Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 24 October 1883 — Page 4
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AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. GRAND OPERA-HOUSE—Mme. Jamiuscliek in “Mother and Son.” t‘‘Zi!lah” at matiuee.) ENGLISH’S OPERA-HOUSE—Carrie Swain in “Cad the Tomhoy,” matineo aud evening. PARK THEATER—Leavitt’s All Star Specialty Company, THE DAILY JOURNAL. li Y JTNO. C. NEW & SON. For Elites of Subscription, etc., see Sixth Paire. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1883. the: INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can he found at the following p’aces: LONDON—American Exchangein Europe, OOStrand. PARlS—American Exchange in Paris, 35 Boulevard tics Capucines. NEW YORK—Fifth Avenue and Windsor Hotels, WASHINGTON. D. C.—Brentano’s 1,015 Pennsylvania avenue. CHICAGO—PaImer House. CINCINNATI—J. C. Hawley A Cos.. 154 Vine street. LOUISVILLE— C. T. Bearing, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. FT. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union Depot.. Judge Hoadly bas a clear majority in Ohio of 1,443. Hon. John Coburn, in his speech on Monday night, made a strong legal point for the validity of the civil-rights bill. That portion of his remarks is printed elsewhere. The colored people of Cincinnati, at their meeting on Monday night, tendered their gratitude to Associate Justice Harlan for his dissent from the civil-rights decision. Gen. Hazen denies that what are known as the “supplemental instructions” were ever sent to Lieutenant Garlington. This relieves the Lieutenant from any possibility of blame for not obeying orders in stopping at Littleton island and landing supplies. The Tammany organ in New York city is out for an old-new ticket, composed of Tilden and Hoadly. Mr. Kelly, who is the “boss,” has hitherto been the fortress and tower of our own favorite son, Mr. Hendricks. The change of front will be a political surprise. ___________ Thirty-six Mormon missionaries are on their way from this country to Europe. They went to New York in parlor cars, put up at the Fifth-avenue Hotel, and “were as fine and intelligent a looking body of gentlemen as ever appeared in a hotel corridor.” A man may smile and smile. Hon. W. D. Warner, United States consul at Dusseldorf, is authority for the statement that the average yearly wages paid workingmen during the year 1878 (free-trade period) amounted to 817 marks. Last year, under protection, it was 90!) marks. This increase of over 11 per cent, may fairly be credited to the influence of protection.
A murderer in Hamilton county, 0., lias e little more experience with new trials than he likes. lie was convicted of murder in the second degree, but his lawyers went to work and in the usual way secured anew trial. The second verdict was for murder in the first degree. Justice should follow criminals as far as they dare go in the matter of law. A local report says that the Democratic leaders here did not attend the colored men’s meeting on Monday night because “they thought it a matter in which they had no interest.” A sensible conclusion. If there is any matter in which Democrats have less interest than in the question of equal rights to negroes we should be glad to have it named. The Philadelphia Times warmly approves of Mr. Hatton’s recommendations in his report as First Assistant Postmaster-general. It says: “Mr. Hatton does not fully realize the possibilities of the system, but it is to his credit that he has thought on the matter and has had the originality and independence to make a preliminary recommendation.” Mr. Hatton is one of the best, most efficient and progressive officers ever in the Postoffice Department. Monsignor Capel says: “God be praised for woman, that weaker creature obedient both to God and man.” The Monsignor is yet in the bliss of ignorance. If he should linger about this country a while longer, he will observe a distressing lack of obedience to man on the part of the gentle creatures, even in “that sweet domestic life where she most shines.” In the meantime, the good priest can find a congenial soul in Rev. Morgan Dix. Both these gentlemen “love the ladies, God bless ’em.” The Louisville Courier-Journal says that the Republican party has been “destroyed in one-half the Union” on account of its advocacy of the civil-rights act. In other words, the South was lost to the Republican party because of its friendliness to the negro. This is an unguarded admission of the real status of the two great parties relative to the colored man. The South was lost to the Republican party because Southern white Democrats bad a playful way of beating, whipping and killing colored Republicans who thought to enjoy the right of suffrage. Civil rights bad little or nothing to do with it. The white Democrats of that section of the country resolved on a white man’s government, and they have it. The Republican party was formed upon the principle of the equal rights of all men before the law. To secure this it enacted constitutional amendments and passed the civilrights bill in the teeth of the dire opposition of the Democratic party. The path to this consummation was over the dead bodies of hundreds of thousands of men and the road-
