Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 August 1885 — Page 2

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„ thousand, defeated Bbire and Locate It was rot the want of merit in these two great leaders of our party, but the disappointments, personal congests and controversies incident to a long lease of power. But even this defection amone Republicans would have been ineffective but for the solid South, held together in political fellowship by crimes, violence and fraud, which, if continued, will as surely renew all the strifes of the civil war as that the sun rolls around in its course. REPUBLICAN GENEROSITY. The Republican party was certainly liberal and just to the rebels lately in arms against the country. We deprived them of no political power; no blood was shed; no confiscation was had. and more generous terms were conceded to them than ever before had been extended to an unsuccessful party in a civil war. Their leaders emphasized that at the burial of our great commander, General Grant. The result of the settlement by the constitutional amendments at the close of the war was to give them increased political power condition that the slaves should bo free and should be allowed to vote, and tbat all political distinctions crowing out of race, color, or previous condition ot servitude should be abolished: and vet to day. the Republican party is faced by a solid South, in which the negro is deprived, substantially, of all his political rights by open violence, or bv frauds as mean as any that have been committed by penitentiary convicts, and as openly and boldly dono as any highway robbery. By this system and by the acquiescence of a few Northern States, the men who led in the civil war have been restored to power, and hope, practically, to reverse all the results of the war. This is the spectre that now haunts American politics, and may make it just lie vital and necessary to appeal to the Northern States to unite again against this evil, not so open and arrogant as slavery, but more dangerous and equally unjust. The question then was the siavery of the black man. Now the question is the equality of the white man—whether a Southern mani in Mississippi may, by depriving a majority of the legal voters in the State of their right to vote, exercise twice the political power of a white man in the North, where the franchise is free, and open, and equal to all. When this subject is pressed, we are sometimes met with denial, but in the face of proofs so conclusive, spread upon the public records and in the public journals, and substantially admitted over and over again in the South, denial will not answer. The actual returns of the elections show that in ali the Southern States where the negroes are in majority, they are either not permitted to vote or the returns are changed. Now thirty-eight white Democratic presidential electors and thirty-eight white Democratic members of the House of Representatives, based upon more than six million colored people living in the Southern States, are returned from those States, and scarcely a single representative of the colored race, or one elected by the colored Eeople, votes m the electoral college or in the louse of Representatives. It is said that this is a matter for each State to regulate. That doctrine we hoped was overthrown by the civil war. The right of representation is a right not given to the State, but to the people of the State, part of the people of the United States, and we in Ohio are as much interested that the people of South Carolina should be fairly represented as we are that the people of Hamilton county should be fairly represented, for the vote of every representative in Congress, and of every presidential elector, affects us alike, from what over place elected. When we point out these off enses committed in the South, it is said that we are raising the bloody shirt; that we are reviving the issues of the wav-Mhat the war is over. I hope the war is over, and that the animosities of the war will pass away and be dead and buried. Anger and hate aud prejudice are not wise counsellors in peace or in war. Generosity, forgiveness and charity are great qualities of the human heart, but, like everything else that is good, they may be car ried to excess, and may degenerate into faults. They must not lead us to forget the obligations of duty and honor. While we waive the animosities of the war, we must never fail to hold on, with courage and fortitude, to all the results of the war. Our soldiers fought in no holiday contest: not merely to test the manly qualities of the men of the North and the South; not for power, or plunder, or wealth or title. They fought to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of a stiong national govern ment. it was for the preservation of the Union, a Union not of States, but of the people of the United States; not a confederate government, but a national government. The preservation of the Union was the central idea of the war The confederate soldier fought for what he was led to think was the right of a State to secede from the Union at its pleasure. The Union soldiers triumphed. The confederate soldiers were compelled to an unconditional surrender. The sacrifices, wounds and deaths of hundreds of thousands of brave men were suffered to save the Union aud strengthen its foundations. We may forgive without qualification what the rebels did in the war, but we cannot, with honor, surrender what our soldiers won in the war; nor can we yield au iota of the benefits they have conferred upon the country, greater far than all the cost of the war. GLORIFICATION OF TREASON. Sometimes I fear that our moderation is verging ou indifference: that while our minds are distracted by local politics, the old doctrines are neiiig revived again. We forget sometimes that t was the Union cause that won, atid not the ;ebel enuso. I have recently beard Jefferson Davis, in the Senate of the United States, extolled as a patriot, and I have been called in question for denouncing him as a conspirator and a traitor. L have seen many signs of disposition