner to control his property, like that of the laborer tc control his labor, is undeniable, and its protection is vested in the state, and not in a voluntary and irresponsible association of citizens.—Harper’s Weekly. Very Complimentary. Martinsville Republican. No paper in the land treated the reoent labor difficulties so ably as the Indianapolis Journal. Its editorials were the epitome of- wisdom and forethought. The Journal, as a newspaper, ranks second to none, and every Indiana Republican should take pride in supporting it

FRIENDS OF THE WORKERS? The House Contiuues the Debate ob O’Neill’s Bill Providing Arbitration. - Mr. Lawler Thinks the Hanging of Jay GoulC Would Bea Blessing, and Mr. O’Neill Says - a Volcano Is Coucealod Somewhere. Mr. Glover Makes Invidious fruiarki About O’Neill’s Base-Ball Standing, The Bill Slightly Amended and Four Section! of It Adopted, the Remainder Going Over for Farther Consideration To-Day. Washington, April 2.— On motion of Mr, O’Neill, of Missouri, private business wasdi& pensefi with—yeas 115, nays 71 —and the Housf went Into committee of the whole—Mr. Spring* er, of Illinois, in the chair—on the labor-arbitra-tion bill, all debate on the first section being limited to thirty minutes. Mr Foran, of Ohio, offered an amendment providing that if on the written proposition oi either party to a controversy to submit the differences to arbitration the other party shall refuse, the party submitting the proposition mas request a judge of a United States District Court to appoint an arbitrator. He regarded the bill in its present shape as an entering wedgs for the enactment of such legislation in future as would crush out organized labor. Through organization, and organization alone, the labor-ing-men of this country could work out thafr salvation. Mr. Dibble, of South Carolina, offered av amendment providing that the Commissioner Labor, on the request of either party to a con* troversy, shall order an Investigation to bo mad* The Bureau of Labor, he said, has been ignored in the great emergency. The purport of h%( amendment was to make the Commissioner o| Labor a factor in gathering this information. Mr. Negley, of Pennsylvania, offered an amendment providing that the board of arbitration shall inquire into the practice of certain railroad companies of maintaining a company system of life insurance to evade the payment of damages for loss of life through negligence or otherwise.

Mr. Phelps, of New Jersey, approved the btiffl Mr. Willis, of Kentucky, expected to vote fofl the bill. Its opponents agreed that it was a < harmless measure, and then proceeded to poutd out the vials of their wrath upon it. They denounced it; they epitheted it; they called it a trojan horse; they called it a fraud and a trick. He believed that the bill had some meat in if, 9 He favored it not because it was harmless, bui because it took a forward step in settling thf* greatest problem of the age. Some legisia* tion was necessary, and the committee on labor had brought in the pending bill. If it needed amendment, let the wisdom of Congress amend it; if it were harmless, let it be passed as a sentimental declaration that Congress felt for the workingmen. This hall had been called the audienoe hail of the Nation. He had seen, all the monopoly of the country here, and wfteqj this organization of the Knights of Labor oame, though their voice be but a whisper, as this bill was, for one, he would listen to it and' A few years ago the tonnage of the rivers and canals and lakes of the country had been 120,* 000,000 tons. To-day four men in the Union held in their grasp and controlled four timet that amount of tonnage. These four men could reduce the wages of 50,000 men. These four men, organized in their own interest, could control an aggregate capital amounting to s|oO,* 009,000. If the laborers organized and asked Congress for the poor privilege of being heard by peaceful arbitration, in the name of justice, in the name of equal rights, let their complaints be heard and. public opinion be invoked. Mr. O’Neill, of Missouri, declared that the Knights of Labor were in favor of arbitration. He stood here appealing for law, for justice and tor right, for to-day the country was almost on the verge of a volcano. People were standing! idle and suffering for food in the West on account of the strike, while constitutional cranks stood quibbling on the floor of the House. He'* appealed to members to stand by the committed on labor, to vote down amendments and to put their heels on that class of men who could suggest nothing, who were mere obstructionists and barnacles on a party, and who ought to have bet* ter sense. The amendments were all voted down, but the first section of the bill was modified in several particulars. The committee then passed to consideration of the second section. Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, moved ‘to strike out so much of the section as gives the board of arbitration the power to administef oaths, subpoena witnesses, etc. He said that the effect of his motion would be to make the bill less objectionable on constitutional grounds. He protested against the passage of the bill, be* lieving that it was a grave and might be a aan-gj gerous mistake. He pleaded for a higher indd** pendence, he pleaded for a nobler manhood, he pleaded for an ampler liberty than that which was found within the lids of a statute book. la the name of labor —for the blessedest thing that ever crowned mankind was tho honest sweat on an honest man’s brow—in the name of labor he protested against this interference with progress, and, deeper than this, he protested against class legislation. There was no labor as a class in this country. Let not Congress make a classify cation. Let It not divide all Americans into capital and labor. Let it not draw a dividing line be*tween fellow-citizens. In the name, therefore, of all laboring men, he protested against this bilL The problem was being solved day by day, and hour by hour. The time was coming when capital and labor wonld find in a participation of , profits the true solution. Let Congress distribute the rights of our civilization equally between labor and capit&L Let it make capital pay it* share. Let taxation be reduced. “There are OOU party tactics in this bill,” he said, in conclusions ' '‘They for whom you seek to legtslate will tuns J to rend you, when they take this bill up anlM find that in the future it will provide means by? which strikes can be made punishable by arrest For voluntary arbitration will give place to in voluntary arbitration. Involuntary arbitration will give place to federal jurisdiction, and fader* al jurisdiction will be held by capital. They will find out that it has been a snare and a shamworse than a sham, because it has been a delusion and disaster. I want to put ou record that 1 stood here for true labor, the manlluess and the dignity of labor, that only asks a fair living chance in the great battle of life, [Applause. ■ Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, ironically suggested! the eloquent words of the gentleman from Kentucky would be received by the laboring men of the country as a salve for all the ills which af-,' flicted them. He believed in the principle of* the bill It conferred no rights or privileges touching arbitration which were not now enjoyed by common carriers and those engaged in their service. It left them where it found t;hem, with the right of voluntary arbitration to settle their differences through a peaceful and orderly tribunal of their own selection. It only undertook to furnish to them the machinery for carryJ ing on that arbitration. Arbitration was tM only way of settling these differences, and that was done by this bill was to give arbi*dß tion a national sanction. He was in favor otilfl bill for what it was. It did not propose to drH impossible thing, and that was one feature IflH liked about it He regretted if it would deceive! anybody. If it was the purpose of any persona to make believe that it was a ourg for all evils, he must disclaim . share in such a purpose, It w*| sa£ft