Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 October 1885 — Page 3

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THE DAILY JOURNAL. BY JNO. C. NEW A SOX. WASHINGTON OFFICE—SI3 Fourteenth SU P. S. Heath, Correspondent. TUESDAY, OCTOBER 6, 18S5. THE INUIANAPOLIS JOUBNAL Can be found at the following places: LONDON—American Exchange in Europe, 449 Strand. PARlS—American Exchange in Paris, 35 Boulevard des Capuciuea. NEW YORK—St. Nicholas and Windsor Hotels. CHICAGO—PaImer House. CINCINNATI-J. R. Hawley & Cos.. 154 Vine street LOUISVTLT.E—O. T. Bearing, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. ST. I/OUTS—Union News Company, Union Depot and Southern Hotel. Telephone Calls. Easiness Office 238 | Editorial Rooms 242 REPUBLICAN CITY TICKET. Flection; Tuesday, October 13, 1885. For Mayor—CALEB S. DENNY. For CIerk—GEORGE T. BREUNIG. The Platform. The Republicans of Indianaooiis accept the issue made in the platform and nominations of the Democratic city convention, and in the pending canvass and approaching election invite the co-operation and support, not only of the members of their own party, 2mt of all citizens, of whatever political affiliations, who favor— First—The enforcement of law in the interest of public order and forth? preservation of private rights. Second —The strictest economy in the administration of the affairs of the city government within the revenue raised from the present rate of taxation, and of the refunding of the existing city debt at a lower rate of interest. Third-The levy of a tax of SIOO per year upon wch saloon in the city, the proceeds whereof shall bo placed in the general fund of the city treasury. Fourth—The overthrow of the arrogant domination f the Liquor League in the politics of the city and State. Fifth—A rebuke to the Democratic officers of State who have prostituted the metropolitan police system to the barest partisan onds, whereby the city's good name has beon scandalized, its peace and good order imperiled, and the efforts of honorable public officers to vindicate the law paralyzed. *1 want to say, in the first place, that I plant myself squarely, flat-footed, with both feet upon the platform you have adopted.’ —Mb. Denny’s Acceptance Speech. An ounce of work now in behalf of good government is worth a pound a month hence. A week’s work now for law and order will be worth six weeks’ campaigning in case the enemy of good government should be allowed Ao succeed. ■■ 1 11 iot—a— mmaamncammk In event of the election of Air. Cottrell, “Sim’’ Coy, former owner of the Stuckey clubhouse, recently “pulled” for gamblers, would be the real mayor. Indianapolis would be in bis hands. ___________ If England has really seized Herat in a bus-iness-like way it ought to arouse British enthusiasm to the highest pitch. The man reeponsible for the Soudan fiasco is not at the bead of the English government. Mr. Beecher is a Democrat “so far as Grover Cleveland is concerned,” and to prove 4t he is going to vote for Davenport. The effort to understand and appreciate this -unique way of displaying loyalty is slowly driving the Democrats of New York to imbecility.