to waive all the glorious results of the war; to make no difference between the blue and the gray; to revive again the doctrines of secession and State lights taught beforo the war. The tendency of the Democratic party is all that way. Ido not question the patriotism of my Democratic neighbors here in Ohio, but we know by old experience they follow the leaders of their party. The governing force of that party Is with the .South, as in the days of Buchanan. We have no sign of protest from Democratic orators or journals of the wholesale deprivation of the colored people in the South of their right to vote, nothing of the crimes by which the South is made solid. The only hopeful sign was that Cleveland would not appoint a man as postmaster iu Copiah county, Mississippi, who indorsed the murder of Matthews; but, as a rule, in all the North no preference is given to the Union soldier over any other applicant. The Union soldiers appointed by this administration are few and far between, while in every case it was not the record of the soldier tbat was in his favor, but his services as a Democratic partisan. In the South it may be said that no known Uniou man has been appointed to office. Tho offices are filled from the rebel ranks. No man who acquiesces in the results of the war, who houorably demands a fair ballot and a fair count, can be appointed to office in the South. The rebels are in as absolute masterv iu the South as they would i ave been if the Confederacy had succeeded. Follow citizens, the lino drawn between the two parties is now as distinct as it was during the war, but wo occupy a different field of battle. Then we fought for the preservation of the Union, and, as a means to that end, for the abolition of slavery. Now tho Union is saved and slavery is abolished; we fight for the equal political rights of all men and the faithful observance of the constitutional amendments. Wo are for the exercise of national authority for the preservation of the rights conferred by the constitution. and upon this broad issue wo invite cooperation from the South as well as the North. Upon this issue we intend to make our appeal iO the honest and honorable people of the Southern States. We think they are bound in honor to faithfully observe the conditions of peace granted to them by General Grant, and prescribed by tho constitutional amendments. If they do this, we will have peace, union and fraternity. Without it we have agitation, contests and complaints. Upon this Issue I will go before the people of the .South, and, turning my back upon all the animosities of the war, appeal only to their sense of nouor and justice, if they continue under their Democratic rulers the present system of ostracism, and op pression, and injustice, a partv can be formed among them who will demand justice to all, and thus break down the solid South, based as it is upon crime and fraud. If not, it is the duty of the people of tho Northern States, without distinction of party, to unite the North in the execution of the constitutional amendments, and,

under the fourteenth amendment, to deny the States that do not protect their citizens m the elective franchise, representation based upon the number so disfranchised. In another respect the lines between the Democratic and the Republican parties are marked and distinct. Thev still look upon this government as a confederate government, with powers so limited that it cannot enforce its laws or the decrees of its courts except by local agencies. They have learned nothing by the war, and forgotten nothing. All their theories, inherited from the school of slavery, tend to cripple and beliulo the national government, while, on the other hand, the Republican party regards the national government as complete and supreme, to the extent of the powers granted, with full authority to enforce its laws and to compel the people of each State to obey them. We believe that we have power, under the Constitution, to protect every citizen in the full enjoyment of every right conferred by tho Constitution, and that no State authority, legislative or judicial, can in any way interfere with tho enforcement of these rights. This power ought to be exercised to secure free and fair elections for electors of Presidents, and for members of Congress and senators of the United States. II the Republican party is true to its principle it will enforce this doctrine. PROTECTION VS. FREE TRADE. We also believe that it is the right and duty of tho government, by its commercial laws and regulations, to foster and protect American industry, to diversify the employments of its people and build up its manufacturers, to aid its ships and shipping, and, generally, by its commercial and tax laws, to develop new forms of industry and give new employments to labor. This line of demarcation between the two parties is constantly shown in the action of their members in Congress. This Republican policy lias led to the great development of our mining manufactories and It is now in great danger of overthrow by the ascendency of free trade ideas in tho Democratic party,which now threaten the disturbance of our industries. You may rely upon it that the Republican party is the progressive. affirmative party of the country, proposing and accomplishing measures, while the Democratic party is the negative, resisting party in the country, generally iu the opposition and proposing nothing. Among the results of Republican policy I can point you to tho preservation of the Union, the abolition of slavery, the constitutional amendments, tho homestead law, a sound national currency, tho maintenance of the public credit, the refunding of the public debt at the lowest rates of interest, the security of the rights of naturalized citizens, a wise and fruitful system of taxes, the protection of American in dustry by our tariff laws, the resumption of specie payments, and, indeed, every wise law of Congress for a period ot more than twenty years. Let us contrast these great measures with what has been done by the Democratic party; and that, after all, is the best test of parties as of