Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 January 1886 — Page 4

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THE DAILY JOURNAL. BY JXO. O. SEW & SOX. * WASHINGTON OFFICE—SI3 Fourteenth St, P. S. Hkath, Correspondent. SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1886. BATES OF SUBSCRIPTION, TERMS INVARIABLY TIT ADVANCE —POSTAGE PREPAID BY THE PUBLISHERS. THE DAILY JOURNAL. One year, by mail $12.00 One year, by mail, including Sunday 14.00 Six months, by mail 6.00 Six months, by mail, including Sunday 7.00 Three months, by mail 3.00 Three months, by mail, including Sunday..... 3.50 One month, by mail... 1.00 One month, by mail, including Sunday 1.20 Per week, by carrier (in Indianapolis) 25 THE SUNDAY JOURNAL. Per copy 5 cents One year, by mail $2.00 THE INDIANA STATE JOURNAL. (WEEKLY EDITION.) One year SI.OO Less than one year and over three mouths, 10c per month. No subscription taken for less than three months. In clnbs of five or over, agents will tale yearly subscriptions a*. sl, and retain 10 per cent, for their work. Address JNO. C. NEW & SON, Publishers The Journal, Indianapolis, Ind. THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL. Can be found at the following places: lAWDON—American Exch&ngo iu Europe, 44.9 Strand. PARlS—American Exchange in Paris, 35 Boulevard des Capucines. NEW YORK—St. Nicholas and Windsor Hotels. CHICAGO—PaImer House. CINCINNATI—J. R. Hawley & Cos., 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE—O. T. Dearing, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. ST. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot and Southern Hotel. Telephone Calls. Bnsiness Office 238 | Editorial Rooms 242 THE SUNDAY JOURNAL. The Sunday Journal for to-morrow, the 24th instant, will be "a daisy.” We shall print the fourth and concluding part of Mrs. Frances Hodgson Burnett’s story, “Much Ado,” which, by all who hare read it, is pronounced a romance worthy of her high reputation. A confederate officer contributes an interesting sketch of the capture of Holly Springs and the destruction of General Grant’s stores at that place. Kenward Philp contributes a sketch of the “Dives of New York,” which relates a very touching incident of a broken-hearted father. “Garth Grafton," the brilliant writer, whose sketches from New Orleans, Canada and the Bermudas, will be remembered by our readers, sends an account of a visit to Joaquin Miller’s “cabin” at Washington. The second in the “Marriage Ring” series of Dr. Talmage’s sermons will be printed, besides the usual news and miscellany features of the Sunday Journal, with a number of choice, original poems from local Indiana writers. There is no Sunday paper in the country, we venture to say, of a higher or better grade than the Journal, however much more pretentious it may be. All the matter in the Journal is fresh and timely, and of the highest literary grade. We are pleased to know that its circle of readers is constantly enlarging, and that it meets with such universal favor. Advertisers will advantage themselves by sending in copy for their displays at as early an hour as possible; not later than 6 o’clock p. m., if they can.

The doubt, about the ice crop is frozen solid. The orange trees in this belt of timber were all killed before the present cold speH set in. Nobody seems inclined to say “turkey” to 'lreland. Pat will have to reach and help himself. The Chicago tragedy of Thursday could not have been more startling, or of & more sensational character, had it occurred in Paris. America is getting on. The Illinois man who brought a $50,000 damage suit against the Pullman Car Company and got a judgment for $1.30, made a tnistako. He should have sued the porter. What with snow-slides, ice-gorges, cyclones, blizzards, boiler explosions and mine explosions, all of which have made themselves felt this week, humanity doesn’t bid fair to live forever in America. The three Misses Drexel, of Philadelphia, who inherited several million dollars apiece from their father, are about to establish a boys’industrial school near that city. Money could not be put to a better use. The Chicago Times is of opiuion that “all the active politicians in Ohio, of every label, were tarred with the same stick.” We don't know about that, but it is evident enough that all were not oiled with the same oil. It is a trifle cheeky for a man begging for the chartering of a lottery to help him out of a contract that is likely to prove a failure, to go on and propose to form a sea in the African desort. That is what De Lesseps proposes. By the time the government buys the canals, and goes into the general postal telegraph business, it will have things pretty much in its own hands. Then everybody will be in the government employ, and consequently happy. Mr. Matson has had a striking example of what his bill for election of postmasters would bring about, in the features attending the contest at Columbus. There is no more pestilential humbug extant thau the idea of a public election of postmasters. The cigar-makers of New York city, now out on a general strike, are represented as promptly rejecting a proposition made by the manufacturers to submit their differences to arbitration. It is doubtful if they can afford to do this, for it would deprive them of the appearance of wanting only justice. They