| way cost seven billions of money. In view ' of these facts we incline to the belief that j the rights with which the colored men were I to be clothed were intended to he substantial rights aud not the mere shadows of rights. A resolution to the effect that a colored man | must find his rights in a hostile State court, and at the hands of a jury bitterly his enemies, while the general government stands off complacently with its arms folded, is not a platform broad enough for the Republican party, and would sound in strange contrast with the declaration made every quadrenniumsince 1856. No harm, but only good, may result from the Supreme Court decision; but that is no reason why the Republican party should abate a jot or tittle of its faith, or try to compress its conscience within the narrow limits of legal technicalities. A diet of turnips and cold water may do for Colonel Sellers, but it is not the feast to which the Republican party has invited the nation and the world. THE TWO SIDES OF IT. There are two sides, certainly, to the matter of the civil-rights decision. One may be called the legal side, and the other the moral, or, you may term it, tbesentimental side, and ! it is a one-sided and partial treatment that does not consider the question from both points of view. Senator Harrison, in his admirable speech at the Monday night meeting, very clearly analyzed the matter from the legal stand-point, while General Coburn, in his no less admirable address, presented the other view, and one equallv demanding attention. So far as the legality of the decision goes we may not rashly question it. But it is yet to be remembered that when the measure first passed its constitutionality was under severe and critical review, and not a few of the most eminent lawyers Congress and the country contained pronounced it within the limits of constitutional authority. Even now, when so profound a lawyer and cool-headed a man as Samuel Sheliabarger takes occasion to participate in a public meeting called for the purpose of protesting against the opinion of the Supreme Court, it may not be utterly heretical it some people be found not ready, or, at least, not willing, to accept the decision without an expression of dissent, But it is the other view of the question that will be most forced upon the attention of the country, and will provoke the most earnest discussion, and from which will inevitably proceed the best results. The Dred Scott decision may have been unquestioned law — and we are now taught that the enunciation of that opinion by Judge Taney was really a great hardship to that eminent jurist—but it was repugnant to the moral sense of the country, and it was a powerful factor in bringing on a discussion before the people which resulted in grinding the principles and facts upon which it was based to powder. None of the reconstruction legislation, from first to last, was conceived or passed for States north of a certain line. They were special legislation—so intended, so passed, so accepted, so opposed; and the very argument now used by the Supreme Court in overturning the two sections of the civil-rights act was the one retied upon by the Democratic party in its opposition to the constitutional amendments, and particularly to the fourteenth amendment, ttie one now and here involved. Neither the thirteenth nor the fourteenth nor the fifteenth amendment was necessary for any State or any community where the equal rights of the colored man were recognized by State law and by public sentiment. But they were necessary for States where he was held in bondage, in surveillance, and regarded as of no more value than a chattel. So the civil-rights bill was regarded as a necessity at the time it was passed, not in Massachusetts but in South Carolina; and who shall say that it has not done its part as a bulwark for the protection of rights presumed to be guaranteed by the amendments to the federal constitution. What the measure of that protection has been we need not inquire. That it has been very imperfect, and at times has been a horrid burlesque, is well known. Fred. Douglass, in his great speech before the Louisville convention, sketched the history of the colored people in the Southern States since the war in colors none too deeply tinged, and as a climax exclaimed: "Should tongues be mute while deeds are wrought that well might shame extremest hell?” Such deeds have been wrought, and they have been wrought against, not the civil or social rights of the negro, but against his political rights, and in the interest of and by the party which is now hypocritically and sneakinely trying to pat the colored people upon the back. The deeds against which Mr. Douglass cried out were all committed in Democratic States, were all committed by Democrats, were all committed in the interests of the Democratic party and of its candidates; and if those bloody and terrible crimes against the suffrage in the persons of colored men had been successful, the “usufruct,” to use Democratic language, would have gone to and been enjoyed by the Democratic party. Mr. Douglass says the history of the colored voters of the South may be traced by their blood. Every man knows this to be true, and every man also knows that no single crime against the colored man’s ballot has ever been punished in a single Southern State. No amusement in which the Southern chivalry could engage has been more harmless than “hunting niggers;” and yet, forsooth, it is to the local courts, e mtrolled by a public sentiment Lwhich does not consider the murder of a colored man a punishable offense, ' that colored men are blandly relegated, with
THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 24, ISS3.
