Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 15 March 1884 — Page 5

by judicious firmness, or, by irresolution and timidity, to plunge the nation into dangers and horrors the extent of which was mercifully veiled from the visions of those who were to witness and share them. There could be no doubt in the mind of any one that the destruction of the Union would be deplored by Mr. Buchanan as profoundly as any living man. His birth and rearing as a Pennsylvanian leave no other presumption possible. Mr. Blaine details the constitution of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, pointing out the fact that the Southern element largely predominated, and continues: It was under these influences, artfully insinuated and persistently plied, that Mr. Buchanan was induced to write his mischievous and deplorable message of the first Monday of December, 1860 —a message whose evil effect can never be estimated, and whose evil character can hardly be exaggerated. The President informed Congress that “the long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of slavery in the Southern States has at last produced its natural effect. * * * The time has arrived so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, when hostile geographical parties have been formed.” He declared that he had “long foreseen and often forewarned” his countrymen of “the impending danger.” Apparently arguing the case for the Southern extremists, the President believed that the danger “does not proceed solely from the attempt to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts to defeat the execution of the fugitive-slave law." Any or all of these evils, he said, “might have been endured by the South,” trusting to time and reflection for a remedy. “The immediate peril,” Mr. Buchanan informed the country, “arises from the fact that the long-continued agitation in the free States has at length produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. The feeling ot peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrections, and many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before morning.” Tho President was fully persuaded that “if this apprehension of domestic danger should extend and intensify itself, disunion will become inevitable ” Having thus stated what he believed to be the grievances of the South. Mr. Buchanan proceeded to give certain reasons why the slaveholders should not break up the government His defensive plea for the North was worse, if worse were possible, than his aggressive statements on behalf of the South. “The election of any one of our fellow-citizens to the office of President.,” Mr. Buchanan complacently asserted, “does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union.” And then he adds an extraordinary qualilication: “Thisis more especial* y true if liis election has been effected by a mere plurality and not a majority, of the people, and lias resulted from transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again occur." Translated into plainer language, this was an assurance to the Southern disunionists that they need not break up the government at that time, because Mr. Lincoln was a minority President, and was certain to be beaten at the next election. * * * The President found that the chief grievance of the South was in the enactments ot the free States known as “personal liberty laws.” When the fugitive-slave law subjected the liberty of citizens to the decision of a single commissioner, and denied jury trial to a man upon the question of sending him to lifelong and cruel servitude, the issue throughout the free States was made one of self-preservation. Without having the legal right to obstruct the return of a fugitivo slave to his servitude, they felt not only that they had the right, but that it was their duty, to protect free citizens in their freedom. Very likely t hese enactments, inspired by an earnest spirit of liberty, went in many cases too far, and tended to produce conflicts between uational and State authority. That was a question to be de terminod finally and exclusively by the federal judiciary. Unfortunately. Mr. Buchanan carried his argument beyond that point, coupling it with a declaration and an admission fatal to the perpetuity of the Union. After reciting the statutes which ho regarded as objectionable and hostile to the constitutional rights of tho South, and after urging their unconditional repeal upon the North, the President said: “The Southern States. standing on the basis of the Constitution, have a right to demand this act of justice from the States of the North Should it bo refused, then the Constitution, to which atl tho States are parties, will have been willfully violated by one portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security and Happiness of the remainder, in that event, the injured States, after having used all peaceful and constitutional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the government of the Union.” By this declaration the President justified, and in effect advised, an appeal from the constitutional tribunals of the country to a popular judgment in the aggrieved States, and recognized the right of those States, upon such popular judgment, to de stroy the Constitution of tlie Union. * * * Having made his argument in favor of the right of “revolution," Mr. Buchanan proceeded to argue ably and earnestly against the assumption by any State of an inherent right to secede from the government at its own will and pleasure. But he utterly destroyed the force of his reasoning by declaring that “after much serious reflection” lie had arrived at “the conclusion that no power has been delegated to Congress, or to any other department of the federal government, to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn," from the Union. He emphasized his position by further declaring that, “so fur from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the convention which