men. it steadily resisted, with violence and rancor, all the measures 1 have stated, although they now profess to acquiesce in them. Tho last House of Representatives was strongly Democratic. What useful measure did it propose or adopt? None whatever. Hopelessly divided, they kept the business of the country in constant unrest by a contest as to the tariff, between free trade, by Morrison, and quasi protection by Randall. But it may be said that the Senate was Republican and would not agree to their acts. \ou may be thankful for that, aud that is your safe guard* for the future. Cleveland’s acts. Let us take Cleveland’s administration, and test it by its acts, thus far, as they affect great public interests. The greatest danger to the country now is found in fraud at elections. As I have said, the Democratic party now holds the solid South by the meanest frauds; but Mr. Cleveland may say that is for Congress and for the law to deal with. But he had before him, recently, an application for the pardon of Lieutenant Mullen, of Cincinnati, a police officer convicted of the greatest oppression and wrong. Here was an opportunity for him to emphasize his view of violence at elections. Mullen arrested more than one hundred colored men, the night before the last October election, and held them in the Hammond street prison until after G o’clock on election day, so that they could not vote. and. without an opportunity to appeal for the benefit of the writ of habeas eoipus and by gross wrong, he deprived them of their franchise. klip w’as arrested, indicted, tried and pleadea guilty in the United States Court of the offense charted. Judge Baxter, of the Circuit Court of the United States, in his sentence, says: The testimony demonstrated that you knew some of them to have been citizens of Cincinnati for several years preceding their arrest; and yet proceeded without inquiry, complaint or proof, ’to arrest and hold them in durance vile, as alleged in the indictment, under pretense of official duty, but in fact to prevent them from exercising their constitutional right to vote for a representative in Congress. The evidence of your tmilt was so convincing that your zealous and able counsel voluntarily yielded to its irresistible force, and with your acquiesceuo , manifested in open court, consented to the finding made by tho jury. This finding thus sustained is a virtual confession by you that the arrest and imprisonment of the persons named were for the wrongful purpose alleged in the indictment. Here was the case of an offense so gross and scandalous that no circumstance could be added to make it more criminal. Mullen was sentenced to serve one year in the county jail, and yet, long before his term expired he was pardoned by the President of the United States. It does not help the matter to say that this pardon was based on tho petition of Governor Iloadley, of Ohio, and other Democratic partisans, for such a petition, under the circumstances, only condemns thoso who signed it. If such an offense at this can be condoned in this way, there is no protection against violence or fraud at an election. and the Mississippi murders, the Danville riots and the manipulating of ballot boxes can hardly bo classed as crimes. Here was an officer of the law, charged with the duty of protecting citizens in their rights, arresting by wholesale more than one hundred citizens, confining them where they could not be reached until after the election was over, and then discharged them without accusation or trial. This pardon we may fairly regard as evidence of the view taken by the President of tho United States of fraud's against the elective franchise. If such wrongs can be thus condoned, and there is no protection to the citizen against similar occurrences, the time will soon come when elections will cease, by the general confession of the people that free government by elections has failed, and the “man on horseback” will be called upon to re peat again his role of history. With my kindly feelipg toward President Cleveland I believe that in this act he has done more to lower his administration in the opinion of conservative men than by any other, or all other acts of his life. DISREGARD OF AMERICAN INTERESTS. Take another act of this administration. Both parties are pledged to adopt all suitable measures to restore our foreign commerce, destroyed by the operations of rebel cruisers during the w’ar. Many efforts havo been made by Congress and by American ship builders to secure this great national object One of the most successful of these was John Roach, an uneducated Irishman, but whose native genius and energy enabled him to establish great ship-yards, where lie built many ships for private parties, and some for the United States. He bad nearly completed the Dolphin, a government vessel, and was constructing, under contract, other government vessels. Every part of the work had been done and all the materials furnished under the direct supervision of naval officers, according to plans prescribed by them. The Dolphin, nearly completed, went out on a trial trip to test hc-r’spoed. It is alleged by Mr. Roach that she fully met all the requirements of his contract. The Secretary of the Navy, however, claimed that the vessel did not attain the speed fixed by the law. The Attorney general decided that, although Roach had built the vessel in precise conformity with the plans of the naval engineers, and of materials npp roved by them, yet. if their joint handiwork did not secure the speed required by the law, the vessel, costing a half million dollars, might be refused and thrown on the hands of Roach. The decituon made Roach a guarantor of the intelligence and skill of the government officers, and yet required him without question to follow their plans and specifications as to model, work aud material. It is sufficient to say that, with such a rule, none but a tool or a madman would take a contract of tho government to build a ship or anything else. The rate of speed fixed by the law

TIIE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, THURSDAY, AUGUST 27, 1885.