In return for the morally-tainted immigrants who have come to them from tho American side of the border, Canada is scattering the smallpox infection about the States, Several cases of the disease, brought direct from Montreal, have been discovered in New York and New England. The Liquor League was never before arrogant enough to boldly challenge a contest at the polls, the issue being law or no law. If it should win one fight, it would by that much be the harder to defeat next time. Once let it get a good grip on the city and it will be next to impossible to beat it off and restore law and order. The appearance of smallpox in New York city on the approach of winter is a serious thing. The health authorities cannot move too energetically in their measures for its extinction. It is hardly to be expected, though, that the dreadful experience of Montreal will be repeated. The ignorance and prejudice of the Canadian city will not have to be contended with. Mr. Dorman B. Eaton tells a New York reporter that he thinks the Republican State ticket a strong one, and that it will win. If jit were not known that Mr. Eaton’s resignation as Civil-service Commissioner had been handed in and accepted, there would be an instant demand on the part of Democratic “reformers” that he step down and out after expressing this offensively partisan opinion. Mr. VILAS is of the opinion that the best sense of the country does demand special deliveries of mail on Sundays. Mr. Vilas could properly go further, and say that there was no overwhelming public demand for special deliveries on any day of the week. The able legislators who tinkercd/vitli the postal law last year did not add this new feature because of a felt want for it among their constituents. Gen. PITZHUOH Lee, in his canvass for Governor of Virginia, thanks God that whitewinged peace broods over the land; that he is an apostle of peace, not of war; that he carries the stars and stripes, and not the bloody shirt; and, finally, that the question of secession has been forever settled. All of this talk has a ▼ery ancient and fish-like smell. The stars and stripes are in General Lee’s hand, and secession is out of his head and heart only be-

cause the issue of war was against him and his friends. It took a long while to get General Lee to make such a concession; but we are willing to give him all due credit for his professions, only hoping that his acts may tally therewith. Let us not wander from the question of to-day, however. The issue of this canvass has nothing to do with bloody shirt nor secession. Will the Democrats of Virginia consent to a free and fair election, without committing or threatening to commit outrages like that at Danville less than two years ago? LAW AND LIQUOB. The position in which the city Democracy has put itself by supporting the lawlessness of the Liquor League, and adopting as its representative and candidate an officer whose only distinction is his acquiescence in the defiance of law asserted by the traffic in drunkenness, is one that the organs begin to find it painful to keep and impossible to escape. They pay that their platform declares “the party in favor of law and ordor now, as it has always been.” Precisely “as it has been;” for there has been no time since the inauguration of the new police system that the party, in the main, has not been the supporter of the policy of winking at the violation of the Sunday law and the regulation of the hours of liquor-selling. The declaration is no lie, in so far as it affirms the consistency of the present attitude of the party *vith the past. It is against law and order now, and has been. There have been respectable and honorable Democrats, and there are now not a few who do not believe in giving special privileges in violating the law to a class of business that does more mischief and makes more expense to the community than all others put together; but these sensible and honorable men have no more control of the present line of action of the party and the issues made in the present city contest than they have of the land issue in Ireland. The Liquor League is master, and has made the city contest on a line of battle to suit its own scheme of strategy. And thus it comes that the fight is between law and lawlessness, and the Democratic organs are galled by the knowledge which they can’t conceal, and the exposures that they can’t suppress.

They would like very much to make it appear that the contest is on the usual assertions of “economy,” and “low taxation,” and “honest administration,” but they can’t do it. The issue can’t be forced out of its natural form into any adjustment to party necessities. The master power in the Democracy to-day sustained the lawlessness of saloons as long as the police board was so constituted as to leave a light hand on it. When a change came, the only resistance came from the man that this same liquor power has adopted as its representative. Ho wanted tho sale of liquor to go on as before, breaking the law with impunity, and laughing at the remonstrances of those who hoped for peace and sobriety one day in the week, under legal restraint. Behind him stood this same lawless power, holding up his hands, and exclaiming against the injustice of suppressing the traffic in drunkenness and crime, and leaving so many occupations unrestrained. “What folly,” said one of the organs, “to talk of enforcing the laws when so many laws are not enforced at all.” As if liquor, an outlaw in all civilized lands, and held under special restraints, were as harmless as soap or flour. The plea was to let liquor be lawless with impunity, or relieve it of the restrictions that made it lawless. The one man whose official position gave him some influence in carrying out this policy used it to encourage the offense, and his reward is Iris nomination by this same liquor power for the highest office in the city. What is common sense to make of such action, in such conditions, but a fair and square issue between those who want the law obeyed and those who are determined that it shall be defied? No clamor of party organs or sophistry of cautious managers can change that issue. It is fixed by the history of tho city for two years, by the consistent and unchanging conduct of both parties to it, and it will be fought out at the polls in just that form, and no other. THE LIQUOR LEAGUE IN POLITICS. For centuries the fuble of the viper that stung the benevolent bucolic, who had taken it to his bosom almost dead of cold, has been held up as an illustration of the meanest kind of ingratitude. It teaches that; but it teaches much more than that. Its most valuable lesson is that a viper is a viper always, and is true to its instincts, regardless of favors shown or to be expected, and that the only proper treatment of the venomous beast is to let it alone if frozen, or kill it on sight. Now, the system of “boycotting,” which the rum power has to perfection, strikes all alike. Two years ago, when Mr. Cleveland was elected Governor of New York by 193,000 plurality, the liquor-sellers boycotted the Democratic candidate for Secretary of State, and defeated him, because, when a member of the Legislature, he had given a vote on some measure affecting the liquor traffic that was not just to the liking of the lords of the toddy stick. It is a very grave matter for men of all parties to consider whether it is safe to nurture in the bosoms of our American institutions so un-American a viper as a traffic that thus stings to death its benefactors on the least provocation. Must the first question to be settled before the naming of a candidate be, How will he please the Liquor League? We are sure that if the Methodist Church, or the Baptist Church, or the railroad interest, or the iron interest, or the Odd fellows, or the Masons, should put forth suoh an edict, and

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1885.