framed the Constitution.” Congress “possesses many means,” Mr. Buchanan added, “of preserving the Union by conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it by force.” Tho fatal admission was tiius evolved from the mind of the President that any State which thought itself aggrieved and could not secure tho concessions demanded might bring the government down in ruins. The power to destroy was in the State. The power to preserve was not in the nation. The President apparently failed to see that if the nation could not be preserved by force, its legal capacity for existence was dependent upon the concurring and continuing will of all the individual States. The original bond of union was, therefore, for the day only, and the provisions of the Constitution w hich gave to the Supreme. Court jurisdiction in controversies between States was binding no further than the States chose to accept tho decisions of the court. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CABINET. Mr. Blaine discusses at considerable length the evil influence of Mr. Buchanan’s doctrines, claiming that their effects were not confined to the slave States, but that they did incalculable harm in the free States, by fixing in the minds of many Northern men the idea that the South was justified in attempting to destroy the government if what they termed a war on Southern institutions should be continued. Tlie doctrines of tliis message caused great uneasiness in the North, and the pressure of public opinion soon made itself felt. General Cass, Secretary of State, was the first to resign from the Cabinet, lie suddenly realizing ho was in a false position. He resigned on the 12th of December, nine days after the message was sent to Congress, and was succeeded by Judge Jeremiah S. Black, to whoso learning and ability Mr. Blaine pays high tribute. After speaking of Judge Black's devotion to Democracy and his hatred of Abolitionists, and his belief that the success of the Republican party would be fraught with the direst evil, Mr. Blaine says: Judge Black entered upon his duties as Secretary of Stale on the 17th of December, the day on which the disunion convention of South Carolina assembled. He found the malign influence of Mr. Buchanan’s message fully at work throughout the South. Under its encouragement only three days were required by tho convention at Charleston to pass the ordinance of secession, and four days later Governor Pickens issued a proclamation declaring “South Carolina a separate, sovereign, free and independent state, with the right to levy war, conclude peace, and negotiate treaties.” From that moment Judge Black's position toward the Southern leaders was radically changed. They were no longer fellowDernoerats. They were the enemies or the Union to which he was devoted. They wore conspirators against tho government to which lie had taken a solemn oath of fidelity and loyalty. Judge Black's change, however important to

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, SATURDAY, MARCH 15, 1884 —TWELVE PAGES.

Ids own fame, would prove comparatively fruit less unless ho could influence Mr. Buchanan to break with the men who had been artfully using the power of his administration to destroy the Union. The opportunity and the test came promptly. The new “sovereign, free, and independent” government of South Carolina sent commissioners to Washington to negotiate for the surrender of the national forts, and the transfer of the national property within her limits. Mr. Buchanan prepared an answer to their request which was compromising to the honor of the executive and perilous to the integrity of the Union. Judge Black took a decided and irrevocable stand against the President’s position. He advised Mr. Buchanan that upon the basis of that fatal concession to the disunion leaders lie could not remain in his Cabinet. It was a sharp issue, hut was soon adjusted. Mr. Buchanan gave way, and per mitted Judge Black, and his associates, Holt and Stanton, to frame a reply for the administration. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Slidell, who had been Mr. Buchanan’s intimate and confidential advisers, and who had led him to the brink of ruin, found themselves sud•denlv supplanted, and anew power installed at the White House. Foiled, and no longer able to use the national administration as an instrumentality to destroy the national life, the secession leaders in Congress turned upon the President with angry reproaches. In their rage they lost all sense of the respect duo to the chief magistrate of the natiou, and assaulted Mr. Buchanan with coarseness as well as violence. Senator Benjamin spoke of him as “a senile executive. under the sinister influence of insane counsels." This exhibition of malignity towards the misguided President afforded to the North the most convincing and satisfactory proof that there had been a change for the better in the plans and purposes of the administration. They realized that it must be a deep sense of impending danger which could separate Mr. Buchanan from his political associations with the South, and they recognized in his position a significant proof of the desperate determination to which the enemies of the Union had come. Mr. Blaine then details the reorganization of the Cabinet—Secretaries Cobb, Floyd and Thompson resigning, and Messrs. Dix, Holt and Stauton succeeding. “Thus reconstructed,” says Mr. Blaine, “the Cabinet, as a whole, was one of recognized power.” This reconstruction of the Cabinet was followed by a marked change in Mr. Buchanan’s position, which was received at the North “with unaffected satisfaction, and at the South with unconcealed indignation.” This change was announced in a special message to Congress on the 6tli of January, 1861. Os this message Mr. Blaine says: A certain significance attached to the date which the President had selected for communicating his message to Congress. It. was the Bth day of