Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 February 1884 — Page 5

AMERICA’S DEAD ORATOR. "Wendell Fhillips as Public Speaker anil Advocate of Free Speech. The Incident That Revealed to Him the Weak Spot in Our Government—Character i of His Oratory. C.ill.tod from Now York Papers In October, 1835, lie sat in big office and beard a noise in the street, and he went down to find What made it. There he saw a thousand men in broadcloth dragging William Lloyd Garrison along with a rope round his waist. At once ho looked upon the proceeding with indignation. There was a violation of the central right of the Saxon’s idea of liberty. The mayor of the city entreated the crowd to maintain the peace, but he gave no command of authority. Phillips held a commission in a Suffolk regiment, and he requested his colonel to tall out the guards and offer their services to the mayor. His wiser colonel in ten words taught fcim more of the government of the United States titan nine years of study had taught him. Pointing to the crowd, he said: “You fool! don't you see that the regiment is fu front of you?” Then for the first time it flashed upon Phillips that our government, with all its merits, in a critical hour, when all the passions of men fling themselves against the law, lias no reserveforce, nd that there is no tribunal to which you can appeal: but ttiat at that moment just so much of law-abiding, self-respecting intelligent sense as there is in the mob, just so much government hare we got and no more. He had read Greek and Homan and English history; he had by heart the classic eulogies of brave old men and martyrs; he dreamed that he heard the same tone from the luckoo lips of Edward Everett, and he was bught iiis error. Theyoungman of twenty-four, with a great, proud family: with a social position higher than most young men attain at twenty-four, with ambition and hope, then and there cast his lot with the anti-slavery people. * # # To most young students who believed that oratory was impassionate and loudly grand, Mr. Phillips was disappointing. To be sure, they tould usually appreciate the mild and careless larcastu, but they thought it only heralded the toming storm. But when he sat down, at the end of an hour and a half, they thought he had Inly spoken five minutes. He left his suggestions with his audience, and “set it thinking. John Bright, in the height of his fame, said that Wendell Phillips was “the most powerful orator who speaks the English language.” “Wendell Philli] >s,” said a Western colonel, who bad never heard Dim. ‘tis a—an uproarious devil!” “No,” teplied a Southern statesman, “he is an infernal tiaohino set to music.” For style of language he ftndied in the suggestive school of modern Bos tom Somehow he and Emerson and Hawthorne were always interchanging figures of speech. ?t The bright consummate fiower” is in Phillips's book, in one of Emerson's, and in one of Hawtnortie’B. In a way Phillips patronized the 6tyle of rhetoric which is nowadays in the pages ts Bagehot and Arnold and Motley, sharpening flie turgid stylo of the English reviews. He lever left any dark corners for hanging cobwebs n. He studied Bacon’s essaj’s, I)e TocqueriUe’s Democracy, and whatever from the pen of new writers fresh views of government and social life. He was a reader, also, of Charles Reade. because Reade was always freshening things. He was not slow to appropriate any suggestion that came to him from other sources. Whatever pierced into his in tellert lie gave out again, as good as he got it. in a style terse and suggestive, leaving much to the reader, inspiring an idea of justice rather than presenting argument. lie very much resembled Frederick William Robertson, of Brighton. Their studies were alike. Robertson had the same love for books of biography and, strangely enough, he was devoted to theories for training animals. So. too, like Phillips, he studied chemistry as other men read novels —for pleasure. He always based his policy, not upon the arts and machinery of statesmanship, hut upon the weaknesses of the people. He fouud, too. that the North of our day contained it sense of jus--Tatt'atnrrtig its intelligent masses which would grow by thinking. Even in his lecture on “The Lost Arts." a lecture which many believed to be purely literary entertainment, he had the design of humbling vaunted American pride in mere physical pi ogress. He did not love the trading spirit of America, and wished to show that in comparison with that of ancient days it vyae insignificant. The nation, he discovered, was .so little ruled by intellect and justice that it was making merchandise of men. In political meetings there was the “chink of coin, the •vliirr oi spindles and the dust of trade." “The North," said ho, in one of his calmly bitter moods, “is choked with .cotton seed.’ On an •tiler occasion he damned the soul of Ben Franklin lor encouraging in America the sordid economy f “Poor Richard.” He would not havemeu laved by machinery. His idea of government was that men do not need any guardian, public opinion, the average common sense of the masses, being the true democratic power.* ••.Statutes,” said he. “are mere milestones to mark the progress of public opinion.” His religion was social science, which cures evils, not merely relieving them. He did not. want men to work too many hours a da> or to drink rum, and thereby die to make orphans. Social science would give woman power to rule herself, and tans pr vent her from selling her body in orde** to make money in a way that man consigned her U>. if was his idea that if Jesus were to appear in the nineteenth century he would be in jail in less than a week. Wendell Phillip.