Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 October 1884 — Page 7

SrEECII OF OUTER T. MORTON Delivered Before the Morton Club and Young Men on Saturday Night. Jlow England Tried to Conquer America by Destroying Its Manufactures—The Democratic Record and Mr. Hendricks. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Morton Club; It is with a deep sense of my insufficiency that, in response to your invitation, I rise to address this audience to-night. YV e are assembled as young men to emphasize our initial political allegiance. We believe our fathers to have been right in their time; we will try to be right in our own. In the past instinct has led us. To-day reason must teach, evidence must be sifted, and an irrational belief strengthened or wholly cast aside. A great army of young men swells the ranks of the political parties every four years, infusing fresh blood into old channels, imparting enthusiasm, and atoning for the absence of a maturer judgment by a complete disinterestedness and nobility of purpose that, as yet, know not the warp of time. They represent the genius of the new age and its ideal aspirations that can be neither ignored nor frowned down. The relation which a young man forms with a political organization is generally permanent, although such may not be his intention. The man of maturity seldom breaks away from the party of his youth, unless some great national crisis dissolves party li ncs. Political association, custom and the obloquy following defoction all tend to keep a man within the pale. The choice of party is therefore momentous. The great contest this year lies between two political parties and no more. Those who, governed by conscientious scruple, intend voting the Prohibition ticket, and those who, misled by sophistry, intend voting the Greenback ticket, absolutely throw their votes away, so far as the election of their candidate is concerned. Bnt every Republican who votes the Greenback or Prohibition ticket, indirectly casts a vote for Mr. Cleveland. There are some men in the Republican and Democratic parties who are dissatisfied with the nominees of those parties. Let me say to them, that by no possibility can they prevent the election of either Mr. Blaine or Mr. Cleveland to the presidency. If they regard both as evils, the}' should choose what they re gard as the lesser of those evils and vote directly. This is the logic and common seuse of the situation. There is another class, self-styled independent Republicans, who use the name partly because .they can stab the Republican party more effectually under that shield, and partly because the history of the Democratic party is so disreputable that they care not to adopt the title. They are trying to elect a Democratic President, and, as they favor free trade, desire a Democratic Congress: therefore, their position seems to me to be extremely dishonest.

THE TARIFF QUESTION'. The overshadowing issue of this campaign is the abolition or retention of the tariff. This question has been so thoroughly discussed and my time is so limited to-night that I can only briefly outline the history of foreign and home protective legislation and the attitude of the Democratic party. The interest which the people of this country take in preserving the tariff is only exceeded by that of England in seeking to abolish it. To be sure we are gov eraed, they say, by low and sordid motives and they by ethereal principles of ineffable beauty. The solicitude of Englishmen generally concerning our customs duties is to me one of the most touching incidents of our international intercourse. They do not yearn for our trade—oh. no, but it makes them sad to see how we have gone astray on abstract principles. There may be some of you who are so frivolous and cynical as to think that the reason why Great Britain annexed by bloody conquest India and the other colonies which girdle the erlobe was to obtain a monopoly of their trade. This cannot bo. Their primary object was to civilize the heathen, even if it took the whole British army to do it, and incidentally to take their products at a minimum price, not necessarily for publication, but as a guarantee of good faith. And you know how the English love the Irish. But somehow that affection has never been reciprocated. After suffering from five famines in the eighteenth century, and after having their land parceled out to English landlords three times, the Irish grew tired of the advantages of union, and. choosing an opportune moment, de manded and obtained freedom. They immediately instituted a tariff, and the whole island sprang into industrial life. We have the testi TOony of distinguished Englishmen that no couu try over prospered so much in the same length of time as did Ireland under protection. But England, deprived of her Irish market, by treachery and corruption induced the Irish Parliament, in 1800, to agree to an act of union, and one of the stipulations of that union was the abolition of the tariff within twenty years. Twenty-six out of the thirty-two Irish colonies protested in vain against the betrayal of their country. The union became an accomplished fact, and the tariff disappeared. Out of 200.000 men in the . Irish factories less than 25.000 remained. England feared that factory life would deteriorate the Irishman physically, and with that great hearted benevolence which always distinguishes that count ry in a trade transaction, generously took the burden of manufacturing on herself. One hundred and seventy five thousand men were thrown out upon the land, which, under competition, rose to a ruinous price. The result was that in 18111 and 1845 a blight and famine swept over the country. Emigration and starvation reduced the population two millions aud a half, and this on the fairest island of western Europe; an island within a stone’s throw of opulent Eng land; an island capable of maintaining four times its present population. The imbecility of England's government over Ireland was never more strikingly illustrated than during last year, when the Irish poor houses were depleted and the in mates sent to America by the ship load. Could there be a more abject confession of incompetency than this? But what have been the relations of England to this country? As early as 1750 the following Christian-like and benignant document issued from the English Parliament: “From and after J%ne, 1750, no mill or other engine for slitting or roiling bar iron, or any plaiting forge to work ■with a tilt hammer, shall be erected, or contin ued after erection, in any of his Majesty’s colo nies in America.” Another act declared colonial manufactories to be a nuisance. Well, you know the story. By unjust taxation, and by crushing out our local industries, the war of the Revolution