January, the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, celebrated that year with enthusiastic demonstration in honor of the memory of Andrew Jackson, who had. on a memorable occasion not unlike the present, sworn an em pi i a tic oath that “the federal Union must and shall be preserved.” There was also marked satisfaction throughout tho loyal States with Mr. Buchanan’s assurance of the peace of the District of Columbia on the ensuing 4tb of March, on the occasion of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration He did not himself “share in the serious apprehensions that were entertained of disturbance" on that occasion, but lie made this declaration, which was received in the North with hearty applause: “In any event, it will be my duty .to preserve the peace, and this duty shall be performed.” ANALYSIS OF MR. BUCHANAN’S CHARACTER. The chapter concludes with an analysis and estimate of Mr. Buchanan’s character, which is given in full: There were, indeed, two "Mr. Buchanans iu the closing months of the administration. The first was Mr. Buchanan oi' November and December, angered by tho decision of the presidential election and more than willing that the North, including his own State, should bo disciplined by fright to more conservative views and to a stricter observance of what ho considered solemn obligations imposed by the Constitution. Ts the Southern threat of resistance to the authority of the Union had gone no further than this. Mr. Buchanan would have been readily reconciled to its temporary violence, and would probably have considered it a national blessing in disguise. The second was Mr. Buchanan of January and February, appalled by surrounding and increasing perils, grieved by the conduct of Southern men whom he had implicitly trusted, overwhelmed by the realization ot' the evils which had obviously followed bis official declarations, hoping earnestly for the safety of tho Union, and yet more disturbed and harrowed in his mind than the mass of loyal people who did not stand so near the danger as he, or so accurately measure its alarming growth. Tho President of December, with CoDb, and Floyd, and Thompson in his Cabinet, and the President of January, with Dix. and ►Stanton, and Holt for his councilors, were radically different men. No true estimate of Mr. Buchanan in the crisis of his public career can over bo reached if this vital distinction be overlooked. It was Mr Buchanan's misfortune to be called to act in an emergency which demanded will, fortitude and moral courage. In these qualities he was deficient. H© did not possess the executive faculty. His life had been principally devoted to the practice of law in the most peaceful of communities. and to service in legislative bodies where he was borne along by the force of association. He had not been trained to prompt decision, had not been accustomed to exercise command. He was cautious and conservative to the point of timidity. He possessed ability of a high order, and, though he thought slowly, ho could master the most difficult subject with comprehensive power. His service of ten years in the House, and an equal period in the Senate, was marked by a conscientious devotion to duty. He did not rank with the ablest members of either body, but always bore a prominent part in important discussions, and maintained himself with credit. It was said of Mr. Buchanan that ho instinctively dreaded to assume responsibility of any kind. His keenest critic remarked that in the tentative period of political issues assumed by his party, Mr. Buchanan could always be found two paces in the rear, but in the hour of triumph he marched proudly in the front rank. He was not gifted with independence or self-as sertion. llis bearing toward Southern statesmen was derogatory to him as a man of spirit. His tone toward administrations of his own party was so deferential as almost to imply a lack of self-respect. He was not a leader among men. Me was always led. He was led by Mason and Soule into the imprudence of signing the Ostend manifesto; lie was led by tho Southern members of his Cabinet into the inexplicable folly and blunder of indorsing the Lecompton iniquity; he was led by disunion senators into the deplorable mistake contained in his last annual message. Fortunately for him he was led, a month later, by Black, and Holt, and Stanton to a radical change in his compromising position. If Mr. Buchanan had possessed the uneoquerable will of Jackson or the stubborn courage of Taylor, he could have changed the history of the revolt against the Union. A great opportunity came to him, but lie was not equal to it. Always an admirable adviser where prudence and caution were the virtues required, he was fatally wanting in a situation which demanded prompt action and strong nerve. As representative in Congress, as senator, as minister abroad, as Secretary of State, his career was honorable and successful. His life was singularly free from personal fault or shortcoming. lie was honest and pure-minded. His fame would have been more enviable if he had never been elevated to the presidency. Mr. Rossa Contradicted. New York, March 14. —O’Donovan Rossa was interviewed last night regarding the explosion at Fulham. England, and declared that lie knew three days ago the explosion was to take place, and said he could tell when the next one would tako place hut would not do so. To-day the fact comes from London that the Fulham outrage was simply an explosion of a toy belonging to a child Much amusement is thereby created over the pretensions of Rossa. Mrs. Stone's Will. Boston. March 14. —The hearing upon tho pe tition to admit the will of Mrs. Valeria G. Stone to probate was begun this morning Mrs. Stone, who was worth some $.700,000, bequeathed a largo portion of her wealth to educational and benevolent institutions, and the heirs-at-law op pose the probation on the ground that the testa t.rix failed to comply with the wishes of the de ceased husband in his will.