act upon it, there would be an ignoring of all party lines until the party whose managers bowed servilely to such demands, and became the political machinery through which the arrogant and presumptuous organization sought to obtain its ends, was utterly and forever overthrown. We are not ready to let the Methodists, as such, or the railroad interest, as such, or the Masonic order, as such, run this country in its special interest. Why should we consent to let the Liquor League? It has captured the machinery of the Democratic party in this city, and is running that party. It demands a freedom from taxation and restraint to-day that it dared not ask ten years ago, and it finds a party that is ready to promise it. Whether the goods can be delivered will be seen at the forthcoming election. If they succeed at this election, they will take equally advance ground ten years hence, and demand new concessions, unless, by that time, there be no more worlds to conquer. The New York Star, which scintillates with purest civil-service reform serene, holds Democracy to the record, and recalls the unpleasant fact that as far back as 1876, in an unguarded moment of “reform” for election purposes, the national Democratic convention adopted a plank which embodied exactly the idea that Democracy would like to dishonor. This plank, the Star shows, was “carefully prepared in New York more than two weeks before the meeting of the convention, under the direction of Samuel J. Tildeq; it was presented to the committee on resolutions by Mr. Tilden’s personal representative; it was accepted by the committee without changes; when read to the convention, it was received with rapturous applause, and it was adopted without one word of dissent.” This is simply murder in the first degree to Democratic hopes and desires. Just think of the Star, started to expound Democracy uudefiled, drawing such a weapon as this, picked up from the Democratic platform of 1876: “Reform is necessaty in the civil service. Experience proves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at tho ballot-box, be brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the instrument of their ambition.” No* Republican paper has been mean enough to use this sand-bag upon the importunate who objurgate in vain that the idea of civilservice reform was ever born, and who will not be comforted until it i3 safely buried beyond the hope of resurrection. We have so far heard of no organized effort that Indianapolis is making for its manufacturing interests at the Now Orleans exposition this winter. Reports from New Orleans show that the principal cities of most States are making independent collective exhibits outside of their contributions to their State collections. Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, Kansas City, Memphis, Nashville, Chicago, Boston, New York, and, in fact, all important manufacturing centers have applied for and been assigned independent space. Chicago secured 40,000 square feet. As soon as Boston learned of it, their live men telegraphed President S. B. McConnico that the Hub wanted the same, and would rival Chicago. In addition to Chicago’s space, Pullman has 15,000 square feet, which will be occupied by twenty of their cars, and Chicago claims this as hers also. South Bend, Michigan City, Connersville, and many other of our towns are pi*ocuring space in the State’s exhibit through their manufacturers’ individual efforts. Indianapolis manufacturing firms outnumber and have more invested than some of the cities above named in other States, and their product is such that all but a small per cent, must look for a market outside of the city and State, and the opportunity offered here should not be neglected.