was directory to the naval engineers. If their plans and models, properly executed by the contractor, did not secure a vessel of the proper speed, it was the fault of the government and its agents, and not of the contractor; and yet, upon such a decision, they forced Roach to stop his works, to make an assignment, to throw out of employment thousands of workmen, and arrest for the time the construction not only of government vessels, but of many commercial vessels for private parties, and greatly add also to the general depression of business. Another case of disregard of American interests by this administration was the practical nullification of the law of the last session of Congress appropriating SIOO,OOO to enable tho Postmaster-general to contract, after legal advertisement, with the lowest bidder among American steamship companies for the transportation of foreign mails. This act of Congress, intended to foster and-buiid up American commerce, was by the Postmaster general disregarded, and contracts were let mainly to English steamship companies. 1 have not, as a rule, supported any system of subsidies, but this pronosition did receive the support of members of both political parties, arid was believed to be very important for American interests in building up commerce, especially with the South American States. The subject had been fully and fairly debated in Congress. The law was plain and directory, and should have been executed by the Postmaster-general with a view to carry out the will of Congress. I have careful I y read the papers in respect to this matter, and it does seem to me that by refusing to make the arrangements for carrying the foreign mail in American steamships, he has violated the spirit, if not tho language, of the law, and shown an utter disregard of the intent of Congress, as well as the rights and interests of American ships, and acted solely in the interests of foreign steamship companies. No act of the administration has tended in the slightest degree to revive the business of the country. It was the hope that a change would make times easier that led many persons to vote the. Democratic ticket. What has been the result? What suggestion, even, has been made by any member of the administration that will brighten iu the least the industry of the country? None whatever. FINANCIAL QUESTIONS. The Secretary of the Treasury changed the form of the monthly debt statement, and mado obscure what was formerly clear. He excluded from the moneys on hand the entire body of the fractional silver coiu, thus tendiug to lessen the stated balance in the treasury below its real amount, and at the same time tending to depreeiato the value of this silver currency. One good effect of this pretended reform is to show how foolish Mr. Hendricks was in the last campaign in stating that there was $400,000,000 belonging to the United States lying idle in the treasury, kept there by the Republican party. Where is this surplus? How many barrels of flour will it buy for each citizen of the United States? How shallow was the hypocrisy and demagogistu by which the party came into power! Tho arrangement by the Secretary with tho national banks in New York to get, as a matter of favor, some gold in exchange for silver coin seems to me a violation of the sub-Treasury act, which clearly forbids all exchange of money. It only tended to emphasize the depreciation of silver and to lower it more and more in public confidence. The expedient of his predecessors of issuing silver certificates iu exchange for gold coin was a much more effective way to strengthen the gold balances. It is sufficient to say that no act of the administration affecting tho currency or finances, has tended to restore confidence, to encourage industry, or to furnish employment. The business of all the departments seems to be confined to turning out experienced employes, against whom no fault is found excppt their fealty to the Republman parev, and to putting in Democrats, mainly of the rebel hue. Even the ordinary collection of the revenue is obstructed by the demagogism that preceded the election. Illicit distilleries in the South, moonshiners as they aro called, were led to believe that Democratic success meant free whisky, no internal revenue collectors, no United States marshals. One hundred illicit distilleries are new in operation in middle Tennessee and make it impossible for legitimate distillers to conduct their business. The first fruits of Democratic success are contempt for the law, harder times, a wantof confidence in the future, and a widening of the conflicts between capital and labor. Now, fellow-citizens, I know it is easy enough to find fault and criticise persons charged with high public duties. I eVrtainly haveTo desire to impugn the motives of the men in power, but sincerely wish them success. But 1 feel sure, from the composition of the Democratic party; from the intense sectionalism which controls its majority; from the narrow ideas they entertain in regard to, the powers of tho national government; from the tendency to demagogism among its leaders: from their want of principle, unity and purpose; from their long habits of twenty-four years in opposition, during which they have constantly lagged in the rear of our magnificent progress: from their want of sympathy with the active business interests of the country, and with the great mass of our fellow citizens who are engaged in industrial pursuits, it is not possible for the Democratic party to affirmatively administer a bold, and active, and progressive government like ours. ELECTION FRAUDS AND PENSIONS. It should also be remembered that tho Democratic party has been the chief agent in organizing the frauds in elections ever since the Plaquemine frauds in Louisiana, and in this way has done more to sap the foundation of republican government than all the parties that have existed; and more recently, in our own State, if we can believe their own prints and leaders, have set a dangerous example of the corrupt use of money in controlling the election of a senator of tho United States by open bribery and purchase. Surely those who have heretofore followed the fortunes of the Republican party and havo shared in the honor of its illustrious history during the last thirty years, who must know that it is composed of the great body of the Union soldiers who saved tho country, of the active, intelligent and business men of the land, of the ereat body of tho farmers and laborers whose industry is the foundation of our wealth, a party that has furnished most of the illustrious characters