was brought on. The end of that conflict left us in a weak and demoralized condition —scarcely a Nation; our credit gone, and dependent on the mother country for our com modicies. William Pitt boasted that he had re conquered the colonies as commercial dependencies. aud treated us with contempt. The constitutionality of American protection was settled by the second bill that passed the First Congress. Many members of that Congress had sat in the constitutional convention, and George Washington, who signod the bill, had been president of that convention. This measure was economical, in that it gave an immediate revenue, and political in that it made us independent, in a degree, of foreign countries. Still England could not leave onr trade alone. She impressed our seamen and sought to cripple and destroy our commerce. The result was the war of 1812, which, with a protective tariff, forced many manufactories into existence. After the conclusion of the struggle the war tariff was largely modified and a commercial prostration followed, probably uuparalleled in our history. This lasted until the increase of protective duties in 1824, when the United •States began to blossom like a rose. There was a further increase in 1828. In 1832 South Caro iina tried to nullify the protective legislation of Congress and threatened rebellion. Clav, fearing lest the protective principle would become involved and lost in the struggle, agreed to the compromise of 183d and the reduction of duties In 1637 another paralysis of business occurred. The factories closed and the soup houses opened. Tho United States Almanac estimated the losses in four years on five descriptions of capital alone nt $782,000,000. The Whigs came into power in To 10 on the erv of ‘‘Roast beef aud $2 a day.” in

1842 high protective duties were laid and trade instantly revived. In 1844 Polk, the Democratic * candidate for President, defeated Clay on the ground that the latter had betrayed “protection" in the compromise act in 1823. By this hypocrisy the Democrats succeeded and were enabled to pass the "Walker tariff act of 1848, which materially reduced the customs duties. That another panic did not immediately ensue was due to exceptional causes. The acquisition of a large amount of territory from Mexico, the ‘discovery of erold in California; the convulsions in Europe consequent on the revolutions of 1848, and the Crimean war, which engaged England, France and Russia, checked forein production, stimulated our own and postponed the crisis. However, the iron trade suffered disastrously. Previous to 1850, 500 furnaces had been erected in Pennsylvania; of these 177 failed or were closed out by the sheriff; 124 of those occurred between 1846 and 1850. In 1851 President Fillmore urged in his annual message increased protection, on the ground that the value of our exports of breadstuff's and provisions was steadily declining. The condition of affairs grew worso, and in 1857 President Buchanan said in a message: “In the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions, and in all the elements of national wealth, we find our manufactories suspended, our public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and reduced to want. In that same year duties were further reduced, another panic followed, and business collapsed. When the Republican party came into power the prospect was a palling. How to re vivo trade, fill an empty treasury, quell a gigantic rebellion, restore the credit, were burinug questions. The adoption of the Morrill tariff smoothed the way to a successful solution. The panic of 1873 the tariff could not prevent, but did certainly postpone. It was the inevitable consequence of the fictitious values—tlio waste of resources, the redundant currency and the feverish spirit of speculation engendered by the war. THK DEMOCRATIC* PARTY AND FREE TRADE. The Democratic party may be said to have nine principles: The dogma of State sovereignty, free trade, and seven more—five loaves and two fishes. That that organization is the malignant enemy of the protective system is susceptible of the easiest and clearest demonstration. In 185 G they said iu their platform, “The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor of a progressive free trade." and in the next year followed the reduction of duties before mentioned. In 1860 they reaffirmed this. In 1864 they were so busy declaring the war a failure that they said nothing about it. In 1868 they favored a tariff for revenue with about as much incidental protection as there js principle in an English trade policy. In 1872 they pretended to become ashamed of their disreputable past., shed crocodile tears, put on sackcloth and ashes, indorsed the policy and achievements of the Republican party, nominated for the presidency a man who had been belaboring them all his life, the arch protecionist of this country, Horace Greeley, and relegated the discussion of the protective policy to the congressional districts. When the devil was sick, the devil a monk would be, but when the devil was well, the devil a monk was he. In 1876 and 1880 they declared unequivocally for a tariff for revenue only. But this year they profited by their experience in the last campaign, and endeavored to carry water on both shoulders. They appointed a committee consisting of Mr. Burke, of Louisiana, who favors protection in sugar and nothing else; Mr. Ilewitt, formerly a protectionist, but now a free-trader, with Colonel TVatterson as the chairman, whose sympathy for protection is conspicuous for its ab sence. Their duty was to frame a highly protective free trade plank. These gentlemen girded up their loins, and after wrestling with the subject for thirty-six hours, evolved tiie following: “Iu making reduction in taxes, it i not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy growth." In other words it is desirable that these undesirable manufactories should continue. ami that their healthy growth under a had system should not be retarded by a precipitate change to a good system. Now follow tyro sops to the Domoci*atic Cerberus. The first is for the protective Democrat: “The necessary reduction in taxation can and must be effected without depriving American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production which may exist iu consequence of the higher rato of wages prevailing in this country." The following is for the free trade Democrat: “Instead of the Republican party’s discredited scheme and false pretense of friendship for American labor, expressed by imposing taxes, we demand in behalf of the Democracy, freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end that these United States may compete with unhindered powers for the primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty."

