Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 April 1884 — Page 3
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE. The liquor Question anti 'Political Parties. To the Editor of th© Indianapolis Journal: The temperance question is not a political question, but the liquor question is one oi political economy. How' can a political party asking to be intrusted with State affairs consistently avoid noticing a matter to which is traced the causes of the largest share of the needless bunions of taxation, more than three-quarters of the prevalent crime, as well as social demoralization! Will the answer that‘‘defeat is inevitable when we interfere in that matter’ do? Os course there are other important questions involved in the coming election, hut they are chiefly of a national character. There is none of equal import of a State character to that of the liquor question, and the questions relating to each, of. right, should bo treated upon their respective merits hy parties and by voters. It has been agreed by nearly all Republicans that the party did right in the last campaign, in demanding that the people should be permitted to vote upon the liquor amendment then pending; that, as by petition they had asked the passage and submission of such an amendment to the popular vote, and that the right of petition was sacred, and should be heeded. Now, if it was right then, and commanded the party's indorsement in 1882, would it he less so in 1884? The force of this view of the matter is more palpable when it is remembered that the Democratic Legislature of 1883 denied the right of the people to a vote on this question. It is true that there was a pretext for it, but that was all. That sting remains. It cannot be cured, except by going forward in good faith and granting what was and is still asked. The fact is, that tlier® is as deep a feeling on this question as ever prevailed during the most intense period of the anti-slavery contest. The tine philosophy of party direction is to meet facts as they aro presented. Did the Republican party ever meet in State convention and ignore a question which affects the State’s general interests more than any othox, and abont which there was more intense interest and feeling than all others# If any one thinks so, let them look up the party platforms of the past, and read the history of the times when they were made. It will not be denied that a. large majority of Republican voters iu Jndiana fully recognize the enormity of the liquor traffic and dnnk problem, and have courictions that something further ought to be done to repress and eradicate the- evils in order that the public burdens they occasion might be lightened and removed, in a measure at least, Now, having such convictions, would it not boa scandal, if not an insult to tho intelligence of the people of the State, to meet in convention to consider State polity, and refuse to make any expression on the subject# For one, I have a better opinion of tho Republicans of Indiana than to believe that such will be the course of the coming June State convention. I can understand why Republicans in counties where there is a strong liquor clement in the party, and whose chief interest is party success, should hesitate in the shadow of such an influence. But, on the .other hand, with the intelligent masses of the party success at the election is nothing if it does not involve reasonable assurance of better social and political conditions —reform when .all feel its greatest need, as in this liquor question. It is admitted by most who have considered the matter, that any expression on the subject must be in favor of the elimination of tlm abuses and burdens growing out of the traffic. Nothing short of this, if anything is done, would be decent. Then, in view of the leagued opposition of the liquor traffie to all measures of reform, high license in Ohio, Illinois and elsewhere. is it not apparent that any expression on the subject will lose the party the liquor vote—l mean that part of it which *has personal interests involved and such as that can influence? If this is true, the only way to strengthen the party is to make that expression on the subject measure as near up to lie general demand, as possible. Tito remaining consideration is, what is the moan of that demand? Here, it would seem, is the only point where there can be any reasonable variance of opinion. I know of no class of voters in Indiana asking for a high-li-cense law. In the past few years.’ discussion of reform measures the eradication of the evil of the traffic has been uppermost, and public opinion has turned simply on favoring and opposing that. No other distinctive policy has either been petitioned for. or in any organized way urged upon the State. In view of this, it seems tame that the very least that the eoming State convention should do xvouldbe to 1. Recognize the evils, demoralization and public burdens flowing from the liquor traffic. 2. Avow the fact that there are honest differences of opinion among Republicans as to the best methods of reaching the evils . 4. Reaffirm tho acticm of tho Republican. State convention of 1882 as to the right of the people to vote on the amendments tlien pending. 4 Condemn the action of the last Democratic Legislature which interposed to deny the right of popular vote thereon. 5. Maintain that it is the duty of the General Assembly, when a large number of voters petition therefor, in the future as in the past, to either pass an act providing for a constitutional convention, or an amendment to bo submitted to tho popular vote, looking to tho total eradication of the liquor traffic for beverage purposes. There is abundant reason for believing that such an expression of loyalty and deference to tho rights of the majority would rally around tho party, making it a host that would sweep tho State. Jno. B. Conner. Indianapolis, April 21.
