Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 January 1884 — Page 2

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matter of the scheme to pass a bill through last Congress. This morning I found the letters of yours on ray table, which had been left there in my absence, marked personal, and dated the 2<!th iust.. asking an investigation of your practices by the House, and threatening a public letter unless by to-day’s session, I caused an investigation. Your conduct has placed you so far outside of the pale of a gentleman as to make it a degradation to notice you. You liave been so often shown to be a liar and a defamer of character that it has become unnecessary to deny anything you say, and you conceive it to be the business of Congress to occupy its time investigating your bad deeds, to thus dignify vou. Your colleague (W. B. fchaw) in defaming me. and who presided last spring over the meeting of a few members of the press to condemn me. was many years ago shown (and as he was compelled to admit the fact, as appears by the public records.) to liave taken $15,000 as lobbyist while correspondent, and as far us I know he has had the privilege of the press gallery ever since. That meeting refused to investigate the truth of the charge against me at your and his instance when they must have been known by both to have been false. Do you think the present House should investigate each case of your violations of all manliness by daily lying about me in the press and otherwise, and appealing to others to do the same, as lam informed? Does not such conduct on your part forfeit all right you may have to sit with gentlemen of the press? I shall not move the investigation vou ask, because I do not I*flieve it is the business of tlie House of RepTesentatives to investigate your corrupt conduct. There is no rule of the House against your being a lobbyist. Members of the last House (and the record the fact) know you lied iu your publication that I opened the m-ess gallery for the admission of a member’s wife on the last night of the session. All members of the pj-osent House know you lied when you published that when the seats were about to be drawn. I went in haste to Mr. Cannon, of Illinois, and asked liim to request the privilege of being allowed to select one. etc., to which objection was made. These and ot)er like matters need no investigation by the House to learn their falsity. I know that you forced a letter last summer and published it to the fcountty, purporting to have been written by me to the Secretary of the Treasury, giving date, and about a matter of no grave importance, but as I was informed at the time, merely stating your printed card had boeu rightfully interpreted by the public as an advance confession of your guilt as a lobbyist. If. when you told me near the close of the last Confress that 1 was a fool for not making money while peakcv, as Blaine and Colfax hail done, and that there was still plenty to Ik* made if the McGarrahan bill could Im* gotten through, I ltad thrown you, as you deserved, from my mom, I suppose it would have been wiser for me. But np to that time you and I had been on good terms, although I had beer warned by friends and your public reputation to beware of you* I treated you leniently, although I have never spoken to or recognized you since. You have, from that time to this, been devoted in your work—by aH manner of falsehood—of assailing my character. You did not say who with you were interested in the McGarrahan bill, but intimated that you had colleagues. My knowledge of the lobby clique w<*s obtained from you. I have no desire to conderntj the correspondents. for I think most of them are gentlemen; but all have soffered in public esteem from your bad example, and some of them have been influenced by you to do what they say they are heartily ashamed ot. A correspondent of a newspaper should regard his position as one of high responsibility, and, of ail tilings, should be at least truthful. I do not pretend to say that McGarrahan bad no merit in his original land-claim, but when you explained to me the bill you wished to get through provided for the issue of numv °f acrcs of iand-MTip, which shr**!*’ Oe the value of the Valentine icrip (worth then about soo per acre, and since more), and that there would be an Abundance to divide. I. for the first time, learned the scope of the bill, aud at once told you it would not pass the Forty-seventh Congress. 1 have a letter from you dated Feb. 27, 18ft3, asking me to recognize a member (named) to move to suspend the rules and pass the bill which is of a date earlier than our talk. No person has ever spoken to me in opposition to the McGarrahan bill, aud my position against it was taken, as you know, at the time you explained its nature and purposes. I leave it for the public to decide whether the lobby who work for big jobs do it for pay or sentiment. The committee of investigation you speak of has given you more concern than me. But it haa afforded you another excuse or opportunity to write and have published more untruths, pretending they are the result of testimony disclosed before the committee. I dislike the idea of noticing your letter at all. but as you propose to publish it. it may be due the jmblic that some of the facts should go out along with it. Os course, you would not publish yours without publishing this with it. .T. Warren Keifer.