It will be conceded that at the election to be held in Indianapolis one week from to-day there are some Republicans who will vote for government by the saloons, and for the saloons. But such Republicans will be more than offset by those Democrats who are not in favor of saloon government, and who will vote against it. The present contest is not in any true sense political, as between Republicans and Democrats. Rather is it a contest between the bummer element on one side and decent and law-abiding citizens on tho other. This being the case, the bummer element will be buried out of sight if only decent citizens of all parties do their duty. Make a note of this. Judge Norton’s instructions to the grand jury to investigate the township order frauds are timely. It is to be regretted that Trustee Kitz did not see fit to secure the arrest of the man who accuses him of having overissued orders and of having morally perjured himself in sweai’ing that the orders had been forged. These were charges that few men would care to have standing against them, and especially an official. But now that the grand jury have had their attention directed to the matter, it is hoped that a thorough investigation will be had, and the guilty party, whoever hg may be, properly punished. . The movement in favor of the best possible government, now so generally felt, can never hope to find a better place for expression than *in next Tuesday’s election. The alignment is as distinct as though drawn on dress parade. The men behind Mr. Cottrell are “Sam” Dinnin, “Sim” Coy, and their kind, representing such saloonists as are not content to obey the law and pay their just

portion of the public burden of taxation. His election would be their triumph, and would be so understood. The election of Thomas Cottrell would be a concession on the part of the people of Indianapolis to the dissatisfied saloonists, who have grown restless under the most reasonable regulations. The laws passed for the restriction of the traffic would be overruled, and the slight and wholly inadequate tax on the saloons would not be increased. The remaining six days should be used to the best advantage. We have at second hand a very emphatic declaration that President Cleveland’s sympathies are with the Democratic candidate for Governor in this State. Anything like an open statement would, of course, subject the President to the suspicion of offensive partisanship.—New York World. Do you really think it would? The ordinary intellect fails to see how the President could do more than announce that he favors the election of a certain ticket. That is as good as a dozen speeches in the State. Yet Mr. Cleveland professes to favor a conscientious observance of the civil-service rules, and the spirit of the law lifting federal officials out of politics. The New Y T ork Times thinks that “events succeed each other very fast in our time.” They do, indeed. A year ago the Times was lying awake nights planning how it could aid in tho work of elevating the great Democratic reform party to power. Events have been hustling themselves since then, and the Times is no: as enthusiastic in favor of “reform” as it was. In fact, it is of opinion that the best reform to be bad this year is through the election of the New York Republican ticket. The Times is right iu this event. In the larger cities the messengers of the special delivery system are already exhibiting some dissatisfaction with their remuneration. It is found that when ten cents car fare is paid, as is necessary where the distance is long, the chance for acquiring a competence out of the eight-cent foe allowed them on each letter grows beautifully less with every succeeding trip. The Journal has a letter from Mr. William Hawthorn, of Petersburg, Pike county, in which he says: “I was a member of the State Senate from the counties of Pike, Gibson and Dubois from 1852 till 1856. I speak ot this, as there is to be a meeting of the members that are living of 1853, at your place, on Monday next. I live in Petersburg, and have lived here for forty-eight years. I was on the committee in the Senate that framed the prohibitory temperance bill of 1855, and voted for it, and I have never regretted doing so. Yet 1 think temperance men should consider well how they vote at present. I built a saw mill on Patoka river in Pike county, Ind., forty-six years ago—a water-mill—and of the twenty men who worked for me in building this mill at that time, ten are yet living in this countj\” At Lansing, N. Y., the relatives of an octogenarian, sick unto death, as they thought, from blood poisoning, purchased a coffin and caused his grave to be dug. The old gentleman recovered and declined to go on with the funeral. The people of New York are just a little impetuous when it comes to tucking away ancient and infirm people.