claim that they can force the manufacturers to accede to their demands, and it may be they can; but it is doubtful, and it has been shown that every week the strike continues there will be a loss of from $85,000 to $120,000 in wages. This in time would prove a heavy drain upon their resources, as the $5 a week allowed them by the union will be upon the members of the union, amounting, as it will, to from $35,000 to $50,000 a week. It is the part of wisdom and justice to take up with an honorable proposition looking to an amicable and just settlement of this difficulty.

THE LABOR OUTLOOK. The labor outlook is “alarming.” It generally is at this season of the year. There is always to be a general strike “next June,” but the next June does not materialize it, and the great army of laborers goes on in its appointed way, with strikes here and there, as the interests of the working men seem to demand. The usual reports of a general strike in the uncertain future are again in circulation. Between the professional alarmists and such as are easily frightened by the gasconade of a few blowhards that couldn't give their mouth a rest if they wanted to, a very unhappy picture has been kept before the American public. There is nothing in the business or manufacturing situation to justify any such gloomy prognostications. Such mining troubles as have not been fixed up are in fair way pf adjustment, to the satisfaction of all concerned. This leaves the strike of the New York cigar-makers the only considerable misunderstanding or disagreement to be reconciled. The fact that some 10,000 men are thrown out of employment thereby is greatly to be regretted, and the general hope is that they may soon again find profitable employment at their old places. Those in the wrong, the manufacturers or the employes, as the case may be, should be quick to discover it and to make fair concessions. A spirit of fair play should actuate all concerned, and neither party should fail to recognize the rights and interests of the other. If either side approach the other in this spirit, it is morally certain to bring about an adjustment to the satisfaction of both. It won’t do to jump at the conclusion that the action of either is arbitrary and without show of reason. The work of those upon whom devolves the business of reconciling the interests of the two parties to the trouble should be to discover, if possible, the atom of injustice that has caused the friction and consequent stoppage of the machinery. This done, and the proper and manly acknowledgment made, and the difficulty is solved, the strike at an end. But while these few th ousands—though that many too many—are out on a strike, the hundreds of thousands in other branches of industry are at work, and are likely to keep at work. There will always be a few mal contents, just as there are in the professions, who predict direful things to come, and it is from the idle talk of such as these that the pessimistic cry of “Trouble just ahead” always comes. There hasn’t been a winter in the last ten that self-constituted agitators have not threatened an industrial revolution “next summer.” Such men are always dissatisfied—they couldn’t be happy unless they were. They are the Mrs. Gummidges of the industrial world. Their more sensible fellows could get along infinitely better without them; but since the crop never seems to fail and they cannot be gotten rid of, they are charitably tolerated with as much patience and forbearance as can be summoned. It is a safe rule to trust the people. Workingmen, like others, are liable to mistakes. They have made some in the past and will doubtless make some in the future. There is assurance in the reflection that the typical American workingman is not a nihilist, not a communist, nor unreasonable. The great body of them have the correct idea of supply and demand; they know that employes can do some things and cannot do others. They recognize the fact that the man who invests his money and talents in any enterprise is entitled to a fair return for them—he must be allowed a profit. We do not believe that any real woikingman cares to question this. Where violence has resulted from strikes in the past it may be found in all, or nearly all, cases that it was the work of men who were not real workers, or who were possessed of brutal instincts. This has been the origin of trouble in every instance. Strikes are valuable only to enforce just demands. When these are exceeded strikes will fail every time. There are certain laws of manufacture and trade that are immutable. If all the workingmen in the world were to strike against them they could not be altered. And whenever, through error of judgment, one of these laws is run contrary to by dissatisfied employes, that movement is bound to fail, however formidable it may be. Increasing intelligence is making plain these things, and It will be found, we think, that labor and capital will work together with a better understanding as the years go by. It is the duty of organized labor to discountenance all violence, such as is now threatened in Pennsylvania. The mob must be put down every time. The people of this country have the laws in their own hands. It is in their power to make them what they should be, and that by peaceable means. The very first act of violence is a confession of the weakness of the cause it is intended to support. The great mass of American workingmen know this so well that they need no argument to convince them of the folly and wickedness of threatening life and property unless their every demand be complied with. There will be no general strike uext summer, for the very good reason

v ■' V- v ' * •' * ' i.iV. ■ - ■; • • g THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1886.