THE HRATES OF THE PRESS. Argument Before the Library Committee in Behalf of a Copyright Law. Reasons Why Enterprising Publishers Should Be Protected Against the Piracy of Irresponsible Ones. Washington, March 14. — Henry Watterson appeared before the joint committee on library this morning and made argument in support of the newspaper copyright bill. In answer to an inquiry by a member of tho committee, Mr. Watterson said tho misapprehension with regard to the scope of the bill had ground out the fact that the original draft provided for exclusiveness in yublished matter for a period of fortyeight hours, which time was subsequently reduced to twenty-four hours. Both forms were impracticable and unnecessary, Mr. Watterson said, and he presented a bill granting copyright for eight hours, which was also sought by pro motors of the measure. Its object was simply to prevent the pirating of news by concurrent publications. He illustrated the purpose of the bill and the evils it was designed to correct by numerous examples. He said it would not act as a bar to the reproduction by afternoon newspapears of matter which appeared in tho morning papers, and could not in the remotest degree affect what is known as the “country press.” It simply provides that from the hour of going to press a newspaper, or association of newspapers, shall have the exclusive right to the use and profit of the matter they have bought and paid for. For instance, if a newspaper goes to press at 3 o'clock the eighthour term expires at 11. This makes no bar to the publication of news from morning papers by afternoon papers. Suppose, for instance, I publish a paper in New York, and I engage a Kinglake and send him to the Soudan. Ho, by enterprise and groat outlay and good t'ortjrae, succeeds in furnishing me with a page of matter describing a great battle in that country. That is skilled labor—that is forecast. I publish this matter at 3 o’clock in the morning and newspapers right alongside of me, published at one cent a copy, in the present absence of law, may, for the simple cost of type setting, defeat my enterprise. By Senator Hoar —Do you mean to protect the form or statement of fact? Mr. Watterson—You cannot copyright a fact. The mere statement, that the King of Prussia is dead, could not be copyrighted, but a full ae count, which might be embodied in a hundred or more words, should be protected. Mr. Hoar —You understand that you get by this measure security for composition—the method of statement of facts—and not for the facts themselves? Mr. Watterson —I understand that the clause in this bill which refers to 100 words means that an infringement shall embrace the actual words, not the substance. Mr. Hoar —You think that would be enough to prevent a recasting and telling those facts in a different way ? For instance: You take a page of Bancroft's history—some page which is crowded with facts—let some other man read that page and repeat those facts in his own way. Hstorieal facts arc tho universal property of mankind, although Mr. Bancroft may have spent grout labor in discovering the facts. Mr. Watterson —The time required to recast the page of Mr. Bancroft would practically defeat the piracy for concurrent newspaper publication. Mr. Sherman—l would like to know to. what extent news is pirated. How can it be done? Mr. Watterson—lt is done every day. In the city of New York, and in every other city, you find newspapers published a half hour or hour later than newspapers, for instance, of the Associated Press, which are generally high priced newspapers, copying for concurrent publication from 100 to 1,000 words matter from these higher priced papers. Those newspapers habitually issue matter which is paid for by others. Mr. Sherman —How soon afterward? A.—With tho greatly increased facilities for press work and type setting it is a mere matter of a few minutes. Mr. Sherman—And then they would sell the edition of news on the street at the same time. A —Pratically at the same time. For instance, in the present absence of law I open an office in New York at 3 o'clock in the morning, having my assistants and type-setters all in readiness, and may obtain early copies of Now York papers, and may issue U newspaper containing everything good in all those papers and undersell them all. I may issue this stolen property without one line of original matter. Mr. Sherman—’That has been substantially done. That is the evil from which you desire redress? A —Yes sir. Mr. Hoar—My question goes to the possibility of giving redress. Suppose Smalley telegraphs liis paper a column of matter obtained at great expense, describing the fall of Sebastopol, at such an hour yesterday afternoon, and how so many fell on each sjde, etc., every fact in that is public property. Now, could not many intelligent men employed in any newspaper office read that and in ten minutes after reading it begin to dictate as fast as it could bo written down and set up a statement of very material fact, composed and put together in their own way, so they would have evaded every legal prohibition, while availing themselves of every fact of news? You remember, the Constitution gives us only the right to protect the author and not the discoverer of an historical fact. Mr. Watterson—l should say that would be no infringement of copyright, because you could never prove where these facts were obtained. 