England is an “unhindered power,” since it has no protective duty to *peak of. The proposition here mado Is that labor competition be tween the two countries may be untrammeled. Then comes the old plaint for a tariff for reveuue only: "We therefor© denounce the abuses of the existing tariff; and, subject to the precoding limitations, wo demand that federal taxation shall oe exclusively for public purposes and shall not exceed the needs of the government economically administered.” This is the outcome of a shambling, dishonest andebaotio jumble. Iu Congress the Democrats have emphasized their free trade proclivities. Morrison’s bill of 1870, Hurds bill of 1880, Mills’s bill of 1882, tho resistance by nullifying amendments, speeches and votes to Kelley’s protective measure in the same year, aud Morrison’s bill during the late session, which was defeated by the Republicans, constitute a series of assaults on the American system, and aro an earnest of what Democratic supremacy will involve. In the South free trade and slavery went hand in hand. England, the old ally of the Democratic party during the rebellion, joins with that party to-day. The press of Great Britain gives up the Ropublican party as hopelessly protective: does not like Mr. Blaino with his ‘American instinct,” and looks to the Democratic party as the salvation of England’s declining trade. And still we are intensely protective. I have heard it said, and believe it to be true, that that sterling American, James G. Blaine, will not carry, at tho coining election, a single European state. CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM. The Democratic party, headed by Grover Cleveland, say they are in favor of reform. I am giad to hear it, for I do not know of any party or any man that needs it quite so much. But it is well to inquire what the Democratic part}' means by reform. Its patron saint, Andrew Jackson, was the father of the spoils system. He inculcated by precept and example the doctrine “To the victor belong the spoils;" a doctrine which has infected municipal politics to an alarming and damaging extent, and which has become the tradition of the Democratic party; a doctrine which bred in its noxious womb a swarm of professional dead beats and politicians who made a prey of municipal treasuries and loaded down cities with debt, among which New York is a conspicuous example; a noisome carcass that has sod such carrion as Boss Tweed and Morrissey. Previous to the administration of Andrew Jackson there had been but seventytwo removals from office, aud those for cause. Tu his inaugural message President Jackson used tho following words: “The recent demonstrations of public sentiment inscribe on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform.” This language is quoted because of its similarity to Democratic utterances to day. * What did this sentence mean? It meant that, in less than one month after his inauguration, he removed 2,000 officeholders, without excuse or pretense of misconduct on their part, and afterward continued that policy. Ho left but one Federal Republican in office in the State of Kentucky, and tliat mau resigned, bocauae, he said, unless be did all the Democratic rascality in that State would be put on his shoulders. What happened after those removals? Why. precisely that which will happen should the Democratic party come into power on the 4th of next March, with the avowed intention of clearing the gov eminent offices—a great increase of corruption. During the administration of John Q. Adams, the predecessor of Andrew Jackson, $4.3!) out of every SI,OOO handled by the government were lost or stolen. During Jack son’s reign, after the removals had been made, this amount nearly doubled, jumping to $7.52. And during the administration of Vanßuren, the protege of Andrew Jackson, and the creation of his “kitchen cabinet,” it- reached the large sum of $11.71, showing it to be tho moat-corrupt administration in the history of this country. When the Whigs came into power the amount was materially reduced. During the first administration of the Ropnb lican party tho government handled $11,386,097,-

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, MONDAY, ’OCTOBER 13, 1881.