-, was no coward. When meu revibnl him lie disdainfully replied: “A crazy sentimentalism like that of Peter the Hermit, buried half of Europe upon Asia and chart god the destinies of kingdoms." He hated Seward, and compared him with a blade of Damascus ste.'i, h<> tempered as to bend into a scabbard shaped like a corkscrew. Webster was a “bankrupt- si a teaman. ’ ('hoate “h chattering monkey,” Evec it a “cu*koo," Chase apolitical trickster,” Vt ashing ton “the great slave holder.” Lincoln “the .-lavebound of Illinois," and Greely “a moral suicide.” * * * The name of Wendell Phillips was urged upon two Presidents a that of a man who would honor the mission in England. The great orator needed no such mark of distinction. His place was upon the platform. He was an agita tor. In his speech on “Public Opinion" he said, “If the Aliis, piled in cold and still sublimity, lie the emblem of despotism, the over-restless ucean is ours, which, girt within the eternal laws of gravitation, is pure only because never idill." His nope never tired. His prophecy always Included th good rather than the evil. Sometimes he was inspired with glimpses of victory. Many people will remember his magnificent peroration when speaking of “The State of the Com try” in 1803: “The Northwill triumph. 1 know* it.. Do you remember in that disastrous nege in India, when the Scotch girl raised her ueud from the pallet of tin* hospital and said to (he sickening hearts of the English, T hear the bagpipes: the Campbell.; are coming!’ and they said, Jessie, it is delirium.’ ‘No; I know it: 1 hear it afar off !’ And in an hour the pibroch burst upon their glad ears, and the banner of England floated in triumph over their heads. So 1 hear in the dim distance the first notes of the jubilee rising from the hearts of the millions, homi, very soon, you shall hear it at the gates the citadel, and the stars and stripes shall guarantee liberty forever from the lakes to the gulf.’’ An incident illustrative of the zeal and earnestness of Wendell Phillips is revived by tin* recent death of the great philanthropist Just before the breaking out of the war lie was lecturing in Worcester. Mass., to a large and enlightoued audience. His subject was “Slavery,” the most vital question of that day, and with his magnificent oratorical powers lie painted picture after picture, showing the barbarity and degradation bf such an institution, and wrought, up his audience to the highest pitch of excitement. In conclusion he told an incident that bad lately I’Oine to his knowledge. Jn South Carolina lived a widow. She was a refined and cultivated lady, and, above all, was a Christian. Through accident of birth she was a slave owner, but did all in her power to ameliorate the condition of her slave*. Contrary to the law of her State, but in acttordanc.o with the commands of the Savior, she had taught several of her household slaves to read the Bible and to believe in God. This ♦joining to the cal’s of the authorities, she was

forced to suffer many indignities. Her property was confiscated to the State, and she herself was thrown into prison. The picture had been strongly drawn, and the orator was probably as much excited by the re cital as his audience. Reaching a climax, he appealed directly to those before him as to their opinion of slavery, saying: “Can any one hero, can any one of vou, say ‘God bless such an insti tutionr No. feather* let him say, ‘God damn such an institution.”' Asa popular lecturer, Mr. Phillips’s reputation is as broad as his reputation as an advocate of human rights. Ho has been heard in most of the Northern States, if not in all, and everywhere with great delight. Delane, of the London Times, once heard him, though he went into the hall somewhat under protest, having in mind only the slavery associations of Mr. Phillips’s name, hut when he came away, on being asked if he had been pleased, his answer was: “Pleased! I never heard anything like it. We have no orator in England who can compare with him. He is fche most eloquent speaker living.” About three years ago an intimate friend of Mr. Phillips, one who had known him for twentyfive years, made public some interesting facts about his private life. Though in comfortable circumstances, worth probably $200,000, Mr. Phillips then lived, and since his marriage had lived, in an old-fashioned, meagerly-furnished house in Essex steet, Boston. For thirty years he had dwelt there, and the encroachments of ordinary boarding houses and retail shops could not drive him away. Finally, when a street improvement made it necessary for him to go, he went with deep regret. He has been a great lover of art, though he collected no pictures, or bronzes, or marbles, because he preferred to give the money they would cost to the poor. No really needy, deserving man or woman ever appealed to him, said this friend, in vain. “He is constantly doing good, but he is so secretive and silent concerning his benevolence that nobody hears of it, unless by accident.” His manner in private was wholly simple and natural: it put persons at their ease; yet it was the manner of a partrician, and “men of the common sort who meet him esteem and admire him, though they always feel the difference between him and themselves.” Phillips and Garrison. Col. Sylvester Darnell, in Detroit Times. Wendell Phillips was a man of the utmost fearlessness and who acted always on liis convictions, yet lie was never arrogant. In this respect he was unlike Garrison. Garrison was harsh and aggressive; Phillips was not aggressive and yet not to be swerved from doing what he considered to be the right. It was a difference between tho two which sprung from their birth. Phillips was descended from a line of ancestors famous for their polish, culture and learning; Garrison was one of the people. It was Phillips’ aristocratic birth for one thing which gave him such power. It may surprise you, sir, when I say that in this whole country there is no place where so much respect is paid to aristocracy as in the commonwealth of Massachusetts. The man whose ancestors were among the Pilgrim Fathers is as proud of it as the Southerner who is descended from the nobles who first settled in Maryland. Wendell Phillips was, I believe, the greatest natural born orator this country ever saw. Clay was the only man who could compare with him. His magnetism was wonderful. In his presence you felt yourself inclined to bow down before him and do him reverence: you felt as if you were in the presence of a divinity. 