1 admit that after the fact is published tho knowledge of the fact is public property. I simply maintain that the method of obtaining tlie tact, which has cost me a great outlay— Mr. Hoar (interrupting)—Now, is it not true that the real thing to bo protected is the discovery of the fact itself? That is what the news paper man has labored at. A.—Suppose Smalley sends a column of matter to his paper and some inferior writer sends a column of matter to another competing paper. Tho first is an explicit, clear, accurate account. Its value is enhanced by Smalley’s character as a writer. Now, I think both papers should be protected against each other, if need be, in their peculiar methods of stating the case. Mr. Voorhees—l would not give a vote that would crowd the little fellows, or seem to press the smaller newspaper concerns of the country. I didn't understand that it is the purpose of this bill: vet there is an apprehension all over the country to that effect. I received three or four dispatches yesterday. I received one this morning from men connected with small dailies who had learned this hearing was to tako place. If I understand you. this measure would mainly apply to big cities where a good many newspapers are published, near about the same hour in the morning. Mr. Watterson—Let me illustrate. Take a ease between the Fast and the West. There is a difference of an hour between New York and Chicago, and throe hours between New York and San Francisco. There are five morning papers in Chicago which pay large sums for news telegraphed them by the Associated Press and by their special correspondents. Now let us say there are other papers in Chicago which obtain early copies of New York papers, and transmit from New York for the mere cost of tidegraphing what has cost those other papers large sums in obtaining from original sources: that is undoubtedly stealing property of another. Now, Senator, allow me to ask you a question: How many papers are there published in Terre Haute? Mr. Voorhees —Wo have throe dailies, one morning and two afternoon papers. Mr. Watterson —What is tho time between Indianapolis and Terre Haute? Mr. Voorhees —Call it two and a half horn’s. Mr. Watterson—You could not get the Indianapolis papers into the Terre Haute office in less than throe hours, could you? Mr. Voorhees —They get there at 10:30. Mr. Watterson—ls there a newspaper pub fished in Terre Haute between 10 and 12 o’clock? Mr. Voorhees —No sir. Mr. Watterson—Well, then; as a copyright of

Indianapolis papers expires at 11 or 12 o'clock, according as the hour of going to press may be. this bill puts no practical obstruction upon tho use of their contents in Torre Haute. Mr. Voorhees—No; the Indianapolis morning papers are struck off about half past 3 or 4 in the morning. The afternoon papers come out about 4 o'clock. Mr. Watterson —That illustrates it fairly. I took Terre Haute as a very good example be cause it, is close to a city using a large part of the Associated Press matter. Representative Singleton—You say a news paper goes to press at 3 o'clock. What time do they issue? Mr. Watterson—An early copy of a newspaper may be bought or stolen five minutes after going to press. Mr. Singleton—Suppose a paper at Vicksburg or New Orleans comes out. say at 8 o'clock, would not the correspondent of that paper be prevented from telegraphing that news, or would it not operate to that extent? Mr, Watterson—Let us take an illustration. A is a publisher of a paper at Vicksburg, and pays for the Associated Press matter, or for that of any other association. B publishes a newspaper and does not pay a cent to anybody for his news Now, should this — Mr. Singleton (interrupting)—l am not speaking of the justice of the matter. Would it prevent, the papers publishing at 7 or 8 o'clock? Mr. Watterson—Very few, if any, daily newspapers are published as late as that. They usually go to press at Vicksburg at 3 o’clock. That is 6cr 7 o’clock in New York. The difference in time would enable a newspaper in Vicks burg which proposed to live by piracy to steal and publish its matter for the mere cost of telegraphing and type-setting. It is precisely the point at which this bill is aimed. It would affect no newspaper which didn’t propose to obtain its matter by robbery. It could not possibly affect a newspaper paying for its news. Mr. Singleton—Who do you understand, by the Constitution, is entitled to take out a copyright? Is it tho author, or the man who purchases from the author? Mr. Watterson—At the suggestion of the chairman of the committee I struck out a section of this bill narrating and specifying tlie mode and persons who should take out a copyright. Mr. Sherman thought it would put an additional duty upon the Librarian of Congress and upon the United States courts, which were specified in tlie section. I suppose that the publisher who is, or who represents, the owner of a newspaper is the person entitled to protection. Representative Woodward—As defendant or plaintiff ? Mr. Watterson —As plaintiff. A colloquy ensued as to the constitutional power of Congress to grant a copyright to any person other than an author or inventor. Tho law was read, and found to give this right to proprietors in express terms. Librarian Spofford. who was present, remarked about two-thirds of the copyrights issued are to proprietors. A suggestion was made by Senator Hoar that