ABOUT PEOPLE AND THINGS. Joseph Cook, of fame as a pulpit orator, is to tales to the Prohibition platform this autumn. Tub 509 Lords of England have an average income of $120,000 each, and their gross income is about $75,000,000: The sum of $1,500,000 has been expended in erecting a hunting castle for the Empress of Austria in the Laniger Wiidpark, near Vienna. “We will allow 30 cents apiece,” says the Blakely (Ga.) News, “for grown hens to parties whose paper has been stopped and are still owing us for it." Lady Bordbtt-Coutts owns the smallest pony in the world. As many Englishmen boast of having twenty-five-pound ponies, Lady 8.-O.'s must be a little one. indeed. Mrs. Belva Ann Lockwood's presidential boom advertised and advanced her lecturing tour so that she has cleared $2,000, whereas her principal rival in the presidential race, the Widow Butler, has only cleared out. Thk Shah of .Persia has had a terrestrial globe made for him. It is eighty centimeters in diameter; the seas are made of emeralds, and the countries are mapped out in diamonds, sapphires, rubies and other precious stones. William Porchkr Miles, one of the leading members of the Confederate Senate, and a man who had more to do probab y than any one else in designing the confederate flag, is in Washington. He is a tall, portly man, with gray hair and side-whiskers. General Grant’s last cigar was smoked at Mr. Bockman’s breeding farm, in Orange county, New York. In company with General Beale and J. B. Huston ho was inspecting the stock buildings on the property and after dinner smoked his final cigar. jin. Gkobob W. Childs, of Philadelphia, has become almost a perpetual pall bearer for the distinguished dead, beginning back with James Gordon Bonnet, sr., and coming down to General Grant, with Admiral Stewart, Edwin Forrest, Professor Henry, General Meade, and many more eminent names between. The poet Whittier protests against the profusely published paragraph about his brother’s buying thousands of acres in North Carolina for a temperance colony settlement, and says that he has no brother and that he knows nothing about the projected settlement. which would seem to settle the matter, at all events. The cake ordered for an October wedding in New York is to be surmounted by a tower of candy, in which will be live birds. The bride is to break the artificial cage with a tiny hammer and liberate the birds. No doubt some person will be mean enough to insinuate that if the bride had baked the cake she would havo been obliged to use a sledge-hammer to break it. THE Emperor of Russia has given the imperial palace in the holy city of Kieff to the Grand Duchess Alexandra Petrovna, who intends to make it her principal residence. This palace was built within the last twenty years by the late Czar. It is a vast building in the rococo style, with large court-yards, galleries and pavilions, all the apartments being sumptuously furnished, and they contain an immense collection of valuable drawings and engravings, and some splendid china and objects of art, which were brought here from St. Petersburg in 1876 for the visit of the King and Queen of Italy. The gardens are very fine, and contain some grand old trees, while the conservatories and vineries are not to be surpassed in Russia. The park extends to the Dnieper, and from the terrace are extensive views of the steppes and the imperial forest of Tchernikoff, which affords capital hunting. The old palace at Kieff WMjbuilt of wood and brick, early in the last cei.tury, and was burnt down in 1819. The imperial apartments, which were occupied by the Emperor aad Empress during their recent visit, aro to the left of the entrance hall, and are fourteen in number, and magnificently furnished. The Grand Dukes have rooms 09 the floors above.

THE LAW-MAKERS OF 1850. A Gathering of Men Notable in the History of the Commonwealth. The Survivors *of the Constitutional Convention of Thirty-Five Years # Ago Indulge in their First Reunion. List of Those Who Responded to the Secretary’s Call of the Roll. Addresses by Hon. William 11. English, VicePresident Hendricks, Gen. Wm. McKee Dunn and Col. Taylor. The surviving members of the Constitutional Convention, the men who framed the present Constitution of Indiana, met yesterday afternoon, at 2 o'cloolc, at English’s Opera-house, the gathering together of these law makers being the work of Hon. Wm. H. English, the principal secretary of that memorable convention. Wm. McKee Dunn, upon the meeting being called to order, moved that George W. Can*, the president of the convention of 1850, be called upon to pre side over the present body, which was carried unanimously, and the president was conducted to the chair by Hon. Wm. S. Hplraan, of Dearborn, and Cromwell W. Barbour, of Vigo. Mr. Carr, thanking the convention for this expression of regard, said: “It is a gratification to meet the surviving members of the constitutional convention of 1850, and exchange friendly greetings with each other once mora But, when I look over this meeting, and see so many vacant seats; when 1 miss so many familiar faces from our presence, and realize the fact that those faces are passed, and have gone beyond the shores of time; have passed over the river, and entered upon the unknown, and those faces will be seen here no more, this seems