1 heard him at Cooper Institute, New York, deliver a speech on “The Duty of the North in the War." Why, sir, it seemed as if he stood there with the sword of the Lord and of Gideon in his hand, and as if a wind of God swept over liis audience! I have said that by nature he was not aggressive, but ho was a scourge when worked up. Wendell Phillips’s Last Letter. Washington Special. Representative Collins, of Massachusetts, received one of the last letters ever written by Wendell Phillips. It is as follows. Boston, Jan. 4, 1384. My Dear Sir—r it wholly in order to write a congressman. “Happy New Year?” Well, if it is not, excuse my ignorance of parliamentary usage. I want to ask a favor. There will come before Congress soon a measure looking toward tho creation of a Territorial government for Alaska, which is without government, law. or school, though we have possessed it since 1867, and we found all these there when Russia surrendered it to us, and though Alaska yields us some $300,000 in revenue annually, and a fifth part of that sum would pay all tho cost of schools, courts, governor, etc. Rev. Dr. Sheldon Jackson, who is a missionary there, will introduce himself to you, ami I ask for him’and his cause a favorable consideration. Yours cordially, WENDELL Phillips. WRONGFULIiY IMPRISONED. An Illinois Mine Owner Declared Insane and Committed to an Asylum. Chicago, Feb. s.—Application for habeas corpus was made in the Circuit Court, to-day, by John Faulds, a subject of Great Britain, hailing from Renfrewshire, Scotland, who declares that in 1863 he came to the United States, took up residence inCatlin, Vermillion county, 111., where he acquired coal mines and other property, rated now as being worth SIOO,OOO to $500,000. In 1871 the title to his property was contested and the matter carried to the federal court at Springfield, tho litigation dragging along until November, 1882, when, according to Mr. Faulds’s story, he was wrongfully accused of insanity, convicted and sent to the insane asylum at Kankakee, where he was. confined until December, 1883, when he managed to escape. He contends that the charges of insanity were made to prevent him from prosecuting liis suit, which involves the possession of all his property. After his flight from the asylum, in December last, Faulds has remained in Chicago, where he was recognized yesterday and arrested at the instance of some of his old prosecutors. His application for release is indorsed by several medical experts, who declare the petitioner of sound mind, as do also four or five prominent residents of tho city prior to the commencement of his suit. His income from his mines was of a princely character, but ceased altogether whan the title to the property was attacked in court, as mining operations then ceased. The Last Meeting of Garfield’s Cabinet* Thomas L. James, ex •Postmaster-general. If Mr. Blaine wants a subject for his pen which he may be confident is worthy of his finest rhetoric, let him take the last meeting of Garfield’s Cabinet. I can never forget the scene as the President came iu, and, saying lie wished to road to us a letter before beginning business, proceeded to read one of Abraham Lincoln’s most characteristic epistles, one that “Bob" had run across, he said. It was his dispatch to Gen oral Jo© Hooker on the eve of a battle, and Garfield, you may bo sure, read it for all it was worth. In it Lincoln likened Hooker to a bull trying to get over a fence with dogs in front of him and behind him. The Secretary of War had written some copious instructions to Hooker, but happened to run across the messenger with Lincoln’s terse dispatch. After reading it he tore his own up, saying he could not equal it- Do you know, if Garfield were alive now Dorsey would be wearing stripes. Why They Wear Blush Hoses. New York Evening Post. Great clusters of blush roses aro just now vory fashionably worn with full-dress toilets, and it was noticed at a brilliant gathering at the Metropolitan Opera-house the other evening that these fragrant blossoms were almost without exception worn by ladies who appeared in toilets with bodices cut decollete. Perhaps these roses were adopted and worn as a sort of vicarious offering to a sentiment which the wearers instinctively felt, but wore courageous enough or careless enough to disregard. Underground Telegraphy. Chicago, Feb. 5.— -City Electrician Barrott, who has been examining the underground systems of telegraphy in various Eastern cities, is convinced of their practicability, ami has contracted for forty miles of wire to be used as a basis for the new fire alarm system, all of which will be put underground, removing all poles in the business center of the city. Use Hop Bitters once amt you will use no other medicine. Test it. Bee advertisements.

TilE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1884.