144, more than twelve times as much as much as was controlled by the last. Democratic administration of Buchanan, which handled $697,500,871. And yet, notwithstanding the opportunities for fraud which the war afforded, the amount on the SI,OOO lost and stolen decreased from $3.81 to 70 cents. Continuous Republican administrations have reduced the sum to-day to less than five-tenths of a mill. This is the definitive answer which the Republican party makes to its maligners. Democratic politicians for the last twenty-five years have traduced the good name of this country abroad and at home, until all foreigners and most Democrats believe that the Republican party is the most corrupt organization on earth. Asa matter of fact it is almost impossible now to steal money from the general government. Our civil service is better managed thau most banks, and is more economically conducted than that of any European country. Every officer occupying a position of trust gives a sufficient bond; inspectors are sent all over the country to examine into and report the condition of offices to the general department: they are changed from Maine to California at a moment’s notice to prevent their getting into collusion witli the subordinates, and are never allowed to remain in one district for any length of time. But Democratic orators and newspapers never weary talking of the star routers. The government of the United States spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to convict those men. Many people said that the government was persecuting, not prosecuting them: that at the least they were overzealous and not giving the indicted a fair trial; that witnesses were bribed for their evidence, and that the whole affair had settled down into a bitter personal contest between the attorneys. I confess I do not know whether they were guilty or not. 1 did not read one-twentieth of the evidence; but if you are dissatisfied with the result, remember that the majority of the jury was Democratic, and that the foreman of the jury, who was accused of corruption, is now a member of the national Democratic committee. The Republican party is no advocate of the spoils system per se. When it came into power in 1861 it had to make removals. It found treason in the presidential chair; treason in the Cabinet, four of whom sympathized with the Southern Confederacy: treason in the Senate and the House, and the satellites of those traitors in office. It could no more go into the great war surrounded by such officers than a general could afford to go on the field of battle surrounded by a staff of traitors. When Senator Pendleton introduced his civil service-reform bill, divorcing 18.000 offices from congressional patronage, the Republican party readily voted for it. but the secret prostestations of the Democrats escaped from the lobbies. They knew their party to be held together by the cohesive element of spoils. Their i*>eition was that of abject hypocrisy. When .Senator Pendleton returned to Ohio and demanded of the Democratic Legislature a reelection as an indorsement of the most illustrious act of his official career, the introduction of that bill, the Legislature indicated its sentiments on civil service reform by burying him so far out of sight, politically, that the hand of resurrection will never reach him. I would call your attention to two official utterances by candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties on t.hi3 question. Mr. Hendricks recently said: *Tt will be absolutely necessary for the Democratic President to change at the lowest calculation 60,000 of these office-holders." What ho said in effect to his constituents was this: If yon will elect me and ray party to power, we will give you at the least calculation 60.000 offices and their salaries; and every man interpreted it to mean 120.000 offices. I protest that this is the greatest national bribe that was ever offered to the voters of this country. Let us compare this witli the manly and honest declaration of Mr. Blaine. He said in his letter of acceptance: “I entered Congress in 1863, and in a somewhat prolonged service I never found it expedient to request or recommend the removal of a civil officer except in four instances, and then for non-political reasons, which were instantly conclusive with the appointing power.” Mr. Blaine removed four for non-political reasons. Mr. Hendricks would remove 60 000 for political reasons, without inquiring into their honesty or efficiency. This is the sort of civilservice reform which the Democratic party unblushinglv proposes. The Republican platform says: “Reform of the civil service so auspiciously begun under a Republican administration should be completed by the further extension of the reform system already established by law to ail the grades of the service where it is applicable.” The Democratic platform hides its intention under a vapid and meaningless phrase. Mr. Blaine says further. “Impartiality in the mode of appointment, to be based on qualification, amt security of tenure, to be based on faithful discharge of duty, are the two tilings to be accomplished." He thus stands as the avowed champion of civil-service reform. I do not claim that the Republican party is an immaculate organization. Such an expectation implies the millennium. No party can vouch for absolute purity among 120.000 office-holders. But the people have a right to ask for proper checks and balances, the proper punishment of criminals, and an internal purification, the vital element of any long lived political party. These the Republican party gives and possesses in an eminent degree.

THR CANDIDATES. Who is John A. Logan? Ask the soldiers; ask those who were with him iu Mexico: ask his comrades in arms who bore him off tho field of Donelson for dead, with a griping wound in his breast; ask those who were with him iu the Army of the Tennessee; ask those who rode with him at at Bentonville, at Kenesaw, through a withering hail of bullets and a sheet of flame up to the smoking cannon's mouth, and they will tell you that John A. Logan was a hero who quailed and a general who never loot a battle; a man who, by his valor and by his generalship, reflected lustre on the arms and good name of this Republic, and stands as the best representative of the volunteer soldier of this country. The opponent of John A. Logan is that distinguished soldier, Thomas A. Hendricks, the hero of the battle of Pogue’s run, Indianapolis; a soldier in peace, a citizen in war, a man who, as Shakspeare says, never set a squadron in the field, nor the division of a battle knows more than a spinster. In a book issued by the national Democratic committee this year I find the following regarding Thomas A. Heudricks’s war record: “How nobly he stood for the application of Jeffersonian principles in those troublesome times, how certain he was in his strokes of battle aud what influence for good lie then exerted, are matters now the pride of Democrats wherever they are." Let us see, fellow-citizens, what the Democrats are proud of iu his record. Who is Thomas A. Hendricks? Ask the dough face of the