The Republican Party and Prohibition. To the Editor of the Indianapolis Journal: lit the Journal of April 21 appeared a letter from a temperance Republican on the subject, “Temperance and Politics,’’ which the Journal indorsed, in an editorialpand asked its careful consideration.by the temperance Kepublicans of the State While I yield to no man in devotion to the great principles of freedom and right, upon which, the Republican party is founded, nor in admiration for its grand acliievcments in the past, when it appealed to the noblest sentiments and aspirations of an intelligent, patriotic, and loyal people, and claimed their support as the party of liberty, of law, of justice of progress, of education and of morality, and while I have the greatest respect for the honest con victions of all good citizens, yet, in view of existing facts, and in the light of our past experience in dealing with great social evils, with my own convictions of right, I desire to express my dissent, both from the policy advocated in the letter of Temperance Republican, and from the argument ad, duced in its support. The adoption of the nou-committal policy this . year, by the Republican party of the State, upon the question of the liquor traffic—confessedly the most important question of the day, and the onequestlon upon which the Democratic party has had the courage to define its position in advance—would, in my judgment, bo not only an abandonment of a fundamental characteristic of the Republican party—the courage of right principles—but a step backward in the face of the enemy—a step never yet taken by the Republican party, always dangerous, and one that will certainly prove fatal to tho party if it ever shall )e taken. Temperance Republican concedes all the evils {social, moral and political), as claimed by the temperance people, which flow from the liquor traffic; confesses that we are now further from the legal suppression of intemperance than we were before the prohibitory law of 1835 was annulled by the Supreme Court of the State, and admits that the question is now attended with more difficulties than at any tithe before, and that he has little hope that it will he any better in his day, unless some more effectual means shall be adopted than has heretofore been employed. Yet he would have the Republican party recede from its position of two years ago in favor of
submission, and shut its eyos, stop its ears and close its mouth upon the liquor traffic, with its consequent drunkenness and demoralization, that is sapping the foundations of our social and national fife, for the purpose of securing to the party the votes of bad citizens, because States and communities are not so organized as to be always under tho cut ire control of goodcitizens. This suicidal policy of bowing before the demon of the liquor traffic, by the politicians and political parties, and doing its bidding for the sake of the votes it can bring to them, is what lias removed us further from the legal suppression of intemperance now than wo were thirty years ago; beset the question with more difficulties now than over before, and so disorganized and demoralized communities and States that they are not now under the control of good citizens, but are controlled by the worst class of onr rioting population. Elated by this weak kneed homage, the advocates of the liquor traffic have become defiant and domineering and ha ve assumed to control political parties and legislatures, and in consequence of its intolerant spirit it has become an unpardonable political sin to be a temperance man, while to be a friend of the Sabbath it is necessary to endure the opprobrium of being a fanatic, and to be a sober American citizen, with American habits and feelings, is little less than a misfortune. But Temperance Republican seeks to support his confessedly hopeless policy by making the impression that the Republican party of the State was defeated two years ago on account of its resolution in favor of the submission of the prohibitory amendment, because the Democratic party carried the State, and the amendment was lost and was uot submitted. This argument is as destitute of force as his policy is of hope. In the first place, while it is true the Democrats carried the State two years ago, it is also ti*ue that they have carried it at every State election in the “ell year" since 1872, and for Governor at two out of three State elections in the presidential years, including 1872, and once for both Governor and President. The Democratic majority in 1874 was 17.258, in 1878 14,11.4, and two years ago about 10,000, a less majority than in any off year since 1872. This, iu view of the fact that two years ago there was a ground-swell in favor of tho Democracy all over the country, with their majorities in such Re publican States as New York, Massachusetts, Ohio and Michigan ranging up to 200,000, proves that the submission issue iu Indiana did not defeat the Republican party in 1882, but that, on the contrary, it prevented the Democratic majority in the Sdatc from reaching 40,000. In other words, the Republican party was stronger in the State two years ago. with the issue of submission, hy 30.000 votes, than it would have been without it. In the .next place the submission of the amendment was not defeated, but was carried iu the State at the election, and was lost in the State Senate, because three Republican senators, one of whom was elected upon the platform pledged to its submission, refused to abide by the resolu tion of the convention to submit it to the people. Yet, upon the strength of this argument, Temperance Republican arrives at the alarming conclusion that for the Republican party to advance a second step in the right, and in the cause of the people, would imperil the best interests of the whole nation, because this is the year of the presidential election, and the result of a “death struggle" with the Democratic party may depend upon Indiana. If Temperance Republican will grasp the courage of the right, the facts of history ami the logic of events, instead of taking counsel of his fears, and standing dumb in the presence of the enemy, his alarm may bo dispelled, and he may be able to solve the following njatliematical statement: If the issue of submission (the first step in. the right by the Republican party on this question) cut down the comparative Democratic majority in the State .'IO.OOO votes, and the actual majority of the last “off year” 400 votes, how