INDIANA AND ITS POLITICS. The Republican Ranks Harmonious and in Good Working Trim. Ex-Senator McDonald and His Strength with the Democracy—The Tariff Issue and Civil-Service Reform. F. D. Root, iu Now York Times. Poace now reigns where the decisive battle of the last presidential campaign was fought. In •no other State do politicians fight more bravely and earnestly when the two groat parties face each other and try their strength, and in no other do they more quickly lay aside their political weapons and become warm-hearted fellowcitizens after a decision has been reached and the smoke of the conflict has been blown away. The Hoosier’s hearty good nature at once assorts itself, and those who wero separated for a time by the most uncompromising political hostility are friends once more, saying innumerable good things about each other, and jogging along life’s road side by side in the most neighborly fashion. The October election of 1880 in this State was a hard fought battle. Each party had staked its hopes upon the result, and thousands of politicians from other States were here supporting their friends in one way or another. All the bitterness of that memorable contest seems to have passed away, and although the State has several candidates for the presidency, and is still a very important factor in all political calculations, politicians here are, tor the most part, attending to their private business, no political work of any account has been done, and no one seems to long for a resumption of hostilities. When President Arthur called Judge Gresham iuto his Cabinet he divided the Indiana Republican delegation. It does not appear that it was his purpose to divide it, but the division was one of the inevitable results of his action. By giving to Judge Gresham a national reputation he raised him to the level of Harrison as a presidential candidate at home, and provided a new center in tho State around which the forces of the administration could be gathered. Y'et Harrison and Gresham aro by no means rivals. Their friends will not admit that either of the gentlemen is a candidate in the full sense of the word. Their prominence has not caused any factional division. The supporters of one are friends of the supporters of the other. Nevertheless, it is true that Harrison would have stronger support iu the delegation if Gresham had not been made Postmaster-general, and that Gresham’s appointment and service in tho Cabinet have neutralized the political force of Indiana in the national convention. The Republican leaders have decided that the delegation shall go to Chicago without instructions. For whom will the delegates vote on tho first ballot? No one can tell. If Harrison and Gresham were the only candidates, and if it were necessary to vote tor one or the other, the delegation would be pretty evenly divided. Gresham would have the majority of delegates iu the southern half of the State and Harrison the majority of the delegates in the northern half. But the leaders say that no attempt will he made to thrust either of the men before the convention. The delegates will go “free footed,” hoping, of course, that an Indiana man will be nominated. If they find that a goodly number of delegates from other Slates would like to vote for Harrison it will bo easy to secure every Indiana vote, they say, for the Senator; and if tho tide sets toward Gresham every Indiana delegate will gladly, they say, vote for the Postmaster-general But the delegates must vote for someone on the first ballot, and it is not probable that they will discover before that ballot a decided tenaei|by in other delegations to nominate either Harrison or Gresham. It is predicted, therefore, that on the first ballot Indiana will present several names. Harrison will have votes, Gresham will have votes, and Blaine, Arthur. Logan and General Sherman will have a few supporters. All will be ready, however, to wheel into line for Harrison or Gresham if either of these men shall seem to have strength outside of the State. This is the perfection of harmony. THE REPUBLICAN VOTE AT CHICAGO. While it is admitted that Gresham might take half of the State, it is said that he will be loyal to his superior officer, the President, so long as the President shall have any hope of success. What, then, does the Gresham vote mean? Generally it means Arthur. If Arthur can get tho nomination, it means Gresham for Vice-presi-dent. If Arthur cannot be nominated, it means a transfer, so far as possible, of Arthur’s votes to Gresham as the political heir of the administration. “Arthur and Gresham” is a very popular ticket among outspoken Arthur men. It is a ticket of the federal office-holders in Kentucky. “The Gresliam men can be transferred to Arthur,” said a Republican who is acquainted with the working forces of tho party, “and if Arthur should be very strong in the convention it would not be very difficult to induce many of the Harrison men to vote for him. But Arthur’s chances depend upon New York." All agree that Arthur can advance his fortunes in no other way so effectively as by doing his duty and refusing to use liis power in his own behalf. His best friends say that if he reaches for the prize ho will surely lose it, while it may come to him if he does not try to get it Wherever I have been, in this State and other States, the politicians and the people agree upon this point. Indiana had thirty delegates in tho national convention, and twenty-six of them voted for Blaine, two for Sherman, and one for Wasliburne. The growth of Harrison and Gresham