North, the copperhead of Indiana, the slaveholder of the South, and they will tell you that Thomas A. Hendricks was their friend. Ask the soldier. Ho will tell you that while lie was fighting in the front, while some of his comrades lay wounded on the field of battle, while others were lying on their cots in the hospital, weak from the loss of blood, burning with fever, parched with thirst, and while others were in Libby with their limbs rotting off—while all these turned their thoughts homeward, praying for succor, wondering when the end would come, wondering what their friends were doing for them in Indiana, Thomas A. Hendricks made a speech in a Democratic Stale convention in this city, and, at & time when our country was bleeding to death, threatened the establishment of a Northwestern Confederacy. Coward like he stabbed his country in tho back. This speech was the key-note of insurrection in this Btate, was the parent of all tho conspiracies that honeycombed it; and we find the ripe fruition of his teachings in the treason trials whose Bowles and Milligan were convicted. The title page of the report reads, “The trial for treason, at Indianapolis, disclosing the plans for establishing a Northwestern Confederacy.” Mr. Hendricks was elected United States Senator by a Democratic Legislature which has become a by-word of infamy, the most treasonable body of men that ever in this country prostitut ed legal form to foul conspiracy. That Legislature rejected the message of the loyal Governor and adopted the peace message of Seymour, of Now York, an unprecedented proceeding; that Legislature refused to vote supplies to the sol diers in the field, hoping thereby to cripple the •State; that Legislature endeavored to pass a bill taking the military power out of the hands of the Governor and placing it in the hands of four Democratic State officers, three of whom were afterward discovered to have been Knights of the Golden Circle, and to compel the Indiana Icrgipn to turn over their arms to these officers or their agents, a bill which the Republican meml>ers defeated by leaving their seats and producing a dissolution; that Legislature passed a resolution that no Union can be maintained iu this country until fanaticism on tho negro question

is eradicated. That Legislature, which rejected a resolution “That the members of this Legislature will vote for no man for office who is not in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war,” proceeded “with glowing eagerness"—l use the words of the Indianapolis Sentinel—to elect Thomas A. Hendricks to the United States Senate. Three weeks after his election twenty two regiments of Indiana infantry and four batteries of artillery assembled at Murfreesboro and adopted the following resolution regarding that body: “We calmly and firmly say, beware of the terrible retribution that is tailing upon your coadjutors in the South, and as your crime is ten fold blacker, so will it smite you with tenfold more horror should jou persist in your damnable deeds of treason.” This is the indorsement which the Union soldiers of Indiana gave to the Legislature that elected Mr. Hendricks to the United States Senate. Do you ask who Thomas A Hendricks is! Let the slave speak. He will tell you that in 1850. at a constitutional convention held in this State, Mr. Hendricks made a speech against permitting free negroes to come into Indiana. In 1863 he made a speech at Shelbyville, in which he denounced the enlistment of negroes as a “crowning act of infamy," at a time when the services of those men were needed for the preservation of the Union. In 1864 ho made a speech in the United States Senate in which he said: That it was a “great outrage" that negroes should be permitted to ride in the street cai> in the District of Columbia. In 1867 he was violently opposed to allowing negroes to hold office or serve on juries. He spoke and voted against the thirteenth amendment. Think of it! A man who, mendicant like, is asking to be elevated to the vice-presidency Jof this Republic, actually voted to deny 4,000,000 people their freedom, lie spoke and voted against the fourteenth amendment which pledged the honor of the Nation to the payment of its national debt; its promised pensions and bounties to the soldiers, and which forbade payment for slaves. Suppose that the United States had threatened repudiation, which Mr. Hendricks's vote would imply; the Southern Confederacy would have been again in arms, and the United States could not have borrowed a dollar. Rebellion would have become revolution. Mr Hendricks spoke and voted against the fifteenth amendment, which gave to the negro that great scepter which now sways empires—that great protection under the Constitution of the United States —the ballot. And yet he and his party profess to be the friends of free labor. Such is Mr. Hendricks—a man who, posing as a reformer, never condemned an abuse in his own party; a man who voted for the 53,000,000 acre land-grant to the Northern Pacific railroad, which the Democratic platform denounces so vigorously; a man who, as Commissioner of Public Lands, levied political assessments in his own office: a man who voted for the salary-grab of 1867; a man who betrayed Mr. Pendleton at the Democratic convention in 1868, when at a critical moment the Indiana delegation withdrew its support and cast its vote for jSIr. Hendricks: a man who prevented Mr. McDonald from obtaining the nomination in 1880; a man who. going to Chicago last Juno, under the VUigar and hypocritical pretense of assisting Mr. McDonald's nomination, knifed him politically, and nearly o‘ “ained the noinina tion himself; a man who was the bitter foe of abolition and the Uuiou; a man who said in 1863: “I did not advise anybody to enlist, because I was not going myself, and I would not recom mend any one to do a thing I would not do myself;” a man who said that the emancipation proclamation wa6 a “wicked thing,” and that he was going to vote the first opportunity he got to take it back: a man who was the friend and follower of Vallaodigham. the supreme grand com rnander of the Sons of Liberty of the North, and offered a resolution that called him a “gallant tribune of the people;" a man whose friends officered and controlled the Knights of the Golden Circle and Sons of Liberty; a man who was the friend, attorney and apologist of the traitor Milligan: a man who voted against the Freedmeu’s Bureau and civil-rights bill; a man who left the First Presbyterian congregation of this city because the minister preached a loyal sermon; a man whom the Union soldiers threatened to hang at a meeting called to deplore the death of Presi dent Lincoln: a man who laid the corner-stone of the Indiana State-house and said not one word about the war; a man whom Jefferson Davis said, tliis year, he would like to see President of the Uniter States; a man who never contributed a dollar to the Sanitary Commission. In fine. Thomas A. Hendricks is a man whose political record is a blotch on civilization, and who has favored every measure which the enlightenment and patriotism of this age have pronounced as infamous.