to me to be an occasion of solemnity and sadness. I trust one of the results of this meeting will be to strengthen and perpetuate the good feeling and respect we should have for one another, until we, too, are called to meet our colleagues beyond the shores of time.” William H. English was chosen secretary, and immediately proceeded to call the roll of the members of the Constitutional Convention of 1350, with the names of the counties they represented, and the following responded as present: Oliver P. Badger, Putnam; Cromwell W. Barbour, Vigo; Othniel Beeson, Wayne; Horace P. Biddle, Cass, Howard, etc.; Alexander B. Conduct, Morgan; William McKee Dunn, Jefferson; James B. Foley, Decatur; John A. Graham, Miami; Jefferson Helm, Kush; Thomas A. Hendricks, Shelby; William S. Holman, Dearborn; Phineas M. Kent, Floyd; Beattie McClelland, Randolph; Samuel Pepper, Crawford; James Ritchey, Johnson; E. D. Taylor. LaPcrte; Henry G. Todd, Hendricks; George W. Carr, Lawrence. Those who are living but not in attendance are: Hiram Allen, Carroll and Clinton; Walter E. Beach, Elkhart; George Berry, Franklin; Wm. Bracken, Rush; Benjamin F. Brookbank, Union; Oliver P. Davis, Parke and Vermillion; Christopher C. Graham, Warrick; Franklin Hardin, Johnson; Alvin P. Hovey, Posey; Wilson Huff, Spencer; John Mathes, Harrison; Cornelius J. Miller, Clinton; Robert H. Milroy, Carroll; W. F. Sherrod, Orange; Alex. C. Stevenson, Putnam; Elias S. Terry, Daviess; Amzi L. Wheeler, Marshall; Robert Work, DeKalb. The roll-call showed thirty-three members known to be alive, of whom nineteen were present. Mr. Stevenson, the secretary explained, was unable to attend. He was the oldest living member of an Indiana Legislature, his service beginning in 1831. Elder O. P. Badger then asked the Divine blessing upon the meeting. James Ritchey moved that a recess of five minutes bo taken that the members present might shake hands and look into each other's faces. The motion was carried. When the five minutes had elapsed the president, calling the convention to order, produced an old-fashioned silver watch with which he said he had timed the speeches of the convention of 1850, and which had kept good time ever since. Letters were read from surviving members of the Constitutional Convention who were unable to attend. One of these letters was from Christopher O. Graham, now at Red Wing, Minn. An extract from it reads as follows: “In looking over the names of the framers of the Constitution of 1850, many of whom have risen to prominent eminent as statesmen, jurists, scientists and scholars, and who have performed their trusts so nobly, wisely and honestly, I rejoice to have been one, though an humble one, in forming a Constitution that has guided the noble State, amid all its trying hours, to wealth and prosperity. Many who have been meml era of this convention have by continued service contributed in creating, developing and controlling public opinion and originating, molding and fostering the spirit that has led to the growing greatness and prosperity of the State. As the years roll away the veneration of a prosperous and happy people for them will be more lasting than ‘storied urn or monumental bust.'” A letter from Gen. R. H. Miiroy read as follows: U. S. Indian Service, Yakima Agency. \ Ft. Simcoe, W. TANARUS., Sept. 18, 1885. ) Hon. W. H. English: My Dear Sir—l received a few days from you the printed announcement of the thirty-fifth anniversary meeting of the surviving members of the Indiana Constitutional Convention of 1850. with the survivinif members of the first Legislature under that Constitution, to be held at Indianapolis, on the sth, Gth and 7th pro* ~ with a few frendly lines in your own handwriting, directed to me at Delphi. Iml., which place I left over thirteen years ago, and have been residing in this Territory continuously since than. I can assure you that it would give mo much enjoyment to meet the remnant of my colleagues of '‘auld langsyne,” but time and other circumstances forbid. The term of my office being cut short, I am engaged in transferring it to my Democratic successor, preparatory to returning to my home at Olympia. Perhaps. should these reunions be continued. I may bo spared to attend some future one, though being near three-score and ten it, is uncertain. Wo will all soon be “over the river," where we will have a grand reunion of our whole convention. Remember me kindly to fellow-members who may be present. Accept for yoursolf the best regvids of Your long-lost friend, R. n. AN INTERESTING POSTHUMOUS PAPER. An interesting paper showing how tho provisons in Article VIII of the Constitution, entitled “Education,” came to be prepared by the committee on education, and to be presented to the convention, was next read. It la a fragment of the inside history of the Constitutional Convention, written by the late John I. Morrison, and was found among his papers by his daughter after his death, and by her sent to Mr. English: Nearly thirty years have elapsed since the convention met that formed the present Constitution of the State of Indiana. Os the 150 delegates who composed that body, but a mere remnant has been spared to the present hour. To notice the many reforms grafted into the policy of the State by the new Constitution is not proposed at present. This may be done at another time. Ail that will be attempted now is to rest r b. iefly to some of the provisions in Article 8, entitled "Education,’’and to give a little of its inside and unwritten history as it was molded by the committee on education, before it was reported to the convention and adopted as part of the new Constitution. Tne standing committee on education, selected by chiefly on account of their well-known sentiments iu favor of free schools and litter a) * *'"*