much will tho issue of prohibition (the second step in the right) add to the Republican majority of 1880, in' the presidential year of 1884? As to the suggestion by Temperance Republican of the necessity of saving the country in a death struggle with the Democratic party this year, a glance at the political history of the nation will show that the Republican party has been progressing with that good work, for twen-ty-five years; that it has been w’oll done, and is well nigh completed. It saved the country, in a “death struggle” with the Democratic party, from slavery, and established freedom; from. treason and rebellion, and vindicated loyalty and patriotism: from destruction by war, and perpetuated the Union, and from repudiation, and maintained the faith and credit of the nation. It only now remains to save it from tho curse and ruin of the liquor traffic and establish prohibition against the same old, oft-defeated enemy, tho Democratic party. And that enemy has been in its “death struggle” for twenty-five years, and its “death rattle” has been heard by the nation every four years for a quarter of a century in defense of some expiring evil. Why should the grand, victorious Republican party fear to join issue with it upon the last great moral and political evil left to disturb the peace and prosperity of the country? W. M. Land. Princeton, Ind,
Tariff ReductionTo tho Editor of the In . asapoi Is Journal: Having greatly enjoyed the general manner in which you have conducted your discussion of the tariff question, though compelled generally to differ from you, both in your reasonings and conclusions, and knowing at the samo time tile freedom with which you open yonr columns to all temperate discussion, I take the liberty of calling in question certain facts and conclusions in your editorial entitled “Tariff Reduction,” found in the issue of April 22. In discussing the consequences of tariff reduction you rightly attribute, as I think, the decline of the decrease of customs in successive quarters to increased purclmso abroad. Singling out the firm of Powers & Weigh tman, you affirmed that they transferred their manufacture of quinine to Germany on account of their ability to manufacture it there more cheaply. But you drew from this and other considerations the following conclusion, which seems to me entirely erroneous, viz.: “Every dollar sent to England for goods manufactured by English artisans, is a dollar taken from industries that employ American mechanics;” affirming, moreover, that if this does not mean more work for transatlantic mechanics and correspondingly less for American workmen, it means nothing. For the sake of the reasoning, let us take the caso of the firm of Powers & Weightman as a concrete illustration. The free-trader will not deny that the reduction of the- tariff will work individual hardship, or that it will have some effect on the distiibution of capital in its forms of employment. But what he' will deny is that, on the whole, it will work anything else but increased prosperity, to a large extent, lor the entire nation. Respecting this firm, you implied that the reduction of the price of quinine, owing to the abolition of all duty on it, to the consumer was of little account, compared to the withdrawal of its manufacture to a foreign country. You affirmed that the reduction of cost to the consumer was of no material value. Herein lies a question of fact in which I think your statement misleading. I am informed by the druggists of this place that the wholesale price of quinine has been reduced more than SIOO per ounce. It now quotes at $1.30a51.40, whereas a year ago it ranged as High as $2.50. If the consumer does not roap this profit, it is becaues he does not demand it. If he does not get it tire retailer does, and surely the distribution of so much clear profit as must, at this rate, accrue to retail dealers in this drug is of no small moment . One druggist informed me that it was currently reported that that single firm, in one year, sold 2,000,000 ounces. If this be true, and if, as is surely the case, we may soon See the profit of this reduction shared by the retailers with the consumers, it looks as though there were a distribution annually of several millions of dollars among those who feel the value of money, however small, rather than its transference in bulk to the coffers of a few wealthy firms. And if this additional statement that was made to me be true, viz.: that they had transferred their manufacture only temporarily until they could rebuild their works iu this country, it follows that all this benefit would operate with scarcely any corresponding disad vantages. But assume, for the sake of this argument, that your statement be true; that the transfer is pennameut and was
THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, FRIDAY, APRIL 25, ISS4.
made because of their ability to manufacture it more cheaply. Suppose, for the sake of the illustration, that 1,000 men were thrown out of employment. To the great portion of these this must moan nothing more than a transfer, without probably small loss of their labor to other industries, simply because they are not skilled laborers. If skilled labor w ere employed to some extent, as must necessarily be tho case, manifestly it must either suffer hardship unless it can find employment elsewhere, or if obliged to resort abroad, the country must suffer in tho loss of citizens. But the question lies in the balancing of individual hardship against tho general good. We do not concede, as a matter of fact, that any great hardship has been wTought among quinine firms or their employes. Wo do not believe that any great number of men have had their wages redueed materially, or been thrown out of employment by the abolition of this duty. But assume that they have; even go so far, if you please, as to admit that the mauu fucturo of quinine has been totally driven out of the country; even tlien the beneficial results are easily demonstrated. Let us see. Those who were unskilled in labor would find employment elsewhere, in time, all the easier because of the very fact of the cheapening of quinine. For this means, on a small scale, additional purchasing power on the part of those who have reaped the profit. If I can buy for $4 to-day w T hat cost me $5 last year, other things being equal, it means for me better clothing, better furniture, better living to that extent If the quinine profit bo distributed among durggists and