ME. KEIFER COURTS INVESTIGATION. At the conclusion of the reading Mr. Koifer again took the floor, and said that in conversation with some of the members he used the unfortunate expression that there was a “clique” of newspaper lobbyists. That might be true, or it might not. It seemed to have been reported to General Boynton that lie had used the exjh*ession. He at once rushed into the papers and commenced denying that ho was guilty j of any connection McGarrahan in the last Congress. Certainly be {Keifer) had not mentioned ft up to that time: Now, tins man appeared to be a friend of his until about the Ist of March last, when he came to him with this bill [holding the bill for the relief of McGarrahan in his hand]. It should.be borne in mind that on the 27th of February Boynton had written him a letter asking him to recognise a member of the House to move to suspend the rules and pass the bill, saying ho believed it was right, and putting in the usual disclaimer that he had any interest in. it. This letter Mr. Keifer also sent to the clerks desk and had read. The letter is as follows: Dour General—McGarrahan (you have doubtless hear<| of him) appealed to me to ask you to give Dun-, noil .4 chance to ask a vote on his (MeG.’s) bill. It has l wen reported favorably from the committee. To have ’a vote seems fair, when on one side is a great monopoly. The bill appears to be a fair one to both sides. I have no interest of the remotest kind iu this Matter, but always thought Mc.G. a victim of a rich corporation. and so he has always had mv sympathy, 11. V. Boynton. Continuing, Mr. Koifer said that liis impression was that he did not answer that letter, but ■ither the next day or the day after Mr. Boynton •ame to his room wLe& other persons were there. When the room was cleared he began u conversation something like this. He said: “Keifer, what do yon think I think of you?” I said. “I don’t kuow. I hope well.” He replied, “I think you are a fooL” I did not know what he meant, [Loud laughter.] He answered, I had been Speaker of the House; that I might have made money as Speaker Blaine and Speaker Colfax had done; and then proceeded to say, w ith his bill in liis hand, that there was plenty to be made yet if we could get McGarrahan’s bill through. Continuing with the alleged conversation, Mr. Keifer stated that Boynton explained to him liow an immense amount of money could be made by the issue of scrip. &c. Boynton used the word millions. When that interview closed, which was just then and there, and Bovnton left his room for good reasons, his conn* tion and relation with Boynton ceased, and from that hour to the present minute he had never recognized him or spoken to him. Boynton had devoted liis life to going to other men and people and telling falsehoods and having them published all over the country. He had undertaken to defame him (Keifer) in every conceivable way. He understood that on the last night of the session Boynton and Shaw said they had found an opportunity to defame him before the country and make him appear opposed to the combined press and correspondence of the country. If this resolution was to Is- adopted, he wanted it to be torn wide open. It appeared tho correspondent who took $15,000 as a lobbyist was the man who was selected as the great newspaper chieftain to pre side over the body which passed the resolution. He hop<d the resolution would be opened wide enough to include William B. Shaw. Mr. Keifer then quoted from the testimony of (t irles Albert before the committee to investigate the Pacific Mail steamship subsidy, to the effort that Shaw received sl.l,ooofor his services. Mr. Budd —As Speaker, did you not admit to tho gallery, up there, tho man you now claim as a lobbyist? Mr. Keifer—l am obliged for the question. It gi\ i*r me an opportunity to say that I never knew ol it until the adjournment of the last Congress. If 1 did, ignorantly, ray predecessors did. find the present Speaker ought to be includ'd. I do not suppose he knows anything l*ou! itdr Budd—You said you did not know Shaw va a bribed lobbyist, yet you have stated that General Boynton whs your friend up to about he Ist of March of last year, and that he ap peared at your room and attempted to bribe you. Did you not allow’ him, after that, to occupy a seat in the gallery? Mr. Keifer —Congress adjourned tw o days after that. “Undoubtedly,” continued Mr. Budd: “but during those two days?” Here Mr. Budd was interrupted by groans and shouts of “Oh! oh!” from the Republican side. Mr. Koifer said he had great respect for the web conducted press, but because lie would not lend himself to Boynton,and such as might luive ; been connected with him, to get through a bill to ' inake them all rich, he was traduced through the s

bind. If the House must constitute a committee for the purpose of looking into the moral conduct of these people in the past, let the investigation be so wide open that not only Boynton shall be investigated, but others equally guilty with him. lie was sorry for General Boynton. He was sorry for any man who would be so low-lived and corrupt hs to come to him presuming that he might with safety make a vile and corrupt proposition to him. lie held himself responsible to his constituents; that was enough. When they were through with him he would go home, not soured with the world, for he had been treated well, and beyond the measure of his deserts. The House might investigate as much as it pleased, this or any other matter. He was still going to try to do his duty, unsv/erved by those who would have them do corrupt things, or seek to have him pay them for their compliments. [Applause on the Republican side.] MR. BOYNTON'S DEFENSE. Mr. Hopkins said, in his opinion, the gentleman from Ohio had made a strong argument to justify an investigation. If what he said was true there were gentlemen in the gallery unworthy a seat there. He did not know General Boynton, even by sight, but he asked, in justice to that gentleman, that a communication from him should be read. It was a communication to the Speaker of the House. Mr. Gibson thought it was but just to allow the gentleman who was to be investigated to have his correspondence read along with the previous correspondence. It was but light. If any popular sentiment was to be manufactured, he should he heard also. Mr. Springer took the responsibility of having the correspondence read as part of his remarks. It is as follows: Washington. Jan. 29. To Hon. John G. Carlisle, Speaker of the House of Representatives: * Sir—l address you as a correspondent amenable to the authority of the House. and ho Id in" a seat in the press gallery under its rules. I hist night received a letter from Hon. J. Warren Keifer. now a member of the House, charging: over liis own signature that 1 approached him in bis capacity as Sneaker of the last House, that 1 told him he was a fool for not making money while Speake* 1 as Blaine and 'Colfax had done, that there was at ill plenty to be made if the McGarrahun bill could be gotten through: that I had colleagues interested with me in that bill; that I explained to him it provided for the isvue of many million acres of land scrip which would lx? above the value of the Valentine scrip, then worth about S3O per acre, and that there would be an abundance to divide. Mr. Keifer farther notified me that he would not ask an investigation by the House, as I had in writing asked him to do, to the end that his charges might be submitted to a test examination under oath. I cannot doubt that the House will consider it of importance to inquire whether there are correspondents enjoying its privileges, and protected in their work by its rules, who carry on lobbying with such effrontery as to not hesitate to approach a Speaker of the House with corrupt proposals. Having thus called your attention to the grave charges made in writing b*. ex-*A|tuicr Keifer. whtil rpruuwuuMr utterly devoid of truth. I dw/e the "honor to inclose herewith a full text of his letter to me, together with the correspondence pertaining thereto, and through you ask the House to order an investigation in the matter. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 11. V. Boynton* Correspondent Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. Mr. Warner, of Ohio, offered an amendment directing the committee to also inquire whether any other member of the press now holding a seat in the reporters’ gallery, against whom charges had been preferred, had been gnilty of conduct which ought to deprive him of his seat. The resolution, as amended, was adopted. Accompanying the resolution offered by Representative Hopkins, providing for a committee to investigate the charges of corruption made by ox Speaker Keifer against General H. V. Boynton, were two letters, written by the latter to the ex-Speaker, concerning the subjectmatter of the charges, and referred to by Mr. Keifer, to-day. in his statement to the House. The first of these communications, mentioned by Mr. Keifer in his remarks as a “scurrilous’’ letter, was as follows:

BOYNTON TO KEIFER. Washington, Jan. 2d. To lion. J. Warren Keifer, House of Representatives: Sir—About a week ago you saw fit to declare before the House committee on accounts, where your official action is undergoing investigation, that “a clique of correspondents" had misrepresented you before the public because you had defeated a claim they had attempted to lobby through Congress. Being called upon by several correspondents and asked for names and specifications, you were pleased to use my name in this connection, and claimed that you had letters from me which would be produced at the proper time to make good your charge. For this reason I publicly ' denounced your statement, so far as it related to me, as dishonorable and false and challenge you to make good your charges before a committee of investigation. In the multiplicity of your public duties and added tax upon your time and attention, caused by the investigation which the House is prosecuting into your own acts, it is charitable to snppose that your attenhas not been attracted to this published card. I therefore take the liberty of inclosing it to you now with the remark that 1 cannot conceive it possible for an honovable man to make such charges as you liave thus circulated and maintain silence, when asked for proofs on which they were based. In renewing my proposition to test your charges before an open committee empowered to send for persons and papers and administer oaths. I desire to give you the widest possible field for your inquiries by now asserting that I have never had either direct or contingent personal interest in any claim or other legislation pending before either House of Congress during my service as correspondent in Washington. Since I am amenable to the rules of the House, and hold a seat iu the press’gallery subject to its will, the proof of your charge, or any similar charge, would secure my expulsion from the press gallery and effect my disgrace. But on the other hand, if you decline to assume the courage of your words, it ought not to overtax your powers of perception to see that your political associates will have abundant reason to be mortified on acconnt of their late complimentary votes for you, and that the country will have the right to conclude that you are without manliness or sentiments of honor, and move on so low and base a plane of political morals that you regard false charges against honorable men as proper weapons to wield when you are yourself arraigned before a committee of your fellow-members on charges of most questionable conduct and find these are likely to be proved against you. Unless you withdraw these charges, or take action before the close of Monday s session looking to submitting to an investigation, I shall consider myself at liberty" to make this letter public as evidence that you confess your inability to sustain your charges. Respectfully yours, H. Y. Boynton. The second letter was from Boynton to Keifer, in reply to a letter of Jan. 28, to General Boynton, which was read in the House to-day, *as part of Keifers statement. General Boynton’s letter was, in part, as follows: Washington, Jan. 28. Hon. .1. Warren Keifer: Sir—Your charges I have twice publicly declared utterly without foundation in truth. In the face of your repetitions of them, your additions of pretended details, I still declare your whole charge, so far as it reflects upon me. to be unqualifiedly false; and assert, further, that I never held any conversation whatever with you concerning the provisions of the McGarrahan bill which. by the way, was reported favorably by a committee of your own appointment; that 1 sever saw a copy of t lie bill until your clmrges against me appeared, and never read it iintil after the reception or your letter of this date, when the public became aware of the pitiable spectacle you have made before the committee charged with the investigation of your shameful abuse of the power entrusted to you as Speaker of the last House. No one will be surprised at the manner in which you seek to avoid the responsibility of your false accusations. Repeating my earnest desire to meet you whenever our differing statements can be tested by sworn testimony, 1 subscribe myself, Very respectfully, H. V. BOYNTON. General Boynton, in an interview at the close of General Keifers speech to-day, said he had simply to say, on responsibility, that he was soon to assume, under oath before the committee on investigation, that he never had one word of conversation with General Keifer on the merits of the McGarrahan bill at any time or anywhere, except as stated in his published letter, and that the pretended details of the conversation with him, as given by General Keifer on the floor today. formed one colossal falsehood. He desired that his denial Imj considered so broad as to cover every point of that speech and his letter which suggested corrupt action. MR. SHAW’S STATEMENT. M. B. Shaw, an old and well-known correspondent, whose name was mentioned by tho ex Speaker, said this evening that Keifer must be in desperate straits when he finds it necessary to resurrect a story fully investigated years ago and laid aside as not worth tho consideration of Congress. Had Keifer rend all my testimony in tho matter as given before the commit tee of the House, it would have been a sufficient refutation of the charges he insinuates. “I suspect the greatest offense I have been guilty of in Keifers opinion

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 30, 18S4.