the information that they have all the rights that any man has, and that the awful circle of the common law is drawn around them. This is simple mockery, and it is recognized as such. Senator Harrison said, on Monday night: “I do not know but what in practice it will be found that tbecoromon law furnishes you every remedy you need to assert these rights. But if it does not, and we are to consider the question whether we will not put something in the constitution that will enable us to pass such a law, I think it doubtful whether, in the present condition of parties in this country, we could ever pass such amendment agaiu.” What is the matter? Is it because of a decline in the moral sentiment of the country, or is it because there no longer exists the necessity for it, that such an amendment could never be passed again? It is evident that Senator Harrison meant that no such constitutional or statutory law could again be enacted, because of a present existing opposition, which, when the amendment was passed, was not strong enough to stand against the high purpose of the people to make all men free and equal before the law. That is what he meant, and practically what he said, and in so far justifies the statement of Mr. Douglass and of Mr. Bruce, and others, that the decision puts the country back fifteen years. But, while all this is true, and it is greatly to be regretted that such a decision as the Supreme Court has given was considered necessary, there can be no doubt that good yill come out of it all. A meeting of the colored citizens of Cincinnati, held the same night as the one in this city, passed, among others, the following resolution: “Resolved, by the colored citizens of Cincinnati in mass-meeting assembled, That, relying on the constitution and laws of our country, and reposing confidence in the generosity and sense of justice of our white feilow-citizens, we view without alarm the abrogation of the civil-rights law, feeling sure, that as the two races grow in wisdom and tolerance, the prejudices which bar our way will be dissipated, and that in the near future all American citizens will stand undisputed on a platform of equal political and of equal civil rights.” This is wise and statesmanlike. The whole bearings of the question will now be discussed as never before, and as they never would have been but for this adverse decision. Nothing is so strong in this country as enlightened public opinion. It is better than constitutions and statutes, and enforces its decrees over and above them. Asa sequence to the discussion that will follow, and in the light of the publicity certain to be given any and all acts of attempted oppression, justice and equality are likely to come more universally and more speedily than if reliance is placed exclusively upon law. The Southern States and communities, where ostracism and outrage upon the negroes have been practiced, are growing more and more amenable to the force which changed the very nature of the government. Reasons stronger than the cold words of a law are operating to secure the rights of all men, and the operation of those reasons will be accelerated by an incident which now, from certain points of view, seems deplorable. Because we believe this, and not because we would tell the colored man to stick his head in the sand of the common law, and hug the delusion that his entire body was safely covered, we think the decision of the Supreme Court will yet prove an advantage to a people who have shown themselves so capable and patient, and who have been wise and strong enough to make seeming misfortunes helps to a higher jife. “The civil-rights law had sufficient force, even though it were illegal, to give thfe colored men a status and insure him right), that lie might not have otherwise gained. Scarcely any one now objects to his right of suffrage, and none would vote to take these rights away from him.” This is from the Logansport Pharos, an organ of a party that lias fought with relentless hate and bitterness every step in advance taken by the colored people. “Scarcely any one now objects to his right of suffrage,” says tliis Democratic paper; and yet in every State where his suffrage would be of avail to overthrow the Democratic party, the ballot is made a mockery of by all sorts of frauds, and, if necessary, by intimidation and murder. Frederick Douglass said, in his Louisville speech, of the colored men in the Southern States: “They have marched to the ballot box in the face of gleaming weapons, wounds and death. They are under control of a foul, haggard and damning conspiracy against reason, law and the constitution." This statement is not overdrawn. Every weapon was iu the hands of a Democrat. Every wound was indicted by a Democrat. Every murder was committed by a Democrat, Every conspirator, with tissue ballot and other fraudulent device, was a Democrat. And yet the Democratic party now fawns over the colored man. Faugh! Paul Vandervoort, the ex-commander of the Grand Army of the Republic, is out in a card referring to his recent removal from office by Postmaster-general Gresham, in which he states that, in an interview asking to be reinstated, he was offered the position of register of a land office in Dakota, which lie declined. In a short time, in another interview demanding reinstatement, he was informed that he had been appointed customs agent at Port Townsend, Washington Territory, and that if he accepted this place the order dismissing him from the postal service would be revoked. Vandervoort declined, insisting upon reinstatement as a matter of justice. He states that he could have been reinstated if he had consented to at once resign, blit this proposition he also declined. If the charges of neglect of official duty, of the grossest and most protracted character, against Gen. Vandervoort were well substantiated, no apology or explanation is neces-