physicians alone, it means an enlargement of business and freer buying of the goods manufactured in that house. If it is divided among consumers, it means that every factory of this city of factories, will be correspondingly strengthened, thereby demanding additional labor. And not only is it true respecting the employment of the quinine laborer, that this fact will increase the certainity of employment, but it means the increase of security of employment to every laborer in this country. For there is no surer law of political economy than that which forbids a nation to manufacture that which it can more cheaply buy. And the removal or destruction of any manufactory which can not be sustained except by subsidy, whether general or sjM3cial, unless in times of crisis, implies a release to other industries capaliLe of both, and more legitimate profit; uot only additional labor, but additional capital. And what does this mean? It simply means to a nation what it means to a community—additional prosperity. And just that prosperity whicli adheres to a farmer who resorts, for example. to a skilled blacksmith, or carpenter, or shoemaker for that saving of time and strength which he can more profitably expend upon his farm. To the free-trader the principle of protection looks like giving stimulants to a sick per son. It will not do as a principle of permanent policy, unless he is sick. But are we sick? Is not our country able to feed herself? Are we not ricli in almost every essential element entering into manufacture? Has not nature wonderfully favored ns by joining in spots all products entering into given manufactures, as in the case of the cotton manufacture of the South? Have we not unbounded vitality and wealth? The argument formerly made, and the weightiest then, for protection—that it was necessary to establish manufactories on a competing basis —long since has lost its force. To tho freetrader protection seems to work in this way: It 'favors an artificial growth. Artificial growth constantly requires artificial assistance. Such a state implies' radical unsoundness. If you increase the duty on one set of products, thereby increasing the prosperity of the special manufacture based on that, you smite at every other. Take iron, for example. If you stimulate the manufacture of iron hy a high duty you may fill the country with rolling-mills and furnaces, perhaps, but you sap tlio power which maintains them, for you by so much depress the railroad and agricultural interests. If the extension of the one means prosperity, tho depression of the other meana adversity: and adversity to them means stagnation to the iron trade. Instead, therefore, of your conclu sion that the-chcaper importation of goods means trouble for tho American, mechanic, I see in it only the trouble arising from the reconstruction of business on a healthy basis. The policy of protection has shut down half the iron mills in the country, and made possible a constant glutting of a limited market. It has cut up our ocean marine, root and branch. If it lias not reduced the wages of labor, it has made the wages of vjist numbers possible only during given portions of the year. And, more than that, the iniquities of any tariff constructed as ours is, must offer so many abuses as to make it constantly the target of reformers, thereby keeping business in a state of alarm. The length of this letter forbids any reference to the probable effects of a revenue tariff on wages or on foreign markets; but it would not be difficult to show that not only would its probable effects on wages be reduced to tho minimum with a maximum reduction on goods, but that markets in vast numbers from which we are to-day exclude by our system of protection, would be open to us. And all this resulting ultimately in an extension, of business, paralleled only by what Mr. Gladstone has shown most graphically to have happened to England, as, step by step, she-aban-doned the policy of protection for that of free trade. * * * Union City, April 23.
A Tic-el to Win. To the Ed/tor of the Indium ano lie Journal: Do you want a tieket that will win, with or without, a platform? FOB GOVERNOR. RICHARD W. THOMPSON. FOR LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. WILLIAM H. CALKINS. Republican. TELEGRAPHIC BREVITIES. J. T. Voire was run over and killed by a Short line train, near Lagrange, Ky. ffm. Harty, of Portsmouth, Ohio, proprietor of the Harty Steel Spring Works, has assigned. Assets, $15,000; liabilities, $13,000, M. A. Carlano, the “ring” treasurer of Custer county, Montana, was found guilty yesterday morning in Judge Coburn's court. A trust mortgage on the West- Shore railroad for 3C5.000.000, in favor of Ashbel Green, was recorded at Kingston, N. Y., yesterday. While blasting rock, near Morgantown, Pa., Amos Seldomrich was instantly killed and Robert. Howe fatally injured by a premature explosion. Tho Canadian bfacific Railway Company is to reduce its force in the locomotive department by discharging 100 men, owing to depression (if business. George Crtsman, assessor and collector of Salt Lake county, Utah, is being investigated in the the district court. There is a default on collections of over $12,000. In the suit of Mark D. Hanover against Walter N. Haldnman, president of the Louisville Courier-Journal company, to recover $20,000 damages for alleged libel, a verdict of 0 cents furpluinti.il was rendered. Charles Braithwaith, of Philadelphia, who confessed to setting fire to tho stable of James ! Young, in June, 1880, which occasioned a loss of ; over SIOO,OOO worth of property, has been tried i and found guilty. Sentence was deferred. In the United States Court at Detroit, in tho assault and battery case of Captain Compstock, of tho barge Pomeroy, against W. B. Compstock. of Alpena, for SIOO,OOO, the jury returned a verdict for SIO,OOO after being out nine hours. Shortly before noon yesterday, a one horse wagon, driven by Casper Banner." wa3 struck by the Freeport accommodation, ac Sycamore street crossing, Pittsburg. Banner was killed instantly, tho wagon was completely demolished and the horse badly injured. Suit has been filed in the United States Circuit Court at Dallas, Tex., by Win. Wythe et al., of St Joseph. Mo., against Halsell & Brother, ranchmen of Wise county, Texas, for $500,000 for alleged violation of agreement for the sale of horses and cattle by the plaintiffs to defendants. O. A. Ifaynos. general superintendent of machinery of tho Gould system, arrived at Fort Worth yesterday. It is currently reported that, owing to great dissatisfaction caused by his appointments and dismissals, ho had to be spirited away from Big Springs in a closed box-car to escape violence at the hands of incensed employes of the Gouid machine shops at that place. A Discouraging Showing. Montreal, April 24.—1 tis stated that all the money realized by the liquidators of tine Exchange Bank tip to the present amount 1 ;, to $170,000, to meet liabilities aggregating $2 225 000 of which $120,000 constitute a first charge that must be met before the depositors a nd general creditors can receive a cent