was to preside over the meeting of journalists which adopted resolutions not complimentary to the THE SHERMAN RESOLUTIONS. The Democratic Senators Decline a Debate, ami the Resolutions are Passed. Washington, Jan. 89. —In the Senate, to-day, •Mr. Sherman’s resolutions ou the Virginia and Mississippi elections were taken up. Mr. Sherman said that since the beginning of , the present session he had felt that recent events . in the States of Virginia aud Mississippi were of , such importance as to demand a full aud impartial investigation of the causes which led to them, the real facts involved, and a proper constitutional remedy to prevent a recurrence, and if , necessary, to further secure to all American citizens freedom of speech in the open assertion of political opinions and peaceful exorcise of the right to vote. Now that sufficient time had elapsed to allay, to some extent, the excitement caused by these events, he hoped the Senate would make this investigation, so that our citizens of every State might understand how far the national government would protect them in the enjoyment of their rights, or, if it was helpless or listless, that, no longer relying upon the barren declarations of the Constitution, each man for himself might appeal to the right of self-defense, or to the boasted American right of migration to more friendly regions. The allegations in this resolution, as to the Danville riot, or massacre, were, he said,founded upon statements in public nrints, supported by the oaths of witnesses, rna their substantial truth was also verified by the published statement of a member of tbis body, a senator from the .State of Virginia. The allegations as to Mississippi were founded upon copious narratives in the public prints, proceedings in public meetings, and the failure to act of the officers of the State government, including the Governor, judges of tiio courts, and juries. If these statements were true, then iu both of those States there had been organized conspiracies to subvert the freedom of election, accompanied by murder and violence in many forms. The crimes depicted were not ordinary crimes, but those of the prevailing majority to subvert by violence the highest constitutional privileges of citizens, and could not from their nature be inquired of or inspired by an ordinary tribunal. “If,” he said. * these are true, then in those communities members of one party and one race have no rights which the prevailing majority is bound to respect.” He did not desire to open up sectional questions or renew old strifes, still, if these allegations wore true, it would be cowardly and shrinking from the gravest public duty to allow such events to deepen into precedents which would subvert the foundation of republican institutions and eonvert into orgar iznd crimes. If the events at Danville were the rbwmlt chance outbreak or not, between opposing parties or different races of men, they might properly be left to be dealt with by the local authorities; but if not, and the massacre was a part of the machinery devised by a party to deter another party or race from the freedom of the fall elections, or full, open expressions of political opinions, then they constituted crimes against the national government, and the highest duty of the government was to maintain, at every hazard, the equal rights and privileges of its citizens.

If the events in Copiah county, Mississippi, were merely lawless invasions of individual rights, then, though they involved murder, as well as other crimes, they should be left to the local authority, and if justice could not bo administered by the courts, and the citizen was without remedy from lawless violence, then he must fall back upon his right of self-defense, or, failing in that, must seek a home where his rights would be respected and observed. But if these individual cremes involved the great one of an organized conspiracy of a party or race to deprive another party or rare of citizens from the enjoyment of unquestioned rights, accompanied with overt acts wnich physical power was sufficient to accomplish, the purpose then became a national question which must he dealt with by the national government. The war emancipated and made citizens of fire million people who had been slaves. No court ever domed the power of the national government to protect its citizens in the essential rights of freemen. No man should he allowed to hold a seat in either hou&e of (Congress whose election was secured by crimes such as depicted here, nor was it sufficient to say the elections referred to were not national elections in tho sense that they did not involve the election of a President or member of Gongross. While the power of (Jon gross over the election of senators, representatives. and the President extended to the making and altering of laws and regulations passed by the respective States, and therefore was fuller than iu respect to State elections, yet the Constitution provided that “the right of the people to be secure in persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated;’’ that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United S rates;” that “no State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of the citizens of the United States, nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law,” and that “the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition or servitude.” It also declared that Congress shall have the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution tho foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Power is also given to Congress to enforce the recent amendments by appropriate legislation. If essential rights of citizenship were overthrown by t-lie Slate or by the people of the State, with the sanction of the local authorities within tlie limits of the State, then Congress, as the legislative power of the United States, is bound to provide, additional safeguards, and should exhaust all the powers of the national government to maintain these essential lights of citizenship within tbe limits of all States in as full and complete manner as it would guard and protect the unquestioned rights