of our time-surely we need not turn from such an organization to seek anything that is good from the Democratic party. It is but fair that iu my criticisms of this administration I should say of the President that I btiieve he has endeavored to check, as far as hecculd, tho disregard of the civil-service law and the tenure-of-office act, but, in spite of it, removals for purely partisan reasons are now being made by the heads of departments, mainly by tho PostmaKer-general, at the rate of two hundred a day. Hundreds of Union soldiers have been discharged without the slightest complaint, except to give place to Democratic partisans. What folly it is for any man who has been a Republican to expect of a Democratic administration the honest observance of the civil-service law, which the great mass of them have openly opposed from the beginning. It is denounced by nearly all tnoir leaders, scoffed at and condemned, and openly evaded. It was the Democratic party that first invented in American politics the doctrine that “to the victors belongs the spoils.” To expect them to be even moderate in sharing the spoils would bo to expect mercy of the wolf who has seized the lamb. No duty now' rosts upon the government of the United States more important than the general application and execution of our pension laws for the beuefit of Union soldiers, their widows and orphans. In this connection I wish to say that, while the Mexican pension bill was pending in the last Congress, I opposed the amendment offered to have pensions commence from the date of disability, but preferred, instead, the general disability amendment allowing pensions to all disabled soldiers who had arrived at a certain age. without regard to the cause of disability. I am now prepared to, and will, when the subject is again presented, vote to place all pensioners on the same footing as those who received pensions under the law as it stood prior to the Ist of July, 1880. Asa rule, I do not believe in giving pensions prior to the date of application, but this general rule was departed from by the act of Jan. 23, 1870. The general sentiment of the surviving soldiers of the war is that no discriminations shall be made in applications filed after the Ist of July, 1880, but that all pensions shall commence from the disability, and, as such is the clearly-declared wish of the late Republican convention, 1 will cheerfully

conform to it, and hereafter vote to allow all pensions growing ont of the civil war to commence from the date of disatulity. Yon may expect me, fellow-citizens, to say something before closing about State issues, but upon thoso there are many gentleman better informed than I am. I know by general reputation that the Democratic majority of our last Legislature was a bad iot. I leave others to furnish a bill of particulars. THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION. There is one question which not to mention would underrate its great importance. I mean the temperance question; and this, I have always thought, should not enter the pale of party politics. It should be treated as other great domestic and local interests are treated, such as education, public charities, roads and turnpikes. National parties are formed for general objects of Public policy. To draw party lines upon the temperance question is to weaken tho party and also to weaken the issue presented, for in all parties there are temperance men, who differ widely as to the best measures to promote temperance. We have in tho Republican party a great number who favor prohibition as the only effective remedy, while a ereatnumber, equally honest, believe that taxation and regulation of the liquor traffic is the most effective remedy for the evils growing out of this traffic. The Republican party has in its late platform briefly, clearly, and, as I think, wisely, stated the extent to which it as a party can unitedly go in temperance legislation, leaving each individual citizen free to secure, if he can in co operation with others of like opinion, a change of the Constitution that will permit prohibition. lam among those who believe that a wise system of tax laws and laws restraining the traffic can be framed, based upon the principles of the Scott law, that will be in harmony with the Constitution, and be supported by reasonable members of both parties. This will secure a diminution of the evils of free whisky, a much needed addition to the revenue, a relief to the people from other forms of taxation, and tho certainty of the faithful execution and stability of the laws. Certainly temperance men ought to be willing to test this remedy before resorting to prohibition, which, at best, cannot be engrafted on the Constitution for years, aud, if adopted, as experience shows iu many {States, could not be enforced in the large centres of population. It seems to me it is not wise or just for the Republican party to drive from its ranks honest and true Republicans, who, claiming to be temperance people, and favoring what they regard as wise temperance laws, are not willing to support the extreme remedy of prohibition. On the subject of temperance legislation our Democratic friends have practiced more than their usual demagogism and deception. They promised to repeal the Scott law; their legislature dared not do it but, after jnuch deiay, they nullified it by a partisan judicial decision. They promised the liquor dealers to refund the tux collected, but got out of this by another partisan decision. Under this rule the sale of whisky and beer is as free a of bread. No taxes aro levied upon it, no restraints, no limitation. By their acts the Scott law is a dead letter, and. according to their partisan judicial decisions, there is no power in the legislature either to prohibit or tax the sale of liquors. Governor Hoadly now openly and frankly owns that he is opposed to prohibition in all its forms, and to taxation, and the recent Democratic convention proposes no remedy except to change the Constitution so as to allow the license of the traffic, a rneasuro that has been twice rejected by the people of Ohio, and which no man of sense believes will ever be adopted. The issue is squarely made between free whisky aud the taxation and regulation of the traffic. Fortunately, by tho election of Republican judges aud a Republican Legislature, you can now secure wise temperance laws in harmony with the spirit of the age. Such laws can and oughtjto be passed that will restrain, and limit, and tax the traffic. I appeal to our Republican friends, who have been faithful and true in tho past to