that there exists no excuse for such a movement. The hundreds of thousands of men profitably employed would not be foolish enough to go into such a wild scheme, realizing, as they do, that it would work irreparable harm to all concerned.

THE ELECTORAL VOTE. We believe Senator Sherman’s proposition respecting the counting of the electoral vote to be repugnant to the Constitution and to the genius of the government, as are very many of the propositions looking to a change in the method of electing a President and Vice-president. Without attempting any elaborate statement of the constitutional grounds, it is enough to say that the President is the President of the United States, and that the States vote for him. It is the voice of the State that is to be beard, in which voice the people have a representative relation in accordance with their number, as expressed by the extent of their representation in the lower house of Congress. But in the scheme of the electoral vote there are two votes each State casts as States, and which are not affected by the number of their population nor their territorial extent, and these two votes correspond to and represent the Senate of the United States. If, in any event, the election of a President is thrown into the House of Representatives, each State has but one vote, to be cast in accordance with the majority of its representatives in the lower house, and in no event can the House of Representatives vote upon the question of the presidency per capita. We believe that scheme which will more perfectly preserve the equality of th® States, give to the States the most perfect and complete control of their electoral votes, and which will take Congress, either as separate houses or as a joint convention, the furthest possible distance from any control over the election of a President, is the scheme most nearly akin to the spirit and purpose of the Constitution, and one that can be worked with the least jar and friction.

It is a matter of the supremest importance and delicacy to deprive anj State of its vote for President and Vice-president. Such an extraordinary step should not be taken by Congress in joint convention, where the majority of one house, that may be in existence by reason of some temporary wave of popular feeling, could alsolutely and greedily swallow up the other branch of Congress, whose constitution has been so wisely arranged as to provide one of the checks and balances so essential to the orderly and safe workings of a popular government. Mr. Sherman’s proposition destroys statehood as represented in the Senate, and merges the Senate in a conglomerate body, where, by one vote in 400, a heated and partisan majority may throttle a State and deprive it of its vote for President. It requires the separate and concurrent action of both houses of Congress to pass a law. Shall it require a less solemn and considerate action to disfranchise a State? The proposition of Mr. Sherman seems to us to be fraught with danger, and not to tend toward a rectification of the troubles now attending the counting of the electoral vote.

The Maud Miller scandal will not down. The daughter of the poet reached New York in due course of time, and in an interview unqualifiedly sustains all that has been said in criticism of her father. She alleges that she had been so mistreated for years that life with him had become intolerable. She explains that when he “sent her to Europe” she went as a servant, and had but S2O from her father, and that all subsequent appeals have been unheeded. Her marriage to young Mackaye was an unfortunate and peculiar one, “he never having contributed a cent to her support” since. The girl goes on with much more of such stuff at the expense of her father and husband. It does not appear to her that she is allowing her tongue to publish her own shame, and it is pretty evident that this is a case of a heedless, wayward girl, with no positively vicious habits, and au eccentric, ill-tempered father. It were better for them both and their good name that the gossip stop, and they alone can put an end to it. As might have been expected, the introduction in the Indianapolis Council of a resolution to expel any member who might appear in his seat intoxicated, has been misunderstood, and only the repeal of this blunder is in circulation. That is, the papers at large are publishing that the Council refused to adopt such a rule. The admission of such a motion was a blunder, and it should never have been listened to. In case any member had offended so grossly the proprieties of the honorable office, a motion to expel would have been imperative. There is no excuse for a standing rule to that effect. The Malay islanders are described as so exceedingly high-toned that it is an insult to ask the poorest of them to sell anything. “They will, however,” says one who has visited them, “lay their greatest treasures at your feet as a gift with the loftiest Oriental eloquence, and beg pathetically for a present in return, but they never soil their hands or names with commercial transactions.” There seems to be a striking family resemblance between the Malays and the Democratic members of the Ohio Legislature. Senator Payne recognized it a year or more ago. “President” Tilden’s message has received prompt and respectful attention. The Army Fortifications Board, of which Secretary Endioott is chairman, has prepared a report, soon to be submitted to Congress, which puts the amount necessary to be spent next year on