and the alleged retirement of Blaine have taken aw ay a great part of Blaine’s strength here. It is no longer a Blaine State, but the ex-Secretary will probably have some delegates on the first ballot. No one seems to be talking or working for him in Indiana. If Harrison, Gresham, and Arthur should be taken from the field, many of the active Republicans and politicians would turn to Logan or General Sherman. Logan has stumped the State, and the existence of a strong Grand Army organization is of some service to any candidate who was a soldier. The nomination of either of these men would probably causo the friends of Governor Porter to bring him forward as a candidate for the second place on the ticket. Occasionally one finds a politician who thinks that Sherman is the man because he could get the votes of Independents. Others say that no one knows whether he is a Democrat or a Republican, and his supporters reply that the country knows as much about his political creed as it did about Grant’s when ho was first elected. Indiana having become a national battleground in politics, some of the State’s politicians have a way of looking beyond the State’s boundaries and taking a hand in national political movements. One of these gentlemen has found time to keep up communication with his friends in Washington, Chicago, and Now York, while paying some attention to local politics, and his statements deserve careful consideration. “Arthur’s chances,” he says, “will depend entirely upon liow he looks in May next as to his strength in New York, for the delegates will then have been chosen. Some of his friends think ho will get a large majority of the delegates from that State. If he doesn’t pet a majority, it will bo all up with him. With Arthur out, the fight will be between Logan and the field, w ith Blaine the most formidable man in tho field. Jt is no use to talk about Lincoln, for Logan will havo tho delegates of Illinois outside of Chicago. Ho will be opposed by powerful enemies in that city. Blaine is a candidate, as ho was in 1876 and 1880, but he is approaching the convention on a now tack. Many men are engaged in a kind of conspiracy for tho purpose of nominating him. You know how it was at the last meeting of the national committee. There were members from the West and Northwest who were working for Blaine. They wanted to make Chaffee, of Colorado, chairman, but failed, for Chaffee was Arthur's avowed enemy, liis hostility to the administration was too plain. Bill Chandler is for Blaine; don't make any mistake about that; and he is in the conspiracy. Yet it is true that many Blaine

men feel that he could not be elected. It also true that, he would like to be Secretary of State, hoping that a ‘spirited foreign policy,’ which could undoubtedly bring war upon us. would make him President in 1888.” Tho federal office holders of Indiana are whole-souled, outejiokeu, practical men, who are pretty close to the people whom they serve. They are politicians, like a great many other active Republicans of the State, but, so far as I can learn from their opponents, from Independents, and from themselves, they are not using their official power in behalf of any candidate. They talk kindly about Arthur, but they do not forget that his fortunes must depend upon New York and Ohio, and they know that tho people would be repelled from any candidate if he should go to work openly for himself, especiallyif that candidate controls the patronage of the government. They say that “tho people won't have it.” and that the people have determined to make the nomination themselves this time. THE DEMOCRATIC CHOICE. The delegates from Indiana in the Democratic convention will, in all probability, cast their votes for ex-Senator Joseph E. McDonald. They will be instructed to vote for him, and every effort will be made to put him at the head of tho national ticket. McDonald is probably to-day the strongest candidate of the low-tariff wing of his party. He was chairman of the delegation in 1880, when the delegates persistently voted for Hendricks. As soon as it became plain to every sensible man that Hendricks could not get the nomination, politicians wbo knew' that Indiana was fighting ground went to the other delegations and found out how many votes would be cast for McDonald if Hendricks should retire. The list was made up, and an influential Democrat of Ohio put it in his pocket and came to Indianapolis. He showed it to Hendricks. He hoped that Hendricks would return with him to Cincinnati and withdraw his name. Hendricks refused to withdraw, and, as McDonald and the delegation were loyal to him. Indiana became a cipher in the contest.. Now Hendricks is in Europe, and McDonald is the leader of his party in tho State. The ex-Senator has a law-office in this city, and he is respected by prominent men of both parties. Hendricks was more popular as a politician than McDonald can ever be. but McDonald has a better record. The ex Senator was a war Democrat, and lie boldly defended bard money on the stump when his party and its leaders were going head, neck, and heels into the soft-money camp. His tariff views I will take up later on. He is a pleasant gentleman of the old school. He is not an eloquent speaker, nor is he master of any of tho arts by which some public men arouse enthusiasm and gather around them devoted adherents. “lie can empty a public hall quicker than any other man in Indiana,” said a Republican who knows him well and likes him. He has been a candidate before tho people only once, in 1864, when he ran