the great party to which they beloug, not to desert it now, nor to wander off on a collateral question. Work as you will for such temperance measures as you desire, however moderate or extreme they may be, but let not this make you forget your interest in the restoration and perpetuity of the Republican party. The signs of the times indicate strongly that the political prohibition movement in Ohio is now managed by a few leaders, solely in the interest of the Democrafiic party, and with a view to defeat tho Republican party. I have no unkind words for them, but I hope they will find that the Republican voters are intelligent enough to know that the place of ’an honest temperance man is not as an ally or stipendiary of the Democratic party. What we want is a Republican Governor, and his name is Foraker. A Republican Legislature that will give you wise temperance laws, as well as wise laws upon other subjects. Republican judges that will construe the Constitution of the State on the side of temperance and good order, aud a Republican senator from Ohio to the Sen ate of the United States. Let us place Ohio where she has usually stood —in the forefront of Republican States, for the Union, for liberty and justice to all, without respect of race, nativity and creed. The Ohio Campaign. Columbus Special. The Republican campaign will be formally opened in this Stato to-morrow [to-day] by Judge Foraker, at West Union, and appointments have been made for him and General Kennedy for every day up to tho date of the October election. Prominent speakers from different parts of the country will aid the Republicans. beginning about the middle of September. Among those who have accepted tho committee’s iuvitatio „o stump the State aro General Logan, the Hon. James G. Blaine, and Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. The campaign on the part of tho Democracy will not begin before the 10th of September. Governor Hoadly will be at Long Branch until that date. The Democratic executive committee to day secured quarters on East Broad street and set, to work a considerable force of clerks. OTHER POLITICAL MATTERS. Pennsylvania Democrats Nominate Conrad B. Day for State Treasurer. Harrisburg, Pa., Aug. 2G.—The Democratic gtate convention was called to order this morning at 10:30 o’clock, the opera house being packed, and over four hundred delegates being present. R. H. Allen, of Lycoming, was elected temporary chairman by acclamation. On taking tho chair he spoke of his party being in possession of the national administration, and said that they had a perfect right to present to the public utterances of importance. Ho eulogized President Cleveland, and said that the people were now having a higher, better and purer adminis tration than has been known for many years. Referring to the new Constitution, he said one of the great questions was the regulation of the laws governing groat corporations. It was a duty to keep them within the bounds of the Con stitution. He charged the Republicans with allowing the laws to remain as a dead letter, when they had opportunity to enforce them Governor Pattison was highly complimented for his movement on the South Pennsylvania railroad. and the speaker requested that the Governor be fuliy indorsod and sustained in his cause. The various committees were then appointed, after which the convention took a recess until 1 I*. M. The convention did not reassemble on time, but when called to order the attendance was as large as in the morning. Jacob B. Turney, of Westmoreland, was elected permanent chairman, and the usual number of vice presidents and secretaries were appointed. The committee on resolutions the following platform: First—The Democracy of Pennsylvania, in convention, declare their hearty approval and support of tho principles adopted by the Chicago Democratic convention. July 9, 1884: they favor an honest and efficient civil service, a fair aud just revision of the tariff, and thorough reform of the methods of administration which obtained under Republican rule, in strict accordance with the terms of the Chicago platform, upon w hich Grover Cleveland was elected President and Thomas A. Hendricks Vice-president of the United ,Btates. Second— We cordially approve the Democratic reform administration of President Cleveland and his

Cabinet. We recognize in their official acts a resolute determination to vindicate the pledges upon which the President was elected. To tnis end we affirm his clear and indisputable right to promptly remove officials who have prostituted public service for partisan and personal ends. The thorough reform of the abuses and searching investigations already made in the*several departments of the federal government give assurance that the present administration will secure for the country that thorough organization of the civil service which will effect an nonest, practical and efficient administration of the government. Third—The administration of Governor Pattison, by its firm and honest execution of law, and the faithful and rigid use of the veto power in the interest of reform and economical government, challenges the respect and commands the confidence of the people. We warmly approve the action of the Governor and his official advisers in their efforts to maintain and enforce the constitution, to secure a just and honest apportionment, to guard the interests of the people, to secure eeouomy and honesty in the State government. and to reform long-existing abuses and deeplyrooted irregularities of laws. Fourth—Every legitimate effort of labor to better its condition, enhance its rewards and protect its rights, commands the sympathy and support of the Democratic party. The importation, under contract of foreign pauper labor, is an evil which should be remedied by judicious legislation. Fifth—We favor the enforcement of the constitution of the State in every particular, especially in relation to carrring corporations. Sixth—We denounce the flagrant violation of the Constitution in the attempt to consolidate other railroads with the Pennsylvania. Seventh—We denounce the nomination of Matthew S. Quay by the Republicans for State Treasurer. Eighth—We declare in favor a properly graded license system, and oppose unequal taxation in any form, we are in favor of the largest liberty of private conduct consistent with the public wellfare and therights of others, and of regulating the liquor traffic and providing against the evils resulting therefrom. A resolution deploring the death of General Grant, closed the report. The platform was unanimously adopted. Conrad B. Day