fortifications at $21,000,000, and the whole amount desired for coast defenses at $126,000,000. The board ingen noosly remarks that it doesn’t expect to get this sum; but it should not be discouraged so early in the fray. Mr. Tilden may see fit to issue another message to reluctant congressmen that will bring them into line with his administration. It might be well in the interval, however, for the fortifications board to consult with the tariff committee and see to it that the revenues are not cut down to an extent that might interfere with the proposed disbursements. The female suffragists who are making such vociferous protests against the disfranchisement of the women of Utah would appear before the country in a more agreeable light if they would direct their energies and attentions to some more glaring instances of “woman’s wrongs.” Or, if they must talk about their down-trodden sisters in Mormondom, let them demand that the men of that Territory be put on an equal footing with the women by being disfranchised, also—not that the privilege be restored to the women. The New York Sun returns to the “defense” of Secretary Whitney by personally abusing and attempting to ridicule such as have the temerity to stand up for the interests of America’s great ship-buildors, driven into bankruptcy by a hostile administration. If the Sun is determined to escape in a cuttlefish cloud of irrelevant questions, there is no reason for further attempt at a fair and honorable discussion of the real issue. They do these things differently in New York. The Clerk of the New York Assembly, upon the adjournment of the House, publicly announced that'he had a number of passes over the Delaware & Hudson railroad, and would give them to members who had not yet received any. The practice of “deadheading” legislators should be killed, if possible, by legal enactment; but if it must obtain, better in this open way than surreptitiously. What has become of the boasted push and enterprise of New York city? The grandest opportunity of a lifetime to display its patriotism and appreciation of a high honor is being thrown away, to the scandal of the entire country. And now the completion of the railway tunnel under the Mersey, at Liverpool, recalls the fact that a similar enterprise attempted by New York has been indefinitely abandoned when half done. New York justice occasionally makes itself felt, though sometimes it is slow about it. Three years ago last November James A. Brown was assassinated in a saloon in that city. The assassin was recognized at the time, but fear of personal harm from him or his bummer friends prevented his being betrayed. But at last the truth came out, and George Ogle, the guilty man, has been sentenced to prison for life.

“Billy” Porter, the burglar, recently captured after a sojourn in Europe, seems to be a man of considerable talent. In several ventures of the kind he made a business of he and his pals secured some SIOO,OOO, all told. Instead of dissipating it in gambling and riotous liviug, ho went to Europe, deposited a good share of it there, and still has SIO,OOO to his credit in New York banks. The Queen’s presence, and the mediaeval flummery with which she opened Parliament were intended as a public mark of respect and sympathy with the Conservative party, and with the government of the Marquis of Salisbury. However, it will not count for so much as the Queen thinks. Pursuivants, and black rods, and armor bearers, and the like, cannot prevent the spread of ideas. The Attica Ledger makes unqualified denial of the report that the murderer Rheinhardt was threatened with lynching. The people were greatly shocked and highly indignant, but were content to abide by the law and its methods, and do not favor mob rule. There haft been a recent change in the Japanese government. The party going into power promises great reforms, which promises are laughed at by a skeptical and scornful people. This seoms to indicate that it is the Democratic party which is assuming the reins. William M. Tobin, of Baltimore, was a jolly dog, full of fun and not averse to playing practical jokes. He made a bet with John Hause that he (Hause) would be arrested before night for the larceny of the horse and wagon (his own) that he was driving. After Hause left he telegranhed to police headquarters, giving a description of the man, the wagon and horse, and offered a reward of SSO for his arrest A policeman soon had the man in charge, when Tobin explained the “joke.” The officer, not being a funny man, failed to appreciate it, and brought suit for the reward. The court decided that Tobin must pay it, and $24 costs besides—a total of $74, “just for fun.” The courage of confederate Colonel Bates greatly exceeded his caution when he married a lady at Conshohocken, Pa. The marriage in itself was nothing to be afraid of, but the fact that he still had a wife on hands should have taught him discretion. Mrs. Bates, of the first part, appeared on the scene, and the doughty Colonel fled. Another man who was blighted by an unfortunate love affair forty years ago, has just died in a cave in Pennsylvania, to which he retired at that time. A hole in the ground seems to have great attractions to men suffering with blight, and Pennsylvania ia full of them. A congressman's daughter, “who goes everywhere and never wears the same dress twice,” has made her appearance in Washington society, where ahe dazzles all beholders with the magnifi-