sary for his immediate and peremptory removal. But, if Vandervoort’s statements are correct—that he disproved all the charges brought—he would seem to be as fit for one branch of the public service as another. The repeated offers of other responsible places seems to indicate a possible weakness in the government’s case. The authorities of Lisbon have passed an ordinance imposing cremation during epidemics and requiring that the remains of interred bodies must be burned at the end of five years. In Paris their remains at the end of a certain time are gathered together and taken to the catacombs. Cremation will become imperative at no distant day in the great cities of the world. It ougtit to be adopted by general consent on account of its many commendable features, such as cleanliness, healthfulnes3 aud the absolute security against the grim possibility of the remains oi friends finding their way to the pickling vat and dissecting-table. Assistant Bishop Potter officiated for the first time In his now office at the penitentiary on Blackwell’s island. One day the central figure in the pomp surrounding his confirmation in Grace Church, and the very next preaching within the bare walls ot the prison. The report says, and it is worth quoting in full: “His manner was grave and dignified: his words were few but well chosen. He was listened to with the closest attention. He selected forhistexi: “Jesus saith unto her, Neither do I condemn thee; go, ami sin no more.” lie said, in substance: “I thank God for the privilege of beginning my work as a missionary. The temptations of your life and mine, my dear brethren, are the same. They may not come in the saute form, but they conceal the same evil spirit. No one is exempt from its approach, whatever the conditions of his life. We must all stand some day at the partiog of the ways, confronted with a tempter, be it man or woman who bids ns forsake the good and choose the evil path. If we listen and go a little with him. saying thus far and no farther, we find it easier to keep on in sin than to retrace our steps. Blit we are never beyond tlie reach of God's mercy. His promises and assurance of help and comfort are always held.out to us. He knows our weaknesses. Why should we fear the condemnation of man since pardon from a higher power avails those who truly repent and unlelgnedly believe His holy g ispeii I would not bewilder your minds by theological distinctions as to the way by wmch you may return to him.”
A faitu cure baud in Pittsfield, Mass., have formulated their belief and call it “psychopathy.” In order to be cured the sick person must have unwavering faith In the method, and must also practice * ‘autopsyehism,” or, in other words, pray for biinself. The members of the band are very enthusiastic, aud “point with pride” to a number of cured patients, among them a young man who bas miraculously recovered from tbe paralyzing effects of too much tobacco. For some time past the united energies aud faith of tbe members have been devoted to the ease of one of their uumber, who is afflicted with cancer. The woman herself, as well as the other fauatics, expresses a confident belief that she will be raised up, and wiil consent to no other treatment. Her death is looked for at any hour by her uubelieving and indiguant neighbors, and they are only waiting for this to occur to give her associates a course of hydropathyin tbe river. It is generally conceded that the women of this country are unequaled in taking more rurhte than properly belong to them, but a complaint is made in a London paper which shows that the ladies of that city are “up and coming.” In the reading-room of the British museum two large tables are set apart for the exclusive use of women, and if a man sits there an attendant promptly routs him out. But do the women occupy the seats reserved for them? No, indeed; they invade the men’s tables, and are not to be moved by hints. The masculine complainant does not understand the mystery, but calls for a forcible eviction. Tne singular conduct of these women undoubtedly proceeds from the same cause which leads raeu in this country to intrude into ladies’ waiting-rooms at depots and ladies’ railway cars. The American play “Esmeralda” has delighted the blarsted Britishers. With Mary Anderson captivating the natives there a cry will soon go up from envious playwrights there against the silly and altogether inexplicable folly of aping Amerioan manners and men. Nobody is happy anywhere any more. A New York paper has acquired a bit of news to the effect that when “Private” Dalzell lived in Washington he acted so erratically that many deemed him insane. The “Private’s” mental condition has been known to Western papers for about ten years. Prince Bismarck is not only a power in politics but does something in the way of business. He is largely interested as a timber merchant, and is one of tbe greatest distillers in Germany. In other words, he is doubly prepared to “put a stick in it.” The editor of the Cincinnati News Journal is evidently a murried man himself. He heads an item: “Blue Monday on the wharf. Marriage of a well-known tow-boat captain at Ashland, Ky.” A Hoboken firm lias undertaken the experiment of raising ostriches in this country, and have stocked a 100-acre farm in Florida with three pairs of the birds as a nucleus, so to speak. Et quette is carried to the extreme in Louisville. The Commercial speaks of a man “visiting a corpse.” It is not stated when the latter will return the compliment. .