tho measure, required an amendment, so as to designate the person in whose name this right should vest. Mr. Watterson said any form which would secure the ends proposed, would be acceptable. Mr. Voorhees—Mr. Watterson, do you think there is sufficient abuse—that it is grave enough abuse—to call for this legislation? Mr. Watterson—Yes, sir; I think that tho in creased facilities for newspaper reproduction give very great temptations for tlie use of pirated matter. In my opinion, this species of robbery is decidedly on the increase. Continuing. Air. Watterson said: “I cannot see why Congress should refuse its recognition of anew class of property which modern inventions—the telegraph, telephone and railroads — have brought into being.” Senator Hoar asked why the purpose of the promoters of the bill could not be accomplished by providing simply that the present copyright law should extend for eight hours to all daily and weekly newspapers, without filing a copy of publication with the librarian of Congress. Mr. Watterson said the object was to pie vent concurrent publication, and whatever would best accomplish that would he acceptable. Representative Nutting called Mr. Watterson s attention to tho assertion frequently made that the purchaser of a newspaper becomes the absolute owner of it, and asked him what he thought, of it. He replied the pur baser of a copy of a newspaper has morally no more right to reproduce its contents for concurrent sale than the purchaser of a book has the right to reproduce and sell it. In both cases the buyer procures a copy for His own private use, not for multiplication and sale in competition with the original publication. The fact that the book is protected bv law and the newspaper is not furnishes room for the enactment of this bill. In conclusion Mr. Watterson said the bill un der consideration did not affect what was called country newspapers one iota. There was, he said, no supposable condition in which, as a practical question, they could be affected by it. Ho had ransacked his imagination unsuccessfully for some conceivable way in which an infringement of the proposed bill could affect the country press, nor did it affect the afternoon papers, This misapprehension in tho public mind had grown out of the original uggostion that the protection should cover a period of twenty four or thirty eight hours, which suggestion was inconsiderate and untenable. THE AHT SKATORIAL The Mnucie Roller Skate ami Its Numerous Points of Excellence. The handsomest and best roller skate is now decided by experts to be tho Muucie Skate. It is not only tho most symmetrical and useful, but it costs no more, notwithstanding its excellence, than the inferior makes. The Muncie has nine special points of merit: 1. It is tiic only adjustible bottom skate manufactured. 2. It can bo changed from one size to another instantly. 3 It is equal to four pairs of any other skate. 4. It has met with greater success than all others combined. 5. It is tho most simple. 6. It is the most durable. 7. It can be made plain or scientific. 8. It the only practical rink skate in America, ff. It- is indorsed by the finest experts and professionals in the world as being tlie finest movement. Among the numerous testimonials it. has received are the indorsements of the following: J. M. Cook, champion roller skater of the Northwest: W. T. Seal, secretary of the Philadelphia rink; W. R. Goodall, Philadelphia, who for ten years has stood at the head of skatorial artists; O. I). Charles, manager of rink at Rome, Oa.: E. A. Estabrook, Dayton, 0., champion solo skater of America; Lane Bros.. New Orloaus, English roller skaters, with Cole’s circus; Charles and Lilly Fletcher, the famous Russian roller skaters. Charles Mayer Cos. are agents for these skates, and invite all interested to call and see them. Thf. mystery has been solved at last; Our teeth no longer need decay, All troubles of tlie mouth are past, By Sozodont they’re swept away; And young and old may smile secure With lips and teeth so bright and pure. Advice to Mothers. Mrs. Winslow's Soothing Syrup should always be used when children are cutting teeth. It relieves the little sufferer at once; it produces natural, quiet sleep, by relieving the child from pain, and the little cherub awakes as “bright as a button." It is very pleasant to taste. It soothes the child, softens the gums, allays all pain, relieves wind, regulates the bowels, and is iho best known remedy for diarrhoea, whether arising from teething or other causes. Twenty--five cents a bottle. The Hop Plaster will cure backache and all other pains instantly; 25 cents only, at druggists. •stt-agrawiw> i mmtit ■^ NOT LIKE. OTHER PLASTERS.—WHY SUFfer the agony of neuralgia? Benson's (Japciuc Porous Plaster** will euro it. quickly. Price ‘25 cent-**. BRUSH ELECTRIC LKIIITS Are fast taking tho place of all others in factories, foundries, machine shops and mill-. Parties having their own power cun procure an Electric Generator and obtain muoh more light at much less cost than by any other mode. The incandescent and storage system has been perfected, making small lights for houses and stores hung wherever needed, and lighted at will, day or night. Parties desiring Generators or to form companies for lighting eit.ie- and towns, can send to the Brush Kh-ctric On.. Cleveland 0., or to the undersigned at Indianapolis. J. CAVEN.