for Governor against Morton, and was heated by 20,000 votes. It will not'be enthusiastic support that the delegation will give him, because men like McDonald never get that kind of support, and because Hendricks and the old ticket survive in the hearts of Democrats in some parts of the State, but it will be respectable support. He will have many votes from other States, and it is reported from Washington that many senators from the Southwest and South have determined to work for him. It is said that some of the farmers don’t like him because he appeared in court as counsel lor the owners of the driven-well patents. There are thousands of these wells in nortnern Indiana. Some years after they had been put down and paid for, the owners of the patents proceeded against the farmers for a royalty. Some paid, and others fought, at consideiable expense. Many of these cases are still pending, but the owners of the patents have the best end of the contest. It is not probable, however, that Mr. McDonald will suffer greatly on this account. The candidate of the Indiana Democracy believes not only that the tariff rates should be so reduced as to cut off tho surplus revenue, but also, that with such a reiluctiou the rates would still be too high for the best interest of manufacturing industries in this country and for the good of the people. He holds that an average ad valorem duty of only 30 per cent, would be injurious, because it would not be low enough to allow American manufacturers to sell in foreign markets. Believing that under protection we have outgrown our own market, ho maintains that we cannot continue to be prosperous unless we open foreign markets to our manufacturers by cutting down ♦nritf duties. “Free trade between nations as between individuals,” said he, in a speech delivered three years ago, which fully represents his present position, “is undeniably the foundation upon which commerce should rest, and tlie government that can most nearly approach this policy, consistently with a proper administration of its own affairs, will in the end bestow the greatest benefit upon its people. * * * It may be true that in some exceptional cases, and for a limited period, it would be beneficial to give protection; but the evils of a general policy of protection havo been so strikingly exemplified in our past history that, if there was no question of the power of Congress to pass protective legislation. as a policy it ought to be abandoned.” While Mr. Voorhes, whose speeches indicate that he was a free-trader in 1866, now favors a tariff that will yield sufficient revenue and at the same time protect American manufacturers, advocates protection for the sake of protection, Mr. McDonald holds that the in*i dental protection that must accompany the collection of only $150,000,000 of custom’s revenue is injurious instead of beneficial, and looks to free trade as the ultimate system. He is in sympathy with Carlisle ami Morrison, and is identified with that wing of the party. “Me Donald is at heart a free-trader,” said a gentleman who knows him well, “but now he is talking about incidental protection. He is hedging a little. But he is widely separated from such men as Randall and Payno on the tariff question. You can play as many tunes on ‘incidental pro tection,' however, as you can on a fiddle, and you’ll see that the Democrats will make an incidental protection and tariff-for revenue platform so broad and so vague that Payne, Carlisle, Randall and McDonald can all get on. Yet, I don’t believe McDonald will yield an inch. He means what he says, and he’ll stick to it.” * * * TARIFF AND CIVIL SERVICE. How much effect will tariff reform have, as an issue, upon the vote of Indiana next November? Notwithstanding the existence of an intelligent public sentiment with reference to this subject, I am inclined to give much weight to the opinion of a well-known tariff reformer—a Republican—who says: “Tho question will probably have no effect upon the strength of the two parties in the next election. Tho great majority of the Republicans are protectionists, although not, perhaps, of the pronounced type, and tho Ho publican tariff reformers, or iow tariff men, cannot trust the Democratic party. For that reason they will vote the Republican ticket, even if it is backed by a high tariff platform. The Democrats are generally free traders or low tariff men, and 1 don’t think McDonald, if he should be nominated, would lose any of them. They would all vote for Payne. I don’t see how a Republican tariff reformer can vote with the Democrats. The progress of tho reform will Im> a matter of education. An eminent Republican recently told me that the party would be able to carry only one more election on the protection issue. The youtifg men and some of the manufacturers are thinking. All of our country newspapers, with perhaps one exception, aro for protection, and free copies of a Nmv York daily protection organ aro widely circulated. here by someone, but notwithstanding this continual pounding, tariff reform grows. Very likely we shall elect a protection President on a protection platform, and continue to lose congressional dis tricts in the Northwest, as we did in 1882." While leading Democrats of Indiana do not express their contempt for civil-service reform so boldly as do their brethren in Ohio, they are, in fact, just as squarely opposed to it. I under stand that McDonald attacks the law by menus of criticism, holding that its enforcement will tend to establish a list of civil pensioners and of perpetual office holders, and assorting that tho examinations do not discover real fitness for the work which the successful applicant must do. Yet it is said that he is opposed to the use of government employes for political purposes, it can safely be said that if this is bis real attitude* toward tho law he is probably in advance of the rank and file of his party in this respect. If the Democrats are to l>e beaten again in 1884, they aro temporarily in favor of any law that makes employes independent and prevents Republican managers from collecting assessments; if they aro to win, however, they