cence of her gowtil and the brilliancy of her diamonds. This, as has been remarked before on one or two occasions, is the beginning of that era of "Jeffersonian simplicity” for which the Democratic heart long has y earned. If the Rer. Mr. Haweis should return to Boston he would not be received with the same effusive cordiality as on his first visit Since his departure he has mentioned Dr. Holmes as the author of a poem called “Dorothy Cue,” thus at one stroke of the pen displaying his unfamiliarity with the poem and his ignorance of ‘‘early settler,” Dorothy Quincy. It was a great day for the boy who got kicked by a horse when the Queen was passing by. It stopped the great procession. If this does not incite more boys to be kicked it will be because boys are not boys in Great Britain. A bank clerk in Westfield, Mass., has ridden 5,056 miles on his bicycle during the last six months. The claim will be disputed. It is not more than a tenth of that distance to Canada. COMMENT AND OPINION. It is a safe mle to estimate the value of a session of Congress by the number of bills that don’t pass.—National Republican. We predict a brilliant parliamentary career for Peter Esselment, the new member of the House of Commons for Aberdeen. He has an American wife. —Minneapolis Tribune. The trouble with General Wallace is that he has wailed too long for his self-vindication. But for the needless interference of General Boynton he would have this controversy all to himself.—Philadelphia Record. The President denies, what nobody ever suspected, that he is about to “back down” on the silver question. No one wants him to back down. He is simply expected to believe that other people have as much respect for their opinions as he has for his. That is all.—Atlanta Constitution. Some faint glimmering of the situation seems to have penetrated the serene obtuseness of the President, but it will need more skill and sagacity than ho has as yet giveu evidence of possessing to extricate his party from the muddie into which it has been allowed to drift.—Philadelphia Press. Bismarck and the Czar appear to be reconstructing the civilization of their countries on a Chinese basis. The sluggish Russian.population may possibly accept a barbarian policy, but such despotic proceedings ought to arouse the educated Germans to a vigorous and organized protest.—St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The civil service pretensions made before the election, and still maintained, after a fashion, create just the opposite presumption, and put upon the Senate an obligation which might not have arisen at all. except in exceptional cases, had it not been for this unwarrantable assumption of “reform.”—Chicago Inter Ocean. A law of Congress to prevent “rate cutting” by enforcing arbitration is needful for public security aeainst disturbances in railroad transportations, which put millions of business men and hundreds of thousands of railroad share and bondholders at the mercy of speculators who play with “marked cards.” —New York Herald. .It is not believed that there is any considerable number of persons, fairly entitled to recognition in the pension lists, for whom ample provision has not already been made, aud it is nu deniable that most of the pension bills now pending in Congress are mere schemes for depleting the National Treasury, to whose intended beneficiaries the government is no wise under obligations. Judge Reagan is right. It is time to call a halt.—Chicago Times. If the drinking habit is a bad habit, what better can we do towards repressing it than to make it costly alike to seller aud buyer? Experience has demonstrated that if we try to prohibit it we only drive it into secrecy—from the open saloon to the private dwelling Why not give the high-license system a trial in Pennsylvania? —Pittsburg Chronicle. Pennsylvanians have a most obstinate way of voting almost unanimously for Republican principles and candidates, and we rather suspect there is no cure for their obstinacy except that of shutting up all the school-houses and drowning all the schoolmasters, for when education obtains as generally as it does in this State. Democracy really has a very poor chance to secure victories at the polls. Republicanism is intelligence; Democracy is the other thing.—Philadelphia Inquirer. “The miserable game of party advantage” is essential to a free government and a republican system of administering public affairs. Those who most despise it and denounce it, must be those who, at heart, despise and hate republican government, aud wish to see some other sort of government established in its place. Such a government exists in Russia, and such a government is believed to exist in sheol. In these regions “the miserable game of party advantage” is never played.—New York Sun. Boycotting Is so new a device in this country that those pursuing it have as yet not been prosecuted for it. But should it go on increasing at last year’s ratio it will not be long before our Legislatures will be compelled to enact special laws defining and punishing it It is not only a dangerously formidable weapon in the hands of men thoroughly sincere, but it is capable of being turned and twisted by unscrupulous, dishonest agitators and knaves against the most unoffending victims.—Philadelphia Teiegraph. The successful resumption of specie payments. and the refunding of the public debt at a reduced rate of interest, are monuments to the honor of Secretary Sherman as enduring as the public credit whose foundations he built on the indestructible rocks of honesty and good faith. The fitness and availability of such an eminent firitncier and practical statesman for the Presidency will now probably engage the attention of the politicians still more keenly than in the last two national campaigns.—Prank Leslie's Weekly. We are now suffering from it an extreme of depression in certain Hues which is hardiv paralleled in the modern history of the country. The solution of the problem ought to be made one of the main objective points in our silver legislation: and there is at least one guiding light that we may trust with entire safety, namely, that as to this important particular of international trade the present arrangement of thines is precisely that which produces a maximum amount of harm and mischief.—Louisville Cour-ier-Journal.