futicura Blood Purifiers and Skin Beautifiers. A Positive Cure for Every Form of Skin and Blood Diseases, from Pimples to Scrofula. Disfiguring Humors, Itching and Burning Tot tures, Painful Eruptions, Salt Rheum or Eczema, Psoriasis. Scald Head. Infantile or Birth Humors, and every form of Itching, Scaly, Pimply, Scrofulous. Inherited, Contagious and Copper-colored Diseases of the Blood, Skin and Scalp, with loss of Hair, are positively cured by the Cuticura Remedies. Cutieura Resolvent, the new Blood Purifier, cleanses the blood and perspiration of impurities and poisonous elements, and thus removes the cause, while Cuticura, the great Skin Cure, instantly allays Itching and Inflammation, clears tin* Skin and Scalp, heals Ulcers and Sores, and restores the Hair. Cuticura Soap, an exquisite Skin Beautifier and Toilet Requisite, prepared from Cuticura. is indispensable in treating Skin Diseases. Baby Humors, Skin Blemishes, Rough, Chapped or Oily Skin. Cuticura Remedies are absolutely pure, and the only real Blood Purifiers and Skin Beautifiers. Charles Houghton. Esq., lawyer, 28 .State street. Boston, reports a case, of Salt Rheum under his observation for ten years, which covered the pat ient’s body and limbs, ana to which all known method* of treatment had been applied without benefit, which was completely cured solely by the Cuticura Remedies, leaving a clean and healthy skin. F. H. Drake. Esq., Detroit. Mich, suffered untold tortures from a Skin Disease, which appeared on his hands, head and face, and nearly destroyed his eyes. After the most careful doctoring and a consultation of physicians failed to relieve him. he used the Cuticura Remedies, and was cured, and has remained so to date. Chas. Eavro Hinkle. Jersey City Heights. N. J., a lad of twelve vears, who. for eight years, was one mass of Scabs and Humors, and upon whom all known remedies and cures were tried in vain, was completely cured by Cuticura Remedies. Sold by all druggists. Price: Cuticura. 50 cents: Resolvent, fpl; Soap. 25 cts. POTTER DRUG AND < JHEMICAL CO., Boston, Mass. for “How to Cure Skin Diseases." infants and Children “Without Bfforphino or Narcotise. What gives our Children rosy cheeks, What cures their fevers, makes them sleep; *Tis Castoii;i. When Babies fret, and cry by turns. What cures their colic, kills their worms, l>nl C'nstorin, What quickly cures Constipation, Sour Stomach, Colds, Indigestion ; But Castorla. Farewell then to Morphine Syrups, Castor Oil and Paregoric, and Hail Cnstoria. Centaur Liniment.-— An absolute cure for Rheumatism, Sprains, Burns, Galls, &c., and an instantaneous Pain-reliever. ROLLER SKATES Ladies, Gentlemen & Children. The Celebrated Muucie. Fenton’s Expert and Rink. Union Hardware, Steel-Top Level All sizes, Nickel-Plated and Plain. CH ARLES MAYER & CO. Nos. 20 and 31 W. Washington Street. CRANE BRO.’S MANUFACTURING CO., Chicago, Illinois, MANUFAOTUIUCRS OF Standard Weight Lap-Welded Wrought IRON PIPE? BOILER TUBES. BRASS and IRON GOODS For Steam. Gas and Water; Steam Pumps, Steam and Hydraulic Freight and Rnssenger Elevators, Hoisting Machinery for Blast Furnaces and Mines, Bubbitt Metal, etc. £. 3? ‘Send for circular. Send sl. $2, $3 or $5 for a A TVT T*\ \T * a,,, ple rc tailbox by Express, of I A I1 V ithe best, candies in America, put Vjii 1 i U 1 • iup in elegant boxes, and strictly pure. Suitable for presents. Express charges light. Refers to | all Chicago. Send tor catalogue. CANDY L/ 1 . c. F. GUNTHER, Confectioner, Chicago. AMUSEMENTS. flic Lit Millin' Roller Hi, o J ’ MASONIC HALL. GOOD MUSIC. NEW FLOOR. NEW SKATES. LADIES FREE.