was nominated for State Treasurer by acclamation, and the convention adjoqjrned. lowa Republicans. Des Moines. la., Aug. 2G. — The Republican State convention met here this afternoon, with an unprecedentedly large attendance. Hon. Georgo D. Perkins, editor of the Sioux City Journal, was elected temporary chairman, and Hon. Lafayette Young, of Atlantic, temporary secretary. Mr. Perkins’s address outlining the issues of the campaign was loudly cheered, especially the portions contrasting the difference between the Republican and Democratic parties in lowa on the question of control of the liquor traffic. The following were chosen as the State central committee for tho ensuing year: Louis Weinstien. of Des Moines county; John Helsinger. of Jackson; S. E. Davis, of Bremer; F. E. Burdick, of Winnoshuk; W. H. Needham, of Keokuk; John Harriet, of Guthrie; Millard F. Hookey, of Decatur; C. P. Scott, of Potawattomie; J. R. Hays, of Story; Geo. D. Perkins, of Woodbury. During the convention there was loud applause at the mention of the names of J. S. Clarkson, editor of the Des Moines Register; Smith McPherson, late Attorney-general, and other prominent Republicans. After perfecting a temporary organization, the convention adjourned till tomorrow. CAPITAL WEALTH. What Some of the Noted People of Washington Pay Taxes On—An Interesting; List. Washington Special. The assessment, returns from Washington and the District of Columbia show a long list of property owners of public note. In the list of those who are assessed on property exceeding $50,000 in value Senator Sherman leads, with $74,950. Mrs. Elizabeth Force, representing the estate of Peter Force, hits $74,555. Governor Sprague still owns assessable property here to the amount of $70,749. Tho wife of Professor Bell is taxed on $73,400, the greater part of which is the house on Scott circle. Gardner Hubbard, her father, pays taxes on a house at Dupont circle valued at $09,360. John Hay’s new house, still unfinished, is assessed at $64,017. Judge Carter is taxed on $59,724. Admiral Porter pays taxes on $49,740 and his wife on $34.895. The estate of Thomas J. Durant, of Union Pacific fame, is assessed for $50,505. Alison Nailor, jr , the noted hack and cab proprietor, pays taxes on $01,595. The estate of Governor Swann, of Maryland, has $57,387 of property in Washington, most of which is in the house on Vermont avenue, in the row with the Fernando Wood house, and Mr. Blaine’s former home. Fernando Wood’s estate pays taxes on $42,697. Judge Wylie has $53 380 of Tea! estate. The estate of the late James Wormley, proprietor of Wormley's Hotel, is assessed at $52,304. The list of properties valued at from $25,000 to $50,000 takes in a good many well known names. Bancroft, the historian, is down for $30,091; Col. Jerome Bonaparte, $41,7r>3: the estate of Orrville Babcock. $39,150; Montgomery Blair’s estate, $25,825; ex-Postmus-ter-general J. A. J. Creswell. $29,241; ex-Senator Davis, of West Virginia, $29,270; J. C. Bancroft Davis, $40,871; Madame Dahlgren, $25,050: Lieutenant Emory’s wife. $39,759; the estate of the late Secretary Frelinhuysen, $34,720; John M. Forbes, $20,137; Justice Gray, $31,487; ex-Cora-missioner Loring, $34,177; Congressman Lyman, of Massachusetts, $33,090: Senator McPherson, $27,474; Senator Morrill, $29,293; General Meigs, $40,242; R. T. Merrick's estate, $25,982; Washington McLean. $42,215; N. G. Ordway, $20,140;Minister Pendleton, $31,929; ex-Justice Swayne’s estate. $25,020: Justice Strong, $25,100; Commodore Upshur. $35,495: Senator VanWyck, $25,019; Chief-justice Waite, $28,313; ex-Senator Windom, $33,042; Madame Iturbide, widow of the Mexican Prince, $33,117. Spurious Grant Memoirs, Now York Letter. The publishers of “Grant’s Personal Memoirs” havo thought of proceeding against the publishers of divers spurious personal memoirs—six or eight of these have been undertaken in different parts of the country—but find they cannot legally do so. The fictitious works are intended to deceive, as is evident from their title, “Personal Memoirs of General Grant,” but they do not pretend to have been written by him. They have engaged some unknown man, who claims close acquaintance with the General in the field, or in political or private life, either to perform the labor or to lend his name to the book. This is a legal protection; it is an adherence to the fact, tlioueh a violation of the spirit. All these false volumes have already obtained many subscribers, who imagine, from the unscrupulous stories of the agents, that they are to get the veritable memoirs. The publication of the battle accounts in tho genuine memoirs will be pretty certain —say several old army officers who know how they are written—to cause any amount of controversy. Such generals as Rosecrans. Buell. McClernand and various others, who think Grant had a prejudice against them, and never did them justice, will, no doufit, dispute his statements, and so reopen the old issues of the war. A veteran West Pointer who was much with Grant predicts that most of the principal battles will be fought over again in print the coming year. Their Mouths Watered. Rochester Democrat and Chronicle. It made the mouths of a large number of men water to see the fine ale running into the river out of a hose leading from Hathaway & Gor don’s brewery on North Water street yesterday afternoon. It was the ale in which Ferdinand Kubitz was drowned last Monday, and it was heing-publicly destroyed by the brewers. There were ninety-three barrels of the best pale ale in the vat, and. as it is worth $8 per barrel, the loss to the firm is nearly $750. The ale began to run at 4:45 o’clock, and ran at tho rate of about two barrels per minute. The sight was witnessed by Mayor Parsons, Coroner Sharpe and others, while on the opposite side of the river almost every workman in the buildings was an interested spectator from some window or balcony. Superiority of American Powder. Washington Special. Some time ago mention was made in these dispatches about tho invention in this country of a process for making what is known as |brown cocoa powder for heavy ordnance firing which rivaled the celebrated German powder of that character, for which the English government pays such a heavy royalty. The wonderful results accomplished with the new American powder, and which were first made public through these dispatches, have attracted the attention of European governments. It has been clearly demonstrated that the new powder is more powerful than the German powder, and is des tined to supplant the same in future tests of ord nanCe.