But someone said to me the other day, what is all this to young men? You were not in the war. No. we were not in the war. At that time we were dependent on the heroism of Union soldiers, who were falling on the field of battle like autumn leaves, crimsoned with blood, in order that we might grow up in a united country and in a State uncontaminated with slavery, where labor was free and honorable. We who have n ever occupied the position of degraded whites in the South, lower than the serf, can scarcely realize the blessed privilege that is ours or the terrible price our fathers paid to attain Let that hand wither which refuses to wreathe the grave of the soldier dead; let that tongue palsy which refuses its meed of gratitude and praise. But to those who betrayedT us. those who, too craven to fight our protectors in the front, used the stilletto at home, what shall we say? Wo shall say. now that we have reached manhood's estate, w’e will not pursue you for your evil deeds in the past, but should you ever poso as candidates for our franchises wo shall never consent to insult the memory of the dead hero by paying tribute to the living traitor. UNION SOLDIERS. The Union soldiers! We shall never cease to honor them! When they were lighting for their country we were children, but we have learned from their lips, and lips that are now silent, the dangers, sorrows and suffering that they endured in their efforts to prevent our country's dissolution, to preserve our nationality. They risked home, happiness—life itself, tho greatest suerilice that man can make, tho holiest offering he can lay upon the altar of his country. They went down deep to the eternal rock, and there they reared a monument to the great principles of equal rights and human liberty that will stand forever. A great consolation to bereaved wives and mothers is tho knowledge that the spent blood of their husbands and sons insured and sanctified a nation’s existence. Rust now is on the chains of slavery, and the world may seek in vain their scattered links. An oppressed race is free, vitalized, the justice of the Almighty God is vindicated, and the crown of glory is theirs. But the war is long since over. Grass is growing where the infantry formerly trod and where the batteries stood, and flowers adorn the graves of tho dead—a symbol of immortality. They have lived to see their country in renewed life and beauty, the giant wheels oi industry in motion, and their children in tho enjoyment of that happiness which they secured for them. The prattling child of war days has grown into manhood. They, the heroes and veterans of a hundred battles, meet again and tell us that they do not forget. We, the succeeding generation, come forward to greet them and say they will never be forgotten. They have given to posterity a lesson grand in Us teaching. They have taught us to love this country, to revere and protect its institutions, whose baptismal font was a sen of blood, and to die ere the flag should trail in dishonor in the dust. As we reverently crown with wreaths the tombs of the dead, and as wo face the living still handed together for the preservation of the principles for which they fought, we are profoundly grateful for those sacrifices which have insured to onr nationality perpetuity and to that lustrous trilogy equal rights, exact justice, and human liberty, an exalted immortality. Turning from men to man. there is in this State one who is tho antithesis of Mr. Hendricks in every respect—a soldier, a patriot, to vote for whom is a pleasure and a privilege. I refer to the gallant and genial Major William 11. Calkins. CALKINS AND GRAY’. Educated as a boy iu the common schools, ho graduated in the college of war with the high honors of lieutenant-colonel at the ago of twenty two. He fought at Henry, at Donelson, and was taken prisoner at bloody Shiloh. But Libby could not long hold him. Ho was back to fight the Atlanta campaign, and at the conclusion of the war returned home poor iu this world's goods, but rich in honors. He began a struggle with adversity, studied law, became a successful praciictitianer, was elected to the Legislature, and in the year 1870 begun a brilliant congressional career that has extended his name far beyond the confines of his own State, lie was mado chair

man of one of the most important committees of the House of Representatives- that of elections, and of the twenty-two contested cases under his control, he carried twenty-on* through that body. Deeply versed in the science and art of government, fie has no superior in the House as debater and legislator. Eloquent and able, to those of you who do not know him, and they are few. lie w’ill prove a revelation; to those of you who do. he will simply confirm your previous good opinion of his high character and ability as the Executive of tins State. His opponent. Isaac P. Gray, a quondam Colonel anti lvuow nothing, had a yearning de sire in 1866 to do one thing. He said, in a speech delivered at Richmond: “I wish to say a few words about the Democratic party and the record it has made for itself during the war. If I had the power l would write that record of treason and infamy upon the Americau heavens so that every man and woman might read it in letters of fire." Respectfully dedicated to the Democratic party. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY*. To the novitiate the broad lines which separate the great political parties are but faintly legible, A comparison of the platforms reveals but little difference between them. The platitudinous verbiage of the Democratic instrument shows nothing of the soiled career ot that party and its impure motives. But an experienced observer will discover behind the mask of virtue which it assumes its wolfish fangs and lolling tongue. Democracy flees from its past like a fugitive from justice, like a criminal from the specter of his victim. But they cannot divorce their past from the present. As Freeman says, history is the politics of the past, and politics is the history of tiie present. No present event stands isolated, but is connected with the past by the indissoluble links of cause and effect The doctrine of the heredity of crime is the only rational explanation of the continuous misdeeds of the Democratic party. Its antecedents are