The only difficulty in the way of Dakota is the fact that a majority of its voters, as shown in recent elections, are Repuolican, while one branch of Congress, which has their application to act upon, is Democratic. Its admission would add two to the Republican majority in the Senate, and decrease the Democratic majority in the House by two. This fact makes no difference with the right of its people to a State government, but it makes a very serious difference with their chance of getting that right recognized.—New York Times. A man may contract for payment in any coin or any legitimate commodity that he pleases. The government itself issues gold certificates, payable only in gold, and receives for customs dues nothing but gold. Os course, it would be possible to change the legislation in these last two respects; but it would not be possible, because it would not be constitutional, to limit the right of private contract. It is just such Bcatterbraiued dabblers in finance as Van Wyck who make half the business troubles from which this country suffers.—New York Sun. Ip a Territory has a reasonably adequate population, and its settlement has taken the permanent forms of American society, if it is evidently a stable community and not for some sudden and temporary reason a mere encampment of settlers, if the expression of its desire to become a State is an honest expression of free public sentiment, and the only objection really is that it is not as large as some other communities, and the division of the Territory, if it is to be divided, is the evident general desire—there is no sound objection to its admission.—Harper's Weekly. —— An Inside Passenger, Chicago Rambler. What a touching sight it was to see the deaf little mugwump lamb lie confidingly beside the rapacious Democratic lionl The lion knew his business. He was as kind and condescending as could be until he got the lamb just where he wanted him. The lion is feeling quite lively aud healthy now; bat the lamb ia aweary. He is traveling aa an inside passenger.