THE COMING PRIZE-FIGHT. An Enormous Crowd Expected to Witness tha Mill Between Sullivan and McCaffrey. Cincinnati, Aug. 26.—Strangers are already arriving in anticipation of Saturday’s fight between Sullivan and McCaffrey. Two thousand people are expected from Columbus alone, while Pittsburg is expected to send an equally large number. Full delegations will also come from St. Louis, Chicago, Louisville, and other points. McCaffrey is carefully training at “The Bowery." Sullivan will reach hero at 3:30 p. M. to morrow. The Oueensberry Rules. Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette. Everybody is talking about the “Marquis of Queensberry Rules” as if they were as familiar to him as bis catechism is, or ought to be, and yet no man could be found last night with a copy, and but few this side of the training grounds who knew them strictly even in substance. The basis on which the titled patron of “Sport” made his departure from the old rules of the London prize ring is one that brings th® fighting nearer to what men would do in a natural encounter without rules, and ha3 therefore a tendency to very much a set-to. Under the Marquis of Queensberry rules, which by the by were made with special reference to glove contests, there must be three minutes* actual fighting in each round, and one minute’s rest. Instead of the eternal dodging and monkeying of the old ring, in which falling to escape punishment was permissible, and ended a round, a man must, when knocked down, rise in ten seconds, or is “knocked out"—that is, whipped. If he has both knees off the ground he is up, and, being up, may be struck by the contending pugilist, who may stand over him till he rises or attempts to do so. It will be seen that these rules are in favor of a heavy man striking a terrible blow and lessen the chances of a sihall man to worry or •‘wind’’ him. There is no “toeing of the scratch,” but fight is the order of tilings from the second “time” is called. Still “Tug Wilson,” by his tactics, managed to rise in the face of the watch- • ing champion, ami McCaffery thinks ho can do the same if knocked down, which he has hopes of avoidiug. The manner of callingis forthoseconds to warn their man to get ready in half a minute after a round, and to have him ready exactly as the miuute is up. When a man is down the referee counts the ten seconds aloud. No clinching is allowed, and if one is suspected the order “brnak" must be instantly obeyed. The agreement between Sullivan and McCaffery calls for a twenty-four foot ring, and three-ounce “or lighter” gloves. Os course, the lighter the glovo the severer the possible punishment, and the larger the ring the better for the one who must rely on his tactics rather than upon his superior strength, and so far, overwhelming rushes or “tours de force.” Blowing Up a Saloon with Dynamite. Philadelphia, Aug. 26.—About 2 o'clock this morning an explosion occured in the show-win-dow- or James B. Rodgers’s saloon, at the northeast corner of Nineteenth and Callowhiil streets. The' explosion shattered the glass in all the windows within half a block of the saloon. Upon examination it was found that someone bad placed a dynamite cartridge upon tho window sill, whex*e the mark of a fuse could be seen. Rodgers says he has no enemies, and can imag ine no cause for ttie attempt to blow him upu The damage will amount to about $2,500. Western Nail Association. ' F ittsburg, Aug. 26.—The Western Nail Association met here to day and decided there was nothing in the condition of the nail trade or the general business outlook towarrant a change in the present card rates. It was also decided to continue to resist the demand of the nailers. The meeting wag very largely attended, nearly every mill iu the West being represented. The manufacturers report the outlook encouraging for an early Resumption by the mills at their terms. Serious Loss at Fergus Fails. Fergus Falls, Minn., Aug. 26.—Fire this morning destroyed the armory of F Company of the State militia, and swept everything on the south side of Cavour aveuue, including a large tenement house owned uy J. Iv. O'Brien; the Billings stables, occupied by Cooper & Champlin; the stables of Matthews & Strinpharn; J. Webster’s blacksmith shop, and an agricultural warehouse filled with implements and machinery. It was a very narrow escape for the whole city. Loss, $20,000. _ Congressmen anil Finance. Washington Special. From the character of the hooks which raemj bers of Congress are drawing from the congressional library and buying at the bookstores, it is evident that there is a groat deal of posting up being done by them on the subject of finance, most likely in anticipation of the agitation of the question of silver coinage. The advocates of the coinage do not anticipate that a suspension will be ordered by Congress, but they expect a lively session next winter, and are preparing themselves accordingly. Obituary. Cleveland, 0., Aug. 20.—Joseph Perkins, whose death occurred at Saratoga, N. Y., tonight, was one of the foremost citizens of Cleveland. He was identified with all the leading charities of the city, and was president, ot the largest orphan asylum in the State. Steamship News. Glasgow, Aug. 20. Arrived: Austrian, from Boston. New York, Aug. 20.—Arrived: Rhynland, from Antwerp. m Most perfect made Prepared by a physician with special regard to I ealth. No Ammonia, Lime or Alum. PRICE BAKING POWDER CO., CHICAGO. (SOLD OSLY IX CA.VS.) ST. t-OVIA 0BM I WtfITINO MaCUINB IN TUjt Wo*Lll FOB BAI.B OK RENT. H. T. CONDE, Gen’l AtVT, 76 k7B W Wah. St. f INDIANAPOLIS j WHITE’S NEURALGIA CURE Gives Quick Relief, and Effects a Permanent Cure of that most painful disease. it, and Suffer no more. Frice; Small Bottles, 25 ots. Large Bottles. 50 ets. For sale by all Druggists. E. B. WHITE, Sole Prop., Lancaster, 0