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. THE SENATE. The Usual Routine Business—Consideration of the Animal Industry Bill. Washington, April 24. —The Chair laid before the Senate a communication from the Attorneygeneral, requesting that immediate provision be made by joint resolution of Congress for payment of jurors and witnesses for the United States courts. The sum recommended is SGO, - 000. The Attorney-general states that the courts are in session all over the country, and there is no money to pay jurors or witnesses. The following petitions were presented and ref err el: By Mr. Frye: From the Governor, Executive Couucil, Secretary of State, and other citizens of Maine, praying that Congress appropriate money in aid of the world's exposition at New Orleans. In presenting tho petition, Mr. Frye remarked that Maine was its far from Louisiana as one could reach within tho limits of the Uuited States, and ho was very glad his State took so much interest in the New Orleans exposition. He sincerely hoptnl a suitable appropriation for the exposition woukl be made by Congress. By Mr. Miller, of California, from the Chamber of Commerce of San Francisco, representing the helpless condition of the harbor of that city, and urging the early completion of the Monadnock. The following favorable reports from committees were made: By Mr. Hoar, from the committee on library: A joint resolution providing that the two houses attend the ceremony of unveiling the statue of Chief Justice Marshall, on Saturday, May 10, and appropriating .$1,500 to defray the expenses of the occasion. By Mr. Platt, from the committee on Territories: To provide for the admission of Tacoma, as a State of the Union. By Mr. Hill, from the committee on postoffices ami post-roads: To provide for deposit in tno treasury of receipts of the money-order system and payment of its expenses out of appropriations. By Mr. Frye, from the committee on commerce: The Hon.se bill to constitute a bureau of navigation hi the Treasury Department. [This is to take tho place of a Senate bill of liko import, which, on motion of Mr. Frye was indefinitely postponed]. By Mr. Jackson, from the committee on pensions: To amend the pension laws relating to attorneys’ fees. The bills reported were placed on the calendar, and the joint resolution relating to rhe Marshall memorial passed. A bill was passed providing for the disposal of abandoned military reservations. It authorizes the President, whenever, in his opinion, any portion of a military reservation becomes useless, to place it in charge of the Secretary of the Interior. who shall have it surveyed, subdivided, appraised and sold. A bill amending the Revised Statutes relating to trespassers on Indian lands was passed. Ft adds imprisonment to the fine already provided for. The Chair laid before the Senate the unfinished business, tho same being the bill to provide for a bureau of animal industry and to suppress cattle diseases. The bill was discussed by Messrs. Plumb. McPherson, Coke, and others, but a vote was not reached. A short executive session was held, and the Senate adjourned.
THE HOUSE. Rejwtion of the Semite’s ProjH>sal for Rebuilding the Navy. Washington, April 24.—The Senate bill for tho relief of F. G. Schwatka was passed. A .joint resolution was passed authorizing the Secretary of War to lease to the Board of Fish Commissioners of Michigan a certain strip of land adjacent to the Saulte Sfco Marie canal. Tne following reports wero submitted: By Mr. Tucker, from the committee on judiciary: To deline and punish counterfeiting notes, bonds or other securities of foreign governments. Placed on the House calendar. Mr. Tucker also reported, adversely, a bill to compel residents of one State to attend as witnesses in courts iu another State. Laid on the table. Mr. May bury, front the same committee, made an adverse report on the woman's sutirage constitutional amendment. Mr. Reed presented a minority report, and both were placed on the House calendar. By Mr. Seymour, from the committee on commerce: To authorize the erection of bridges across the Mississippi river at Rock Island and the Falls of St. Anthony, and across the Missouri in Douglass county, Nebraska. Placed on the calendar. By Mr. Glasscock, from the same committee: Establishing Tacoma and Seattle,W. TANARUS., as ports of delivery. Referred to committee of* the whole. By Mr. Lamb, from tho committee on foreign affaire: Authorizing the President to enforce the claim of J. E. \V hoe lock against tho Venezuelan government. Placed on House calendar. By Mr. Hill, from the same committee: Authorizing tho President to appoint a commission to attend the international prison congress. Referred to committee of the whole. By Mr. Alexander, from the committee on Territories: To reorganize the Legislature of Utah Territory. Placed on the House calendar. The House then went into committee of the whole (Mr. Converse in the chair) for consideration of the Senate amendments to- the naval appropriation bill. No opposition to the recommendation of nonconcurrence was made until the amendment appropri a ting #400.000 to-■ com pie to the ordnance outiit of the new cruisers wits reached, when Mr. Blackburn moved concurrence. Ho would vote, he said, for non-concurrence in all the Senate amendments except this one. This amendment had been put on in the Senate on motion of a Senator from his own State. The government had begun the construction of four vessels, costing $3,000,000, and the amendment simply proposed to provide an armament to put on these ships. He had not voted for the construction of those vessels. He had not favored it; but. with $3,000,000 invested already: ho was not willing to go before the country refusing to appropriate $400,000 to make these ships efficient. Mr. Hewitt, of New York, supported tlie motion. Mr. Blount