of citizenship of the United States within the domains of the most powerful nations in the world. He could appreciate the changes which had occurred in the Southern States and the natural antagonism that would arise by emancipated slaves mingling in tlie same community with former masters. He could pardon the prejudice of race, caste, and even local ties, and the American people, he thought, he had waited with great forbearance for the time when constiutlonal rights would be respected, without regard to race, color, creed, or party. If the time had come when members of the Republican party, through whose agency at large the existence of the government had been maintained, could not enjoy constitutional rights, were murdered at the ballot box witlmut fear of punishment, were driven from their homes by outrage and terror: and that black and white alike were subjected to ostracism and injustice and, as a party, disfranchised, then, indeed, it was time to demand that tho rights and equalities of citizens should be maintained and enforced at every hazard. If the Copiah resolutions were the creed of the Democratic party of the South, then, indeed, was the war a failure. They seemed to him the very germ of despotism and barbarity: and yet he was assured by gentlemen friendly to them that they were the creed of nine tenths of the party in power in Mississippi. It was right that the grownd-work of opinions so utterly repugnant to republican institutions should he known. “In this in a ostipition,” he said, “I would seek every palliation or excuse for the conduct of the ]>eople complained of. I would give to their motive and to the natural feelings of mankind iu their situntion the most charitable construction. 1 would give to them all the political power they ever enjoyed and without unkinduess, pains, or penalties, or even reproaches. 1 would extend to them every right, favor or facility enjoyed by any citizen in any part of our country. But when this concession is made to him, I would demand that, in the States under their control, tho freedom and equality of rights and privileges guaranteed by the Constitution :ud Laws to all citizens, white or black, native or naturalized, poor or rich, ignorant or learned, ite publican or Democrat, shall be secured by the State government, or if not, that these rights nd privileges shall bo asserted and maintained I ,y the national government. Upon this issue 1 would appeal to every generous-minded

man, to every lover of his country, to everyone who wishes to enjoy his own rights by his own fireside, free from embarrassment, to ■stand by those who, yielding to others protection of laws in the enjoyment of equal rights, will demand the same for themselves and their associates.” Mr. Mahone then addressed the Senate. His speech was similar in character to the address he recently issued to the public concerning the Virginia situation. He briefly reviewed the history of Virginia since the war, and said that at no time in the glorious history of Virginia until the late canvass and the election for the legislature had the sentiment found root with any party that political ends may be achieved by such festering methods as gave rise to the Danville massacre. The faction leaders, for their own purpose. had set on foot a shotgun scheme to compel the irresolute and timid voters to indorse at the polls principles which had repeatedly been repudiated. In conclusion, Mr. Mahone said: "To discover the gross violations of human rights which have been committed in Virginia during the late political campaign, and to find and apply a remedy. I take to be the object of the proposed investigation. I liave no fear that the State will suffer by the inquiry. On the contrary, I am confident .she will emerge from it free from all stain upon the reputation of a majority of her people, while upon the violent faction will be found the responsibility and blood of her murdered citizens. Here, where the breath of freedom lias ever inspired devotion to God-given rights of men. here in a government founded on the ever-living basis of equal right* is the place to set on foot an investigation of such a flagrant act of moral turpitude and crime in contravention of the Constitution and laws of the Union and to reach out for the remedy.” On the conclusion of Mr. Mahone’s remarks, calls of “vote’” were heard, aud the chair announcing the question to be ou agreeing to the resolution, a demand for the yeas and nays was made without a remark from any Democratic Senator and the matter was brought to a vote aud the resolution passed, 33 yeas; 29 nays.

THE ADVANCE JN STOCKS. Mr. Vanderbilt Thinks that It Is of a Genuine aud Healthy Character. New York. Jan. 29.—Wm. H. Vanderbilt, in an interview with a Commercial Advertiser reporter, says: “I think the good stocks are selling as low as they ought to sell, and they should advance. I think the advance so far is genuine and healthy. Some stocks may advance with too much rapidity, and this may lead to n reaction in some cases, but my opinion is that inside of thirty days everybody will be grabbing for stocks, and by that time full confidence will bo restored. I think the bottom has been reached, and tliat from uww there will be a good -afcway rise. It may take a few weeds to fully restore Die public confidence, but I think the time is fast approaching.” “And as to your particular roads. What can be said about thorn:” “My roads are not only paying dividends but earning them, and I don’t concern myself about new roads entering the field as competitors.' 7 “Do you anticipate any important legislation at Albany or Washington bearing upon railroads?” “I can only say the public are not going to expect transportation for nothing, but at fair, reasonable prices. There is no reason why a man who has money in railroads should not get good returns foT his investments, as much so as by the ownership of an apple-stand. We all liave to live, and the man who owns railroad bonds, or merchandise, or anything, depends upon the amount of his sales and the profit he derives. I therefore have no fears that any legislation that may be made will work to the injury of roads.”