A WARM POLITICAL DEBATE. The House Naval Committee Proposes Extension of the Norfolk Inquiry, And a Hot Political Discussion Follows, Messrs. Boutelie and Wise Speaking in Behalf of the Great Parties. * ll* Ex-Union Soldiers Are To Be Pen* sioned Ex-Rebels Must Have Office, The Virginia Champion of Treason Warmlj and Enthusiastically Congratulated by Numbers of Northern Democrats. POLITICS IN THE HOUSE. An Acrimonious Debate Over the Propose# Norfolk Inquiry. Special to the Indianapolis Journal. Washington, Jan. 22.—There was an extremely exciting contest in the House, to-day, over the passage of a resolution introduced a few days ago in relation to the discharge of exUnion soldiers from the Norfolk navy-yard and the appointment of ex-confederates in their places, and the obliteration of inscriptions commemorative of certain events of the Rebellion. The resolution was one of inquiry, directed to the Secretary of the Navy, and caused an angry discussion in the committee on naval affairs, to whom it was referred. Finally the committee decided to report the resolution, with an amendment looking to the enlargement of the inquiry so as to include acts of the last administration in connection with the Norfolk light-honse district In calling up the^ 1 resolution today, Mr. Herbert, chairman of the committee, demanded the previous question. This was resisted by the Republicans, who wanted time for discussion, and Mr. Herbert insisting upon his motion, the Republicans do dined to vote, thus leaving the House without a quorum. A call of the House showed only twelve members absent without permission. After two hours’ filibustering and wrangling, consideration of the resolution was resumed, and the previous question was ordered. This gave but fifteen minutes for debate to each sida. Mr. Boutelie, of Maine, made a speech, in which he reiterated the charges contained in his resolutions. Referring to the erection of memorials to commemorate the prowess of confederate soldiers, he said that when the time came to remove and obliterate the memorials of the rebellion, the work of obliteration should not begin with those erected to honor the men who had fought to preserve the Union. He also dwelt with force aud effect upon the discharge of Union soldiers to make room for confederate soldiers, and mentioned the master machinist and others who had been thus removed at Norfolk. Mr. Boutelie’* remarks were frequently applauded by the Republican side. Mr. Wise, of Virginia, a fractious ex-confeder* ate officer, responded to Mr. Boutelie in a speech of great vigor aud earnestness, which was received with even greater demonstrations of approval by his political associates than were given Mr. Boutelie. Mr. Wise denied the allegations of the resolution; no inscription had been removed, and no man had been discharged because he had been a Union soldier. Mr. Wise’s reference to Charles Sumner’s action in moving to erase from the regimental standards of the army the names of the battles of the Rebellion, and General Grant’s invocation for peace when dying at Mt. McGregor, were specially pleasing to the Democrats. Upon the conclusion of Mr. Wise’s remarks the resolution was passed. Notwithstanding Mr. Wise's vigorous denial, it is susceptible of proof that the charges made in the resolution are true. Every one of the large number of men removed rendered the government signal service during the Rebellion, and their appointment to places in the Norfolk navy-yard was on account of these services. Mr. Wise alleged that no inscriptions upon guns captured during the war had been removed. There is no charge that inscriptions were removed from guns; but an inscription was on the engine used to work the dry-dock, and that inscription was in these words: “Destroye! by the rebels in 1862; rebuilt by the United States government in 1863;” and that inscription was removed. No matter where the inscription was placed, its removal was an act of desecration which will not be overlooked by those whose efforts maintained the honor and integrity of the government Mr Wise did not call the roll of those dismissed, al though it was within his reach, but contented himself with making a general denial at a time when he knew no answer could be made. The answer wLich will come from the Navy Department will establish the truth of the charges that an honorable war inscription, which had stood for twenty-three years, was removed, and that a large number of ex-Union soldiers were also removed aud their places filled by men who fought to overthrow the government.

DETAILS OP THE DEBATE. What Was Said by the Champion of the Union and the Defender of Treason. To the Western Associated Press. Washington, Jan. 22. — Mr. Herbert, of Alabama. from the committee on naval affairs, reported back the Boutelle resolution calling on the Secretary of the Navy for information relative to the alleged erasures of certain inscriptions and the dismissal of Union soldiers at tho Norfolk navy-yard, with an amendment extending the inquiry to dismissals made at the navyyard and light house district at Norfolk during the terms of tho immediate predecessors of the present Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Herbert stated that the resolution was substantially the same as that originally offered by Mr. Boutelle, except that it was somewhat broader. He demanded the previous question. The Republicans resisted this, but were outvoted—B7 to 84. Tellers were ordered. The body of the Republicans refrained from voting, and upon the announcement of the result—lll to 70—Mr. Perkins, of Kansas, raised the point of order that no quorum had voted. “It is evident, then,” said Mr. Herbert, “that gentlemen do not waut their own interrogations answered. I withdraw the report” [Applause on the Democratic side.] Mr. Boutelle*— lf I may do so, I object to tho withdrawal of the report Mr. Reed—The report is being acted upon and cannot be withdrawn. The Speaker held that as the report was made to the House by order of a committee it could not be withdrawn without leave of the House. Mr. Reed—l suggest that the gentlemen from Alabama allow amendments to be offered by my colleague. Mr. Herbert—l have no instructions to fellow an} amendments. Mr. Reed—The gentleman can allow amendments to be offered. Mr. Herbert —l decline to fellow any to fee