trusted the majority would not strike this unusual blow at the committee on appropriations. Notwithstanding taunts that had come from the other side in regard to the matter of expenditure, the country, from one end u> the other, was as willing to trust the distinguished gentleman uow in charge of the matter as ajiy other inan in the country. Mr. Blackburn’s motion was agreed to—ll 410 i>2, and Mr. Randall gave notice that he would demand the yeas and nays in the House. Mr. O’Neill, of Pennsylvania, moved to concur in the amendment for additional errrisers, with an amendment providing that at least three of the vessels be constructed in United States navy-yards. Ho criticised the action of the Secretary of the Navy in closing tho League Island navy-yard on the recommendation of the commission, which had dared to report it would cost $5,000,000 to complete the yard. Mr. Gibson expressed his willingness to vote justly and fairly in appropriating the money of the people, that they might have a navy to protect their interests on tho high seas. Mr. Bland—ls you had a navy what would you do with it? “Put it on the seas/’ replied Mr. Gibson. “And let it rot,” suggestod Mr. Bland. “Oh, we may have an excursion,” interrupted Mr. Henley. Mr. Gibson —I have no argument to use against the building of a navy, except that it might interfere with the election of some gentleman in a congressional district who has said the country does not need a navy. Mr. Bland—what would you do with a navy to day if you had it*? Mr. Gibson—We would give our business men confidence to go out into the world and establish trade, and with a navy wo would unlock tho labor of this country, arid tho men engaged in bulling and bearing the markets would not be able to do so. We have no trade, and, if we follow your lead, we never will have trade. It is because I desire to see American commerce re vived, because 1 desire to see our interests have
some protection, that I am anxious to build up the navy; and if the country has u> honest men who can be intrusted with the building of a navy, wo had better lower our flag and seek protection in some honest country. Mr. Tillman opposed the pending amendment. A colloquy then ensued betweeu Mr. Kasson and Mr. Cox, of New York, as to tho Jay Hubbell assessment circulars which partook some what of a personal character, but had little to do with the question directly under discussion. Mr. Hewitt said lie was willing to trust the expenditure of this money to the present Score tary of the Navy. He knew him to be an able, .astute politician, and he believed that in the ex penditure of public money he was an honest man; yet the country had some experience as to what he would do when placed in a position of great necessity. Mr. Hiscock made inquiry as to what his colleague referred to. Mr. Hewitt replied that, under tho naval law of 1884, the Secretary of the Navy was directed to dispose of certain ships and ordnance stores no longer required for public use, and to pay the proceeds of those sales into the treasury of tho United States. Under that act the Secretary proceeded to have appraised aud condemned a large number of vessels, which were sold in September last, which sale produced something over $5,000,000. When the pending bill was originally before the House, he (Mr. Hewitt) wont to the Treasury Department to find w hether the money had reached there. It was payable to the Secretary within thirty days after the sale of the material, and yet, up to three weeks ago it had not reached the. treasury. Now, ho made no charge whatever of improper use of that money. He did. not believe the Secretary of the Treasury would appro priate a dollar of it; but when he left that money in the hands of some subordinate in New York or Boston ho neglected his duty. He (Mr. Hewitt) had found that $50,000 had beer, received from a purchasing agent in New York on an open cheek, and the- Secretary of the Treasury was unable to say from what account it came, except that it was to the credit of the Navy Department. He would not trust a public officer who did not see that money that came into his custody was properly placed in the treasury, as the law required. There was no obligation on his part to turn in money before the election, except, the obligation of law, which he hud not complied with three weeks ago. Mr. Calkins defended the Secretary of the Navy. Mr. Cannon quoted from the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy to show* that all money received from the sale of old material had been placed on deposit with die treasury of the United States, subject to check hy the Secretary of tho Navy, as the expenses connected with the sale were to be paid out of the proceeds. Mr. Calkens sent to the Clerk's desk and had read a telegram from the Secretary stating that the proceeds of the sale had been immediately deposited in the treasury, and there remained. The reading of the telegram was received with applause on the Republican side. Air. Cannon, continuing, thanked God that he was not so organized that lie was compelled at all times, iu season and out of season, to distrust every public officer or every private citizen, lie thanked God lie did not belong to a party that was putin such a strait that its principal leader, or leaders were compelled, for the purpose of making the party a success, to insinuate on false premises against the honesty and honor of public officials. Mr. Hewitt repeated his statement that, on his inquiry at the Treasury Department, he had been informed the money had not been paid into the Treasury. When investigation was made, it would bo found, though, that the money might be in the treasury, though it was not covered into tho Treasury as the law required. Mr. Cannon said the gentleman from New York had gone in search of malfeasances, and had succeeded in showing not only ill-will but his ignorance of the public reports of the departments. Mr. O’Neill's motion was lost, and the remainder of the admendments were non-concurrcd in. The committee rose and tho House agreed to the report, tho vote on concurrence in tho ordnance amendment being yeas 14G, nays 10fi. Mr. Kasson withdrew tho point of order which had sent the Postoffice appropriation bill and Senate amendments to the committee of the whole, and the House proceeded to thei:* consideration. The amendments were not concurred in. The House thou took a recess until 8 o’clock, the evening session to be for debate on the tariff bill.