DAILY WEATHER BULLETIN. Indications. War Department. Office of the Chief Signal Officer, > Washington, Jan. 30, la. m. ) For Tennessee and the Ohio Valley—Generally fair, warmer weather, followed in the western portion by slight fall of temperature, southerly winds, shifting in western portion to westerly, falling barometer. For the Upper Lake Region—Cloudy weather, local rains or snow, southerly, generally shifting to westerly winds, warmer followed by colder weather, falling, followed in western portion by lising barometer. Local Observations. Indianapolis, Jan 29. Time. j Bar. j Th. I Hum. J Wind..R’f.l. Weather. 0:24 A. m. 30.37 37.8| 73 S Cloudy. 10:24 A. ii. 30.38 40.0 73 S Clomly. 2:24 p. M. 130.20(43.0 70 *S Cloudy. 0:24 P. M. 30.20 44.0; 74 S Cloudy. 10:24 P. M-130.11 44.4) 88 8 (Cloudy. Maximum temperature, 45.2; minimum temperature, 37. _ General Observations, Wab Department, ? Washington, Jun. 29. 10:25 r. m. > Observations taken at the same moment of time at all stations. and in s S 3 g, g I I 3 Sf S? f STATION. i ■ § : :I? ? : S' ’• : - : •‘; , m * : : : od : Bismarck, Dak 30.11 —5 XW Fair. Cairo 30.18 54 S .01,Lt. rain. Chattanooga j Chicago 29.95 43' 8 (Cloudy. Cincinnati 30.25 45, SE Cloudy. Davenport, la 29.8t> 43 &W Cloudy. Dead wood Denver 30.11 45: W Clear. Des Moines :29.87 40 N Cloudy. Dodge City 30.00 48 8 Hazy. Fort Assiniboine... 30.00—1(1, 8W Clear. Fort Buford 30.12 —7 ; NW Fair. Fort Custer j 29.99 —4j N Clear. Fort Elliott '30.13 5*2; SW Fair. Fort Sill I Galveston .—, 30.20; 57] SE Clear. Indianapolis '30.12 44' S Cloudy. Indianola j Keokuk...— 29.90 51 i S Cloudy. LaCrosse 129.80 39 1 S [Cloudy. Leavenworth ,29.90 53j SW ..... Clear. Little Rock, Ark— 30.14 02 1 SE .00 Cloudy. Louisville [30.19 45 SE Clear. Memphis 30.20 G2] SE Cloudy. Morcnoad ,30.08 —5 N Clear. Nashville 30.25 51 S 'Fair. North Platte 30.01 29 NE Foggy. Omaha 29.94 3*2, N Cloudy. l'ittslmrg 30.32’ 39 8 [Fair. San Antonio j -.. j . Shreveport 30.19, 03; S dear. Springfield, HI 29.99, 45] S Thre’tng St. Louis...? 30.00 52 S } Cloudy. Stockton 30.20 59 Calm 1 Clear. St. Paul 29.82 30 W .02 Lt. snow Vicksburg 30.19 03 SE ! Clear. Yankton. D. T 30.02 13 N Cloudy. New Orleans 30.32 50 SE 'Foggy. Las Animas 30.02 40 SW Clear. Fort Smith -. j Sait Lake 30.20. 37 SE i : Clear. El Paso, Tex 30.20] 56 MV] {Clear. Same Old Story from Frankfort. Louisville, Jan. 29.—The senatorial caucus met to-night and cast three ballots. On tlie second ballot Blackburn gained two votes, one from Williams and one from Sweeney. A Sweeney man also voted for William*, leaving tine ballot stand, when the caucus adjourned till Wednesday—Williams 52, Blackburn 47, Sweeney 22. Robbed the Mails. Detroit, Jan. 29.—United States authorities to-night arrested a young man aged nineteen, named Comer, bag-opener in tho postufßc© in this city, charged with stealing letters. Upon being confronted with proofs of his crime, he confessed to having rilled within the past six months, having carried on his depredations systematically* .. - . r Ayer's Cathartic Pills cleanse the system, stimulate the apjn tite and digestive organs, vi talizQ tlio blood, and thus renew' tho golden ago of youth.

LATEST NEWS FfiOM ABROAD. A Refugee’s Account of the Fate of the Europeans iu Hicks’s Army. Rethscßild’s Investment in Egypt—Rumor that the British Fleet ilas Been Ordered to Alexandria —Cable Notes. ENGLAND AND EGYPT. A Refugee's Account of the Death of Hicks Pasha aud His Followers. Khartoum, Jan. 29.—A refugee from El Obeid reports that he saw Major Von Seikendorf stabbed to death while on a boil in a hospital. Edmund O'Donovan, the correspondent of the Daily Nows, was killed near General Hicks. The rest of the Europeans belonging to the army, he says, were lying dead after tlie battle. Ho says that El Mahdi sold large quantities of watches, rings, and the like. Sheikh Abode has been summoned to Khartoum to surrender, to avoid bloodshed. The town is quiet, but the soldiers are clamoring for pay. The arrival of General Gordon is anx lously awaited. Hussien Pasha is offering obstruction to every measure. Rothschild's Investment. London, Jan. 29.—The Times, in a leading article, says: “The fact that Barou Rothschild has loaned the Khedive nearly a million pounds implies the confidence of financiers that England has taken Egypt in hand and will see her safely through her troubles. England cannot retire now without exposing Egypt to a worse condition of anarchy than that which prevailed under Arabi Pasha.” _ Prospective English Occupation. Cairo, Jan. 29.—A general order has been issued asking for the names of British soldiers entitled to have their wives and families sent to them from England. The commander of the British troops is engaging numerous English officers for the Egyptian army. Everything points to British occupation of Egypt for an indefinite period. 'British Fleet Ordered to Alexandria. London, Jan. 29.—1 t is rumored the British fleet in the Mediterranean has been ordered to Alexandria, in view of the unsettled condition of affairs in Egypt. FOREIGN n-oate ih ihe Prussian Diet on the Restoration of Cardinal Ledochowski. Berlin, Jan. 29.—1n the lower house of the Diet, during the discussion on the estimates for worship, the Minister of Public Instruction and Ecclesiastical Affairs, declared that tho restoration of Cardinal Ledochowski to the archbishopric of Posen would jeopardize the peace of the church and state. The government must keep its eve open ; as the Poles still regard Cardinal Ledochowski ‘as their primate.