notoriously bad. It changes its professions every four years as regularly as those years roll by. It juggles with political principles like a mountebank. ami treats an intelligent public as though they were a set of bumpkins, devoid of memory, sense and judgment. Suppose you intended to employ a man to fill a position of trust in your business. You would not pay the slightest attention to his pretensions; you would demand recommendations attesting his .punctuality, honesty, efficiency. The Democratic party presents to the country this year a hand bill of moral platitudes, termed a platform, which vaguely promises some things that are good ami others that are not so. But how can we believe one word which that party of faithless pledgee and broken promises says, when we recollect that the Democratic party of the North, in 1860, favored secession! In 1862 it opposed secession and favored reconciliation on the basis of slavery. In 1864 it declared the war a failure; in 1866 it declared the war a success. In 1808 it opposed the constitutional amend ments; in 1872 it approved the constitutional amendments. In the same year it demand ed the immediate resumption of specie payments, in 1876 it demanded an immediate repeal of the re sumption act. In 1880 it demanded a tariff for revenue only: in 1884 it tried to get on the fence, slipped and fell on the thorns of free trade, where it ignorainiously lies. What that rugged old philosopher, I)r. Johnson, once said to the young man applies to the Democratic party: “Young man, you must have taken great pains with your education. You could not possible by na ture be as stupid as you are.” In view of this trifling with national ques tions of grave import, it may well be inquired what States the Democrats will carry in the coming election. To answer this question 1 must open the darkest chapter in the annals of American history, the record of the Democratic party in the South since tho war. A record that defiles the page and shames the historian. They will carry tho State of Mississippi, where, until 1875, the Republicans had a majority of 30.000, but which was overturned in that year by a revolution so cruel and so bloody as to blanch the face of outraged humanity. Public massacres, midnight hangings, ostracism, those threats of violence that spread a nameless terror through the community, that ferocity which stamps barbarism on the savage, all tended to show to an astonished world >vhat the Demo cratic party meant by a white's mans government In Yazoo county, where the Republicans had a majority of 1,500 ami more, seven Republican votes were cast, and there were many others in the same ratio.

They will carry the State of Louisiana, where, between the years 18GG and 1874, more than 4,000 Republicans were killed and wounded simply for exercising their constitutional preroga tive of casting a vote. Negroes were pursued like lepers, and justice was so prostituted that slavery in comparison seemed a protection and a blessing. They will carry tho States blistered by the massacres at Hamburg. Danville. Clinton. Coushatta, Colfax. Vicksburg, lied River and Mechanics’ Institute. The Republican vote in Arkansas. Louisiana, Mississippi. Alabama. North and South Carolina has been literally burnt out—vanished as smoke in the heavens—leaving only the cinders behind to tell the ghastly tale. Hundreds of thousands of votes have been annihilated. They will carry every district in the South where there is an illicit distillery; every district where a government revenue officer has been Killed; every district where there is no school house; every district where the ballot-boxes have been stuffed; every district whore men, illegally armed, have surrounded the polls; every district where Ku-klux and White Leaguers existed; every district where the Union soldier sleeps under the sod of the battle-field; every district where man has been held as a slave; every dis trict where the blood of th i negro has stained the soil; every district where the tyranny of one party remains; in fine, they will carry every district that is controlled by the despotism of iguorance and that is enshrouded in tho black mantle of crime. I do not say that every Democrat in tho South, or a majority of them, were Ku-klux and White Leaguers and favored the measures of these organizations, but I do say that every Ku klux and White Leaguer was n Democrat. The Democratic party, that putrefied reminiscence of treason, crime and blunder, is engaged in telling the country to-day that the mission of the Republican party is accomplished. The mission of the Republican party will never be accomplished until the Democratic party is dead. They ask that we shall no longer talk of Southern outrages. Now that the bloody work is over and they are masters of the situation, their sensi tive ness may be accounted for. They have gained control of every electoral vote south of Masou and Dicksou’s line. The South presents an impregnable and sullen front to day, as it did twenty-four years ago. and is a menace to the peace and prosperity of this country. If the Democrats in the North desire a change so ardently, let them adjure their Southern brethren to permit a fair count, and some of tho Southern States will cast a legal Republican majority. PENSIONS. The Democratic party not only threatens but absolutely pledges itself to cut off the pensions of Union soldiers! It said in a plank tin ones tionubly dictated by the Southern members of the convention: “We denounce the Republican party for having failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes." And again: “The eyetom of direct taxation known an the internal revenue it a war tax. ami so long a* the law continues the money derived therefrom should In* sacredly devoted to the relief of tho people from the remaining burdens of the war, aud he made a fund to defray tho expense of the rare and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the paymeulof such pensions aa t.'ou gross may. from t ine to time, grant to such soldiers, a like fund for the sailors having been already provided; aud any surplus should be paid into the Treasury." They favor paying pensions out of tho proceeds of a tax whoso existence they denounce. The spirit of prophecy moves me and 1 predict—in view of these words and the light of the past—that a Democratic government will cease to pay pensions to Union soldiers unless the South is similarly provided for. The first step will be to pension Southern widows and orphans, who, they will sentimentally urge, are innocent vie tirns of the late strife. That will probably prevail, and more will follow. This threat and the talk of “crushing war taxes” comes in bad grace from the South. In 1878 the Republican States paid fifteen sixteenths of the whole customs revenue of the Nation. Between the years 1880 and 1878 $2,055,397,846.18 were collected as ii ternal revenue taxes. Os this sum the eleven Confederate States paid $201,906,090.15 —u less amount than that collected iu the State of Ohio. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The charges of nongovernment preferred against the Republican party by the Democrats may be shortly dismissed. They say the Republican party docs not protect its citizens abroad,

and quote McSweeney. McSweeney lived in Ireland five yeays, took his oath of office as poorlaw guardian. thereby severing his allegiance to tho United States, lie was released from prison through the demand of Secretary Blaine, although that gentleman's right to make the remonstrance was not at all clear. McSweenoy is now running as a candidate for tho English Parliament. The Republican party protected its citizens abroad when it battered dowu the forts of Uoreu; when it drove the French out of Mexico; when it forced $15,000,000 out of England as a settlement for the Alabama claims, and finally when it made it possible for a German to return to his own country without being impressed into the army of the empire, and to have his naturalization papers respected. They say that the Republican party is reducing the public debt too rapidly. In the imbecile administration of Buchanan, during a time of profound peace, the Democratic party ran this country into debt $70,006,000. Since 1865, notwithstanding the most destructive war of the century, the Republican party has paid off $1,300,000,000 of our national debt, an unparalleled achievement. But that party which voted against the fourteenth amendment, and which has repudiated the whole or a portion of the debt of every State in the South, says that wo should only pay the interest on our national debt, and let the principal fructify in the pockets of the peole. In reply we urge that nine tenths of tho United States bondholders are Americans, and that if you liquidate the national debt you pay the money right back into tho pockets of tho people, where it does fructify in business enterprise. in the ventures of capitalists and the support of labor, and in addition you have swept away the interest, a sound economical operation. They protest against the surplus, apparently ignorant of the fact that, it belongs to the people, and not the government. To touch it is robbery. Redeem the Treasury notes, gold and silver certificates. bank notes and called bonds, fail to provide for current expenses and the surplus disappears. A certain portion goes to the payment of our national debt every month, since we are bound to do nationally that which we do individually, pay our honest dues Demagogism. thy. name is Democracy. They say the Republican party has mismanaged the finances, When it came into power, in 1861, most of the specie had been driven out of the country. To meet the obligations of the great war, a paper currency was issued, to the redemption of which the Republican party pledged its honor. A bill in Congress renewing that pledge was opposed by the Democratic party. But on the Ist day of January. 1879, specie payments were resumed and the Republican party had kept its promise, all of which the Democratic party had declared to be impossible and had endeavored to make so. They can not say the Republican party has injured our credit abroad. When the Democratic party retired i:i disgrace from tlm management of this country our six per cent, bonds were being hawked about Europe at seventeen per cent, discount, and yet we were a Nation of 30.000,000 of people and of illimitable resources. Under the rule of the Republican party our thiee and four per cent, bonds command from twelve to twenty per cent, premium, and our public credit is the highest of the world. They say that the country has not prospered under the rule of the Republican party. Mr. Blaine tells us in his admirable letter of accept ance that the true value of property in this country in 1860. the result of the toil of two een turies, was $14,060,000,000. Within the past twenty four years the amount has more than, trebled, and is now $44,000,009,000. The sands of my time are runniusr low and I have been able only to hint at the great deeds of the greatest party in history. We are here to night as Republicans. We are here to say why we are what we are. We are Republicans because that party wounded, unto death the diseased and infamous doctrine of StAte sovereignty; because that par ty made the flag of rebellion the shroud of treason; because that party struck the manacles from 4.000.000 slaves: because that party said the ballot and the life of the voter were sacred: because that party vindicated the national financial honor; because that party touched the dead body of our national credit and it sprang to its feet; because that party has added five States to this Union; because that party has given homesteads to the poor; because that party has been a shield to the laborer: because that party fosters tiie education of tho masses; because that party touched with its wand the unfilled prairies and they waved with golden grain; because that party is the torch bearer of Western civilization* and lights the way of progress. We are Republicans because that party sprang out of the black night of the war times, like a fair god, clad in the panoply of war, the hope of liberty to unborn millions, the prayer of the slave, and stands to day, as it stood twenty four years ago, the best representative of the intelligence, the honor, and the patriotism of this Nation. The great superiority of I)r. Bull’s Gough Syrup to all other cough remedies is attested by the immense popular demand for that old established remedy. Price, 25 cents a bottle.

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