oppose any law that will prevent, them from satisfying their hunger uy filling all tho [ offices with Democrats. Active Repubj licaus do not openly oppose tho law, [ probably because they are restrained by j fear that they may offend Republican voters | who believe that it. is a good thing, but 1 am told upon good authority that they would be glad to I have the law repealed, because, as they say ! privately, they can’t get men to do political work | so long as the offices—which were formerly used I in making payment for such work—are filled by | competitive examinations. “No one cares about civil-service reform here in either party,” said j one prominent Republican. Another said that Republicans were nominally in favor of the law. Another remarked that no one “howled" for it, although the party, ns a whole, was not opposed to it. They also say that there is no civilservice reform association in Indiana, and that no attempt has been made to apply the principles of tho reform to the State service. An impression prevails that the two parties will not be vexed by the prohibition issue in the next campaign. Amendments to the Constitution must be adopted by two successive Legislatures and then be submitted to the people. A prohibition amendment was passed t>y the Legislature of 1881, but failed to be adopted in the succeed - | ing Legislature, where it was defeated by one | vote in the Senate. So the Prohibitionists havo to begin again. But the Republican State con j volition will not be held until after the national j convention, and by adopting the national plat- ■ form the party hopes to prevent the intro- | duction of a temperance issue. It is said, I moreover, that the Prohibitionists them.-rives j do not care to take their issue into national politics. Indiana is no longer an October State, and tho next Governor will be elected with the next President. The State is close and doubtful, and both parties are trying to select the strongest gubernatorial candidate that can be found. Many names have been mentioned, and among the candidates on the Democratic side is Congressman Holman. The Sim’s candidate for President is not greatly honored in his own country, and the Sun’s labors in his behalf provoke derisive laughter among the Democratic Hoosiers. The Holmau “boom” strikes them as the greatest joke of the year. “Holman is of no account in Indiana,” said a prominent Democrat. “1 don’t believe he could carry his own district again, and he may not be able to got a renomination.” . 'jf^• we use • jgjftj&pfe ' -V .0 ELECTfIIC LICHT f®!fl n SOAP E EECTRIC-LIGHT SOAP Prepared by uu entirely new method. Composed, of tho purest material; will not injure the fabric; will cleanse fabrics without rubbing. ELECTRIC SOAP MANUFACTORY C 9. Manufacturers of “Electric-Light Soap,” and other popular brands, No. 200 S. Illinois Street, South and Eddy Streets, Indianapolis, Ind. |jp*Sold by all Grocers. AMUSEMENTS. ENGLISH’S OPERA-HOUSE. FOUR NIGHTS AND ONE MATINEE. THE IRVING SEASON, Commencing WEDNESDAY, Feb. 6. CARD.—Mr. Henry E. Abbey begs to announce a season of five performances to be given by MR. HENRY IRVING. MISS ELLEN TERRY, AND THE Lyceum Theater Company. REPERTOIRE: Wednesday Evening—THE BELLS and THE BELIJ/N sTRATAt4 iSM. Thursday, Feb. 7—LOUIS XI and THE BELLE'S STRATAGEM. Friday. Feb. B—THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. M utir.ee Saturday—CHAßLES I. Saturday Evening—the charming comedietta, THE CAPTAIN OF THE WATCH, after which TIIE BELLS. Mathias, Mr. Irving. 1-^“Prices, $2.50. $2. $1.50. $1; Gallery. 50c. .Seats for any of the performances now on sale at the box office of Euglisn’s Opera-house. ENGLISH’S OPERA-HOUSE. Th® LARGEST and BEST and MOST POPULAR Theater in Indiana. ONE WEEK! ONE WEEK! Commencing MONDAY, February 11. TWO PERFORMANCES DAILY! Afternoon at 2. Evening at 8. Reserved Seats, 35<*. Admission, 15c and 2k ENGAGEMENT OF 3 i'ofl Morris Canine Paradox Uuder the management of Mr. J. M.HIOKEY. WILL SOON APPEAR, CARRIE SWAIN. G'l RAND OPERA-HOUSE. J SPECIAL. MADISON SQUARE THEATER CO., Comprising: C. W. Couldook, Annie Russell, J. G. Graham©, Mis. E. L. Davenport, De Wolf Hopper, Ada Gilman. W. H. Crompton, Mrs. Cecile Rush, And others will appear here in the greatest dramatic success, “HAZEL KIRKK," on February 14, 15 ami 16. Elegant souvenirs presented to the ladies. NE WPL YMOUTII CHURCH. The next Entertainment, of tho Indianapolis Lecture Court*) will le given by Prof. N T O C Iv - IN Heroin, Dramatic and Humorous Reading, On MONDAY Evening, Feb. 11, at the NEW PLYMOUTH CHURCH. | Seats reserved at Pfafllin’s. beginning Friday morning, at 8 o'clock. .Single admission, 5Uc. M TJ S E TJ M, No. 74 N. Pennsylvania Street. Cariosities and Theat rum. Hourly Entertainments. Doors open, 1 to 10 p. ui. Holidays and Sat urdays, 10 a. m. to 10 p. m. Admission, 100. THE ROLLER SKATING RINK At Wigwam on West Maryland Street. The family resort. Firsb-class in all re&pocW. Open afternoon and evening.