Mere outward application of so-called remedies for rhnewatism and neuralgia must neees sarily fail of their purpose, because the origin of the trouble is left untouched. These twin diseases are essentially disease? of the blood, arid must be dealt with accordingly. This is just what Athlophoros aims to do, aud the success that has been met with can best bo measured by tho hundreds of unsought testimonials that tho manufacturers are daily receiving. ANNOUNCEMENTS. IF YOU HAVE PILES, OR ANY OTHER DIS ease of the rectuni, see l>i. Fisher, 05 North Delaware street. 1 ySSOIA’TION-THE FIRM OF" SLOeUM~& 1 / Jenckes is this day dissolved by mutual consent. <t. F. and R. G. Jenckes retiring. The business will be continued by Edward K. Slocum. E. E. SLOOITM. GEO. F. JENCKES, RAY G. JENCKES. WANTED. WANTED— TO BUY CLAIMS ON INDIANA Banking Cos. I>. If. WILES, Room 1, Oikl-fel-lows* Blo.ek. WAN TE D— TO RENT DWELLING—WITH all modern conveniences, by a good tenant. Y. Z.. Journal office. YSTANTED—THE CHEAPEST NEWSPAPER IN M the West, the Weekly Indiana State Journal. One dollar jor year. \I r ANTE D—LA DTES GAN SECURE LIGHT h and steady home work by calling immediately; city or country; ifsl to $lO weekly. HOME FANCY WORK, over 68 North Pennsylvania st reet. \I T ANTEdL-EVERYBODY TO KNOW THAT ▼Y rhe Occidental Hotel has reduced the price of board for fifty rooms to $ 1.50 per day. Day board reduced to $4.50 per week. Good, desirable rooms for boarders at low prices. FOR SALE. 17*018 SALE—DARBY’S VIENNA, PEERLESS and other bread at all groceries. IAOU SALE—ONLY~ONE DOLLAR PER YE Ait, tho Weekly Indiana State Journal. Her.dforit. I7*Oli SALE FARATsL CHEAP, ~ [ON LONG credit. Send for circular. Blue grass pasture for rent, cheap. FK ANCIS SMITH. 1 OR SATjLLIsEOr )ND-ILVND STORE—IN TOWN I of 10,0)0 inhabitants; Business well established. For particulars, address ISAAC SELLERS, Crawfordsvi lie, Inti. FOR SATjE—SPECIAL BARGAINS IN SECONDhand or new Engines. Boilers, Saw-mills. Heading and Stave Machinery. HADLEY, WRIGHT & CO., 113 and 125 S. Tennessee street, Indianapolis. F~OR SALE—A FI RST CL ASS HARDWARE stove at invoice price, on basis of actual present worth; oldest and best-located business in county; county-seat, population, 3,000. Address J. A. WILSON, Danville, Ind. Tj*Oß SALE—CHEAP—2,2I4 ACRES OF FTNE r timber and fanning land, in Brazos county, Texax. Ihi mile from railroad. Inquire of W. K. MICK &CO.. 68 East Market street, or C. D. WEBB, 438 North Meridian street. Ij*Oß SALE—A _ PHYSICIAN T S — RESTI>EN< E—■ worth $6,000 and a practice of $3,500 t< 000 annually; near center of State; population 3.U00; good schools, churches and roads. Address M. !>., care of Indianapolis Journal. Tj*Oß SALE-FARM OF ISO ACRES, SEVEN r miles west of Indianapolis, on Crawfordsville pike, well improved, brick house of ten rooms, frame barn and out buildings. For particulars, soo D. A. LEMON, 151 and 153 West Washington street. IT* OR SALE uient—Fourth avenue dress making establishment, doing a large and first-class business, will bo sold at a bargain on account of the owner leaving the city. This is a rare opportunity of getting an old-established business in the best, season of the year. Apply to MoCOMB & COX, No. 252 West Main street, Lou* isville, Ky. FOR RENT. IJOR SALE TWO ACRES, WITH \ SMALL " house, adjoining Arsenal grounds, at not less than $1,200 nor more than $1,500. T. A. GOODWIN, 27 Thorpe Block. AUCTION SALFS. Uunt& McCurdy, real estate and genera! Auctioneers, 83 East* Washington street.