The Treaty with Spain. Madrid, Jan. 29.—The government has resolved to carry out the treaties of commerce with England and the United States. The Prime Minister, replying to the Catalonian Protectionists. declared he was guided by the general interests of Spanish commerce alone, and not by the interests of a particular class or district. Resigned Rather Than Speak German. Berlin, Jan. 29. —1n consequence * of *a decree of Baron Yon Manteuffel, Governor of AlsaceLorrain. making the use of the German language compulsory in .the town councils of Metz and Thkmvillc after Jan. 1, 1884. the mayor and council of Thionville have resigned. Destructive Fire. London, Jan. 29.—A conflagration at Laurvig, Norway, destroyed sixty-two dwellings, causing losses of £50,000. Cable Notes. Permission to erect a monument to Luther at R**ga has been refused by the Russian authorities. The French Senate has unanimously adopted tho extraordinary budget as passed by the Chamber of Doputies. In spite of the proclamation of the authorities, the Nationalists evaded the police and the military, and held a meeting at Castle Wellen, a small market town. A duel with pistols was fought between Vietie, a member of the French Chamber of Deputies, and Gras, editor of a provincial newspaper. Neither was wounded. Many Orangemen were .absent from the first levee of the season given by the Loixl-Lieuien ant of Ireland, owing to Lord Rossin ore's recent suspension from ministerial functions. NEWS IN BRIEF. William Sprague's leather hoard mill at Eagle Falls, N. Y., burned on Monday night. Loss, $30,000; insurance, $16,000. Thomas Swan, a leading restaurant and fruit dealer of Detroit, has assigned. Assets, estimated, $20,000; liabilities, $28,000. Thomas A. Richards, superintendent of the Bull Run colliery, at Pottsvilie, fell to the bottom of the slope, two hundred yards, and was instantly killed. The New York Court of Appeals decides constitutional the law of the last Legislature forbidding tlie manufacture of cigars in tenements iu the city of New York. Robert D. Taylor and Alfred L. Hooe. wholesale queens ware dealers, at Cincinnati, have assigned to Geo. R. Munson. Assets estimated at $10,000; liabilities, $20,000. Madam Sembrieh has renewed her contract with Herbert Gye for the coining London opera season, at Covent Garden theater, and sails for England the latter part of April Wiiile S. Leverin, a Pittsburg jeweler, was absent, yesterday, and his wife in a room in the rear of the store, a thief entered and carried off jewelry valued at SI,OOO to $1,500. A gravel train, switching ontho Boston & Albany road, was struck by a regular freight train. Twenty-nine cars were derailed and more or less damaged. No person was hurt. Articles of incorporation of th© Merchants* Telegraph and Cable Company liave been tiled in New York. The capital stock is fixed at $13,000, but provision is made for an increase to a sum not to exceed $20,000,000. A death-watch has been placed upon William Conroy, of New York, whose execution is fixed for February 8, for tlio murder of Peter Keenan, whom lie (Conroy), while a policeman on duty and drunk, shot and clubbed to death. Tlie safe in the. postoffice at Blue Island, one of the southwestern suburbs of Chicago, was blown open on Monday night, aud in addition to stamps and money of the postoffice, some township funds stored in the safe were earned off. The value of the plunder secured by the thieves is placed at $2,909. Georg*© H. Carver & Cos., wholesale merchants at Livingston, M. TANARUS., have levied an attachment on certain property of the National Park Improvement. Company, to secure a bill for a large amount. The property attached consists of a saw-mill, cattle, horses, etc., belouging to the company outside of the park. J. M. Reford, a merchant of Moriah, Vt., with his wife and two daughters, started for Warren, Vt., Jan. 11. to visit his father. He bad a good team of horses. The party has not since been 'heard from. It. is feared they either broke through tho ice of lake Champlain or were frozen to death under the snow on the Green mountains. _ Mr. Meredith’s Sanity. Philadelphia, Jan. 29.—1n the lunacy case of William Meredith, Judge Bell delivered a long charge to tbe jury defining the law of binary. The .jury, after fifteen minutes, rendered a verdict for th© defendant, thus establishing Mere dittos sanity. Meredith is a son of tho dfeliu-

guished jurist and cabinet officer, William M. Meredith. The proceedings were begun at hia instance, and bore upon the possession of right of disposition of his property. It was shown on the trial tliat Meredith was possessed of groat intellectual ability, had been carefully educated, and all his powers were clear and forcible, - except on n single point. He believed himself an object of some secret and mysterious persecution. TRADE AND KABOS. A Compromise Effected Between the Glass* Workers anil Manufacturers. Pittsburg, Jan. 29. —The conference committees of the window glass-workers and manufacturers appointed to settle the wage difficulties made another attempt to-day to effect a settlement. The committees were iu session from 2 o’clock this ajternoon until 11:30 to-night, when the meeting adjourned. Members refused to talk, but from outside sources, believed to be reliable, it was learned an agreement had been arrived at, subject to ratification at a meeting to be held next Saturday. The basis of the settlement could not be ascertained, but great concessions are said .to have been made on both sides. The factories have been closed five months. lead Pipe Manufacturers. St. Louis, Jan. 29. —The national lead pipe manufacturers met in socret session here this afternoon, and discussed a proposition to revise and advance prices, but no definite action was taken. They will meet again to-morrow. Advance 1 Harness Leather. Cincinnati. Jan. 29.—The Tanners’ Association has agreed to increase the price of all harness leather one cent a pound, lo take effect immediately. Augusteen, the Laporte Murderer Arrested. Atchison, Kan. Jan. 27.—Henry Augustecn. who murdered his uncle and cousin and seriously wounded his aunt and another cousin, near Laporte, Ind., on tho night of tho 31st of December, 1880, was arrested on a farm near Cawker City, this State, yesterday, and arrived here this afternoon, in * charge of a deputy sheriff, on his way' back to Indiana. Augusteen has been traced three years by' detectives. and his whereabouts were finally' discovered by Deputy Sheriff John Weaver, of Laporte. Alleged Discovery of Tin. Raleigh, N. C., Jan. 29.—A risr-overy of tin at Kings Mountain vGbvciiind county, is announced Iffhs is the first discovery of this metal •ivGile United States. The State Chemist will make a careful examination. Sleamslup News. New York, Jan. 29.—Arrived: Gcllert. from Hamburg. Queenstown. Jan. 29. —Arrived: City of Chicago, Frisia, Indiana, from New York.