Asa Spring Medicine. Blood Purifier. Diuretic :m1 Aperient, no other so culled blood purifii:- or sarsaparilla compound is for a moment t<* b compared with the Cuticura Resolvent, ll combines four great properties in one medicine, acting at once upon the digestive organs. 1 flood, kidneys ami bowels. For those who wake with Si**k Headache. Furred Tor.gn**. BiJou -ir-ss, Dyspepsia, Torpidity of the Liver,‘Constipation. Piles, High-colored Urine. Inflamed Kidneys, Feverish Symptoms and other congested eomlit i"n> requiring a speedy, gentle und sate aperient and diuretic, nothing in medicine can possibly equal it. The Heritage of’ Woe, Misery, shame ami agony, often bequeathed as a sole j legacy to children by parents, is neglected Scrofula. To cleanse the blood of this hereditary poison, andthus remove the most prolific cause of human suffering, to clear the skin of disfiguring humors, itching tortures, humiliating eruptions, and loathsome sores caused by it. to purity ami beautify the skin, and restore the hair so that no trace of the disease remains, Cuticura Resolvent, the new blood purifier, diuretic and aperient, and Cuticura and Cuticura Soap, the great ! skin cures and heautifiers, are infallible. I Had Salt Rheum In the most aggravated form for eight years. No kind of treatment, medicine or doctors did me any permanent good. My friends in Malden knowhow 1 suffered. When 1 began to use the Cuticura Remedies my limbs j were so raw and tender that I could not bear my I weight on them without, the skin cracking and bleedI ing. and was obliged to go about on crutches. Used j the Cuticura Remedies five months, and was comI pletely and permanently cured. Mrs. s. A. BROWN. Maiden, Mass. References: Any citizen of Malden, Mass. Copper-Colored. I have been afflicted with troublesome skin disease, covering almost completely the upper part of my body, causing my skin to assume a copper-colored hue. It could be rubbed off like dandruff, and at times causing intolerable itching and the most intense suffering, i have used blood purifiers, pills, and other advertised remedies, but experienced no relief until I procured the Cuticura Remedies, which, although used carelessly and irregularly, cured me, allaying that, terrible itching, and restoring my skin to its natural color. I am willing to make affidavit to the truth of this statement. 8. G. BUXTON, Milan, Mioh. ►Sold by all druggists. Cuticura. 50 cents; Resolvent. $1; Soap, 25 cents. POTTER DRUG AND CHEMICAL CO., Boston, Mass. Send for “Howto Cure Skin Diseases.” 1 > A |)Y r For Infantile and J firth Humors and Dii O 1 Skin Blemishes use Cuticura Soap, a deliciously perfumed Skin Lieautifier, and Toilet, Balk and Nursery Sanative. AMUSEMENTS. D I CKS O NT ’ S Grand Opera-House. The Best Located and MOST POPULAR Theater in the State. GRAND MATINEE TO-DAY AT 2 O’CLOCK. Popular prices—25, 50 and 75 cents. TO-NIGHT! Last, appearance of the Distinguished Irish Ooinnio> dian and Vocalist, JOSEPH MURPHY In Fred. Marsdeu’s greatest of all Irish Dramas, “Iv ER R Y (4 O W.” Thursday, Friday and Saturday, and Saturday Matinee, Feb. 7, 8 and l), the Eminent Actor, EDWIN THORNE AND A CAREFULLY SELECTED DRAMATIC COMP’Y In the Latest London and New York Sensation, “The LSI a ck Flag” Popular prices. * Sale of seats now progressing afa the box office. Monday evening, Fel>. 11, Mrs. LEON BAILEY'S OPERATIC CONCERT. Benefit Soldiers’ Monument Fund. Tuesday and Wednesday, Feb. 12 and 13. New York Opera Cos. iu “TIIE QUEEN'S LACE HANDKERCHIEF.” DICKSON’S PARK THEATER. ONE WEEK ONLY, commencing Monday, Feb. 4. Usual matinees. RENTZ-SANTLEY M. B. Leavitt Sole Proprietor. An Entertainment Grandly Perfect. Splendid Production "of the Grand Reception Scene, entitled OUR SOCIAL CLUB, presenting a phalanx of .sixteen beautiful ami talented Lady Artists, followed by a superb Olio and Specialties by an extensive coterie of- European and American Stars. Each jxji-formauce concluding with the new burlesque Extravaganza, written expressly for this company, entitled “DON JOSE, THE SPANISH DUDE.” The entire company of ladies and gentlemen in a brilliant Burlesque cast. Incidental to the Burlesque, llie latest Parisian Craze. THE MASHER’S QUADRILLE. New and Charming Music, Gorgeous Cos? tumes, Laughable Situations, and tho Latest Popular Marches. Songs, Choruses and Medleys. £-jgr*Prices as Usual. ZOO THEATER OPENS MONDAY, FEB. 1 1. PARK DOUBLE Cor. Washington and Tennessee Streets. GRAND INAUGURAL! Monday Evenik February 11, 188i. The management takes pleasure in announcing that the PA UK THEATER, on and after the above date, wifi be opened and conducted as a grand DOUBLE HOLLER SKATING IHI In charge of a Professional Skater. BEISSENHERZ'S FULL BAND ENGAGEDI First Class in Every Particular! None but Respectable Baltics Admitted! SpuAous Cloak and Chock Rooms Magnificent Gallery ter S|*eetutors! The Richmond. Mui.-ic and Toledo Skates Used Steam Heat, ami Electric Lights! Indianapolis Polo Club Engaged! Noveltiefe from Time to Time! MAIN FLOOR RINK, for Expert Skaters, largest in the West, 80x120 feet. No posts and no obstructions. GROUND FLOOR RINK, for beginners, sue, 50* 120 feet. N<> Bar, No Billiards, and No Liquor sold about th® building. POPULAR PRICES. Nights: Admission, 15c: Skates, 200. Afternoon®* Admission. 10c; Skates, 15c. Ladies admitted free of cliargo at all times. NOTlCE.—Beginner® will he admitted free to th® ground lloor Rink on the forenoon oi’ each day.

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