tion, was announced in the following order: Messrt Morrison of Washington, Bryant, Slay, Hitt, Foster, Stevenson, Nofsinger, Milligan and Blythe. This committee went to work itr mediately, elected Col. James R. M. Bryant, of Warren, secretary, and resolved to hold stated meetings weekly, and daily when necessary, to compare views, collect information and take action upon all subjects of special dbferenc# by the convention. . Without exaggeration it may be added that every member was fully impressed with a deep sense of tfc# heavy responsibility that rested upon him, and long and earnest were the conflicts before the general principles were settled, which should be embodied iu th final report of the committee. Indeed, the first section of the article, which in th# main was copied from the old Constitution, gave rise to many warm and exciting discussions. A close comparison, however, will revoal differences, vitally important to the success and efficiencey of the whole scheme. By the new Constitution a general and uniform system of common schools is established, wherein tuition shall be without charge and equally open to all. Under the old Constitution, all was chaos and uncertainty, and the Legislature was authorized to act “as soon as circumstances will permit.” By the new, every provision is mandatory. The system cannot remain inert; it must be put in active operation; it must have motion; it must move everywhere and at, all times, and it must be uniform. While every word iu this first section was submitted to the severest scrutiny, there is none that was canvassed with more care and a nd:,: tee than the word “uniform.” One member of the committee contended with great zeal and pertinacity that “equitable” was the proper word, but a wiser ami better judgment preponderated, and this term was allowed to stand. The second section, which particularizes what th# principal of the common school fund shall consist of, was adopted in committee after much labor and painstaking, especially the clause which makes the funds to be derived from the sale of county seminaries and th fines assessed fo.* breaches of the penal laws of the State, and all forfeiture that may accrue, a part of tin principal of tho common school fund. It was earnestly contended that all money arising from such sources should bo regarded as so much annual income, and be applied as fast as it accrued to defray the current expenses of tuition. But a majority of the committee would entertain no proposition which did not contemplate a constant addition to the appropriation to the support of common schools, “and to no other purpose whatever.” Although the retention of this pnrase was said to be in deference to the wishes of the chairman, yet, in the light of experience, its necessity has been fully vindicated, and it is believed no tiue friend of common schools can be found, at the present day, so hypocritical as to extract, if he could, this clincher from the Constitution. The sixth section, which held the several couutte* liable for so much of the fund as may be intrusted to them, and for the payment of the animal interest thereon, met with very formidable opposition when first suggested in committee; but when it was shown that this section was an exact copy of the law already on tho statute books, all opposition was withdrawn. This section has aoneits full share in preserving th# integrity of the principal ami securing the payraeut ia full of all the accruing interest. For the seventh section, which makes all trust fund# remain inviolate, the State is indebted to the late Hon. John Pettit, not a member of the committee, but one of the ablest delegates of the convention. For the eighth section, which provides for tha election of a State Superintendent of Public Instruoion, the chairman of the committee must alone be held responsible. By a majority vote in the committee this section was stricken from the final report. The potent argument used to defeat the measure was the creation of an additional State officer and the consequent expense of maintaining such au office. s The new? of the decision of the committee in rejecting tho section was received witn very great alarm by its friends on the floor of the convention. It was regarded as a fatal blow against the State undertaking to educate the children of tho State without a sentinel to guard the public funds from pillage and misappropriation, as well as a head to guide th# general system and mold it into proper form. Itwa* believed that the whole systora would soon become a wreck as certainly as tho richly laden vessel when deprived of a captain to keep its reckoning and control its helm. In the midst efi general despondency the chairman, having found a few sympathizing friends who proffered their support, determined to submit, the rejection to the tender mercies ot th# convention. To his great relief, after a somewhat sturmy debate. the additional section was adopted and was ordered to be engrossed by a vote of 78 to 50, and added to the new Constitution. To satisfy any regrets that the term of office was not made four years instead of two, it may suffice to add that the aid referred to was promised on the express condition that tho term of office should be limited to two years. Tbe meeting then adjourned for the afternoon. Evening Session. The meeting was called to order at half past 7 by the president, and the Central Glee Club sung “Auld Lang Syne.” Vice president Hendrick# was then presented to the meeting and spoke as foUows:

The several States of our Union are endowed with all the powers that may be exercised by free and independent communities, which are not prohibited by their own constitutions, nor by the Constitution of the United States, and which are consistent with their relations to eaeh other and to the federal Union. The work of revising a State Constitution consists mainly in declaring the rights of the people, in limiting and defining the powers intended to be exercised, and in prohibiting powers not intended to be exercised, rather than in creating rights or conferring powers not possessed. It will be observed, therefore, that the amendments made by the convention of 1850-1 consist mainly in providing additional protection to natural rights, ia removing restrictions therefrom, and in regulating the exercise of powers already recognized as existing. The legislative department exercises a discretion in its action far beyond that permitted to either of the other departments, even extending to their control in important respects, *hnd therefore the amendments affecting it and its mode of proceeding were of special importance. As briefly as possible, I will endeavor to revive a recollection or the amendments made by the convention. Under the old Constitution the sessions of the Legislature were annual. The law# were then subject to constant modification ane repeal. Biennial sessions were substituted, with the authority on the part of the Governor to call extra sessions to provide for special emergencies. Experience has shown the wisdom of the change. Legislation has been more carefully conducted; the laws have become more stable; and the people have been able better to know what tbe laws are. It was also provided that no regular session should exceed sixty-one days in length, nor any special session forty days. At the time of its adoption this limitation was not, perhaps, too great, but experience now shows that it prevents the careful* nut? thorough consideration of . the constantly increasing subjects of legislation. This provision may be readily modified under the clause providing for amendments. To promote care and integrity in legislation, provisions were made requiring every bill to bo read throughout on three several days, unless the rule be suspended on the call of the ayes and noes; but on the final, passage the rule can not bo suspended; and a majority of all the members elected to each branch, voting on the ayes and noes, shall be necessary to pass a bill. No law may be amended by reference to its title; but the amended law must be set forth at its full length. Under the decisions of the courts the last provision is of but gnodiled value. It is often difficult to tell what i3 amended and what is amendment. The provision that no law shall embrace more than one subject is useful and important. It has stopped log-rolling iu legislation; a meritorious measure cannot now be made to carry one that has neither merit nor strength Among the best reforms of the new Constitution was that which forbade special legislation where general laws can be made applicable. Under it special privileges have given way co public right, regulated by general legislation. The provision authorizing the Legislature to provide for suine the State does not appear to have been demanded by public sentiment. The Legislature has uniformly declined to exercise the power conferred. Tbe amendments affecting the executive department ot the State were less important. The official terms of the Governor and Lieutent-goveruor were changed from three to four years, so as to correspond with the biennial sessions of the Legislature, ar.d those officers were made ineligible for more than four years in any period of eight years, and to any other State office during the term for which they were elected. Th# judees ot the Supreme Court were formerly choseu by appointment qf the Governor andeonfirmation by the Senate, and the judges of tha Circuit Court by joint vote of the two brauche# of the Legislature. By the new Constitution they are made elective, the former by the people of tho State, and tho latter by the people of the circuit. They are ineligible to any other than judicial offices during the term for which they are elected. The judges of the Supreme Court are required upon the decision of every ease to give a statement in writiug of each question arising in the record, and to make a decision thereon. The repeal of that provision would relieve that court of great labor, without, as I believe, any hurt to the public interest Such regulation may be safely left to legislative di#cretier -non the legislative jiower to - -~~Tl.ho Supremt