Thc Orchard in Winter, Milwaukee Sentinel. Wc hear a great deal about the lack of attention to the orchard in winter. Such talk is ah very proper and correct, but, at the same time, they have, in my mind,altogether too much attention, at least of the kind bestowed. For my part. I would much rather see an orchard pursuing its own wild, untrammeled way, innocent alike of the offices of tlie pruning-knife and spade, than to see the barn and gates thrown open in fall and winter, with the horned occupants of the premises free .to run In and out at their own ugly will. This is the kind of attention that 1 object to most strenuously, and it is all too evident that such attention prevails to a great extent. Among the farmers it is almost invariably the practice to turn the cattle into the orchard early in the fall, that they may pick the tender young growth of grass. The ground is soft during the fall rains, and as the cattle tread around over the roots of the trees, tho turf and earth are pressed away from the roots, leaving them exposed to wind, sun and frost. The orchard may piesent a very trim appearance, after being closely cropped and trodden in this way, but how much better it would be to dispense with this extra attention, even if tho riotous weeds and grass hid half the trunk from view'. But this is not the whole of the harmful attention bestowed upon the defenseless shrubs by their mischievous attendants. As the winter ad vances, and the poor brutes have long been deprived of their rightful allowance of green food, they begin to wander into the orchard, entioed, perhaps, by the sight or smell of swelling buds. And now the poor trees begin to present that drooping appearance; tlie hanging limbs are shorn of buds and tender tijra. and tlmnkful they may be if not split from the mother trunk entirely by continued pulling and jerking. Many horticulturists are so ambition - to wield the priming knife that they might favor this mutilation, as giving them a chance to bestow their untiring attention and skill in trimming tho mangled tops. Spare the zeal and save the trees. Shut up the gates and bars, give the trees a good heavy mulching of muck and well-rotted manure, and trust to providence for fruit! A little judicious pruning is necessary with young trees, hut limbs tlni-t need removing should never get beyond the reach of the jack-knife. The top of a tree should be so trained that it may serve to protect the trunk. To do this it may be necessary to tie or weight the limbs down, and keep the tops well cut back. RptVc*hmetit* for a Small Party. New York Evening Poet. A few dishes, perfect of their kind, are much more satisfactory than a great variety less daintily prepared. Sandwiches made of bread baked tlio day before, and of nicely minced boiled ham, seasoned with a little vinegar and mustard and a few drops of oil, with coffee, for which genuine cream has been provided, may well come first, them chicken salad, with cucumber pickles and olives; after which serve cream with two or three kinds of cake, and, if you choose, grapes and oranges. The oranges should he partly peeled and the skin divided in eighths, and the point© turned over toward the orange itself. If this is done an hour before they are served, the peel will keep its place. If tlie refreshments are served- at small tables, at which two ladies and two gentlemen sit, two finger-bowls are all that need be placed there, immediately after they liave indicated in some way Unit they have finished supper. At whist parties, where time is to be considered, it is best to use small tables, so that those who have an unfinished game on their minds can complete it speedily, while it is still possible to remember that the jack or ten-spot is now high. Troubles of Bee-Keepers. New England Farmer. Two difficulties are rendering bee-keeping quite hazardous at the present time, a little insect resembling both the small hen louse and tho red spider of the green house. Tlie insects live upon the bodies of the bees to the number of twenty or more on a single bee, and suck their life away. They are carried from one hive to another by ooutac-t of bees with each other while gathering honey from flowers. Not much is yet known as to the * best methods *of fighting the parasites. Foul brood is a name given to the other boe pest. In affected hives the young die before hatching, and the old bees seem to have no means or disposition to clean the comb. It is an old disease that was known nearly a century ago, and is spreading to an alarming extent in some of the Western States. Michigan suffered a loss of 5,000 hives in one season. It is a disgusting disease, -as tho dead larva) emit a strong stench. Foul brood-is spread by bees carrying honey from one hive to another. It is a fungus, aftd great care should be exercised in preventing its spread upon now' territory. A late invention, for boys and girls who will kneel down on the playground and wear out the knees of their stockings, is a stocking knee pro-, teetor. _ Even if Athlophoros— tlie champion remedy for Rheumatism and Neuralgia— produced no other effect tlwin giving speedy relief to pain, reducing swelling and limbering stiffened joints and muscles, it would still outrank all ordinary remedies. But it do as vastly more. It goes for the causes of these pains and swellings, which it finds in the blood, and destroys them. The acidulous poisons expelled from blood and system lieal thy and natural circulation restored, work of Athlopjioros is done, and the sufferer well.