K L N Gr & E LDE K, U X L XI- _ X U X L -B—l i Nos. 43 and 45 South Meridian Street.

AMUSEMENTS, h] IST Gr L 1 S Li’S OPERA-HOUSE. The LARGEST and BEST and MOST POPULAR Theater in Indiana. GRAND LAUGHING MATINEE TODAY. LAST PERFORMANCE TO-NIGHT. The Comedy Success of tlie Season. The Famous Comedians, LOUIS HARM ami JOHN UOl IILAY And their Talented Coterie of Artists, in the most hmnorus of all funny plays, ‘lipl In' Hit liflit of ilic Sot” St. Patrick’s night. Monday. March 1 7. < TJO DRAMATIC CLUB in “EILEEN OGE." Benefit of t'u Little Sisters of the Poor." March 20. 21 and 22, CHARLOTTE THOMPSON. DICKS OIST’B Grand Opera-House. The Best Located and MOST POPULAR Theater in the State. Monday. Tuesday and Wednesday and Wednesday Matinee, March 17. 18 and 18, the reigning Comedy Success, DIRECT FROM DALY’S THEATER. NEW YORK, The Arthur Rehan Combination, in Augustin Daly’s Famous Comedy, “7—20—8,” OR “Casting the Boomerang." A distinguished cast of recognized artists. New and elaborate scenery. The most laughable enter-tainment-of modern times. J prices. Sale of seats now going oil at the box-office. Thursday, Friday and Saturday, and Saturday matinee. March 20. 21 and *22. the Little Electric Battery. MISS LIZZIE EVANS, in “Fogg's Ferry'* and “Dew-Drop." NEW PLYMOUTH CHURCFL GEOGE W .CAE*, LE Reading from His Own Works. The INDIANAPOLIS LECTURE COURSE take pleasure in announcing that Mr. George W. (’able will give his readings Friday. March 21, and Saturday, March 22, at the New Plymouth Church. Mr. Cable, who is just now one of the most conspicuous writers of fiction iu the country, came before the public in 1875 by the publication of his tales in Scribner, *‘Old Creole Days’ and-" The Grandissimes." It was the opening of anew vein, that of the old creole life in New Orleans. This is the first time Mr. Cable has read from his own writings* “No one.” says the Boston Transcript, “has succeeded in so holding an audience breathless while every emotion and sympathy was played upon." GEORGE W. CABLE. PROGRAMME. Scenes from Tlie Grandissimes, Old Creole Days, and tho Advance Sheets of I>r. Sevier. r. 1. Raoul Innerarily exhibits bis paintiug of "Louisiana rif using t< banter do h-Union." 2. Jean-ali Poquelin. 3. Posson Juno’. rr. 1. Aurora Naneanon and llonore Grandissime'a Courtship Scene. 2. Narcisse and Kate Riley, in which Xarcisse bor* rows two dollars amt a half. 3. Raphael Kistofalo and Kate. Tickets of the Ijocture Course will be good to the first of these, readings only. Single admission. 50 cents. Seats reserved at Pfafflin's, beginning Wednesday, March Iff. GEORGE W. CABLE. Z--- Theatre 1 11 l 3^ev ‘ a -'ted Week March 10. Usual Matinees. MINER'S COMEDY FOOftI iilipi Dime In, No. ii -North Prniisvlvdiiia Street. t! Tlie Most Unique Entertainment Yet Offered! The Great London GHOST MYSTERY. Mr. W. WOOD, the Musical Artist. The Great BABY SHOW. Twenty beautiful babies to compete for the SSO and S2O prize. The BOUCHERS iu Second Sight and Mind Reading. A lousier Show at a Ilium Cost! PARK K OsTIC Attractions Extraordinary! Packed to the alls Nightly. TO-NIGHT! TONIGHT! Saturday, March 15, last Match Game Polo, DA.Y r U O JST S (Champions United Slates.) VS. 11ST I) I A N A I * O U IS. • | J Admiion. 10 and 15 cts. Freelist suspeuded, excepting tho press. NEXT WEEK: Novelties Every Night! oKAuTrrTroTThT^ INDIANAPOLIS, IXP. Passenger 'elevator and all modern conveniences. Leading Hotel of the citv, and strictly first-cluss. Rates. if? 2.50. Jf3 and $3.56 per day. Tho latter price including bath. GEO. F. PFINGST, Proprietor

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