)|f PIPE ||| FITTINGS. Selling agents for National Tube 9 Globe Valves, Stp Cocks. Kn- ~ trine Trimmings. PIPE TONGS, I Bp CUITKKS. VISES, TAPS, * bSr Stocks and 1 >ics, Wrenches, I tS; Si cam Traps. Pumps, Sinks, I HOSE. BELTING, BABBIT I fjJec METALS (25-pound boxes), i Cotton Wiping Waste, white Wftr aiul colored (100-pour.d bales), Idfe and all other supplies used in conpS nection with STEAM. WATER pig and GAS. iu JOB or RETAIL la LOTS. Do a regular steam-lit-EIS ting business. Estimate and I®‘contract to heat Mills. Shop-?, rig Factories and Lumber Dry bag Houses with live or exhaust He 9 team. Pipe cut to order by Iknight&jillson Hi 75 and 77 S. Penn. St COFFEE AND TEA HOUSE. We are now receiving NEW MOYUXE, IMPERIAL, GUNPOWDER and YOUNG HYSON TEAS; also, OOLONG and JAPANS. Woukl ala© call the attention of dealers to the fact that we carry the largest stock aud greatest variety of COFFEES in this market. Consumers who love a GOOD CUP OF COFFEE should ask for GATES'S A No. 1, or Blended Java Coffee in packages. A. B. GATES & CO.
THE JOURNAL 1884 Daily and Weekly”. The Leading Paper in Indiana. At tlio opening of the presidential year the attention of all intelligent people is directed to the newspaper. With the session of Congress the importance of an enterprising and reliable daily and weekly newspaper becomes even greater. The Ixdiahapolis Journal sc" z to excel, not only in the completeness and reliability of its news, hut in the character afid in the method of its presentation. The Journal lias special correspondents at Washington, New York, Boston, Chicago, and at :ill other leading cities in the country, while its corps of correspondents cover all events of importance occurring in any of tho towns and cities of Indiana, and of those portions of Illinois and Ohio which it naturally serves. It will he the particular care of Tire Journal, during the year 1834, that its readers shall be kept fully informed of matters connected with the great presidential struggle upon which the country is about to enter, and with the no less important canvass for the now Congress to be chosen next November, as well as of all other important political movements. The financial and commercial department of The J ournal includes full andaccurate reports of all movements affecting the interests of capitalists and business men that occur in Europe or America. Its daily record of the Chi cago, New York aud other markets will be found a trustworthy record aud guide by till interested in such matters. In local matters The Journal prints all that is worth printing, and in which the public is interested. It pays particular attention to those events which affect the best thought and social advancement of the people. The Weekly Journal gives, inacondensed hut sufficiently ample form, all the news of each week, made up to the latest hour, together with a comprehensive view of all the markets in which the people are interested. terms. Per year, to subscribers by mail, postage prepaid: Daily. One year. by mail $t C.OO Six montils, by mail 0.00 Three mont ns. by mail OO One mouth, by mail 1.00 Per week, by carrier 23 Weekly. One year SI.OO Less than one year and over three months, ten cents per month. No subscription taken for less than three months. Send for circulars for agents' terms. Remittances may be made by draft, money order or registered letter, at the risk of the publisher. In ordering papers, care should he taken to give postofliee address in full, including State and county. Address JNO. C. NEW & SON, Corner Pennsylvania and Market streets. FINANCIAL. Money to loan at lowest bate of interest K. B. MARTINDALE & SONS. MdneyattheTwiwe.st rates of inter- . est. J. W. WILLIAMS & CO., 3 aud 1 Vinton Block. niH) LOAN—At<)Ni*A’, (>N FARMS OR CITY l property, at a low rate of interest. D, H. WILES, Room 1, Odd fellows’ Block. Money to loan osTfirst mortgage of city and farm property in Indiana and Ohio. Low interest. JOS. A. MOORE, SA East Market street-. \\J E WILL FURNISH MONEY ON FARM SECUTT rity, promptly, at the lowest rates for long or short time. TIIOS. 0. DAY' As 00., 72 East Market street. MISCELLANEOUS. Queen protector—unprecedented i >. ducoments offered lady agents for this new rubber undergarment, for ladies. Addmas, with stamp, Ladies Undergarment Cos., No. it South May street, Chicago.
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