—.—• GEO. M. Dbaland, Perrysvllle, Ind.: If you will look at the Journal of Tuesday, Oct. 16, you will find the points of tho civil-rights decision clearly stated. IV. B. McKee, Owensburg, Ind.: Address G. P. htehbius, Detroit. ABOUT PEOPLE. •Tons JACOit Astor came over from Germany just a hundred years ago, with sf2s iu his pocket and some old flutes in his carpet-bae. It Is expected that General B. F. Butler will visit relatives in London and afterwards make a tour ot Europe’n the course of the ooming winter. Postmaster-general Gresham has just learned that he is authority on fashionable colors. The ladies out West have adopted his color of the new letter postage stamp as desirable for mourning garments. Sarah Bernhardt's attacks on ber ltusbaud have done bun great service. His salary bas boon doubled, his aeting is highly praised, and lie has been offered the chief part in plays by Dumas, Octave Feuilliet, and George Ohuet. Mr. Hartwell Grissbll, who is a wealthy cousin of Mgr. Capel’s prize convert, the Marquis of Bute, offers, It Oxford he agreed on as theciteofrhe Roman Catholic university, to bear the cost. Cardinal Manning wishes tlie university to be in London. The death of Mrs. John Russell Young, wife of our minister to China, Is a very Bad one. Sue left, with her husband, for China in excellent health. In Japan they were given a series of entertainments, where, being in light evening dress, she took a severe cold. The entertainments continued, and sho felt obliged to attend. 1 The cold settled on her lunge, and she was obliged
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to leave her husband In China and seek a milder climate and the skilled, medical attention she could secure in Pans. Her husband could not leave his post owing to important duties. A child was horn In Paris last summer. Max Muller, the eminent philologist, tn a few words has succeeded in giving a comprehensive definition of true politeness. Iu a notice of the death of a Buddhist student he says: “His manners were perfect —they were the natural manners of an uuselflsh man.” There is a story abroad that Mine. Nilsson will soon marry an American merchant. Her last husband was a business man, aud if the Madame marries again, her choice will be an affable, appreciative American journalist, a man who doesn’t know what it is to spend other people’s money. Vicountess Combermere recently entertained a pariy or twelve at luncheon. The table decorations consisted of white Dresden china ornaments and tuzzas tilled with laminated grasses and bouquets of white aud scarlet geraniums; Beneath the center eperguo and at each end ot the table stars were arranged of laminated grasses, sprinkled with slied geran:uin petals. Du. C. C. Abbot, of Trenton, N. j., bas destroyed another old belief in weather lore. For twenty years he lias kept a record of the building of their winter houses by tlie muskrats, the storing of nuts by squirrels, and other habits of the mammals which are commonly regarded as indicating the character of the coming winter. His conclusion is that the habits referred to have no connection with the rigor or mildness ot the approaching season. When Horace Greeley visited Utah the “saints” told him that there were more girls than hoys born in Mormondom, wliicb, they argued, was a sign of God’s approval of polygamy. The latest statistics, however, show tnat of the births In the clmrch during the last six months 1,200 were male and 1,100 female. Moreover, the last oensus shows that there were then in tho Territory 24,932 males under ten years of age, and 23,762 females. By a previous marriage with Lovy, tlie cornetist, Minnie Conway, who Is now Mrs. Osmond Tearle and a member of the Union Square Theater Company, had two children, a hoy and a girl. The boy Is an exccedngly bright little fellow, but be lias not yet been made to understand the wbys and wherefores of his mamma’s marriage with Mr. Tearle. In Denver a fortnight ago a gentleman took the child in his lap and asked him what his name was. “I don’t know,” replied tli6 hoy, naively: “firs’it was Joe Levy, and zen it was Joe Teaile, and I dess it’s Joe sumiiu else now.” Ex-Mayor James L. Green, of Norwich, Conn., is dead. When he was mayor in 1863 lie ordered one hundred guns fired and the hells rung over the congressional resolution supporting the emancipation proclamation. Some of the oltlzeus opposed to the proclamation secured an Injunction from tho Superior Court forbidding tho city treasurer to pay the bills. Greene paid them and in public afterward declared: “And now, upon my soul, I do exult and rejoice that I, Janies Lloyd Greene, am tbe limn who ordered and paid for the first emancipation salute ever fired in tbe State of Connecticut.” Mrs. Kate Chase Sprague returned to America by tbe. Britannic, amt a fellow-passenger says of her: “She is ageing fast: tn fact, one who saw her years ago would hardly know her. The lines ot care left by a life full of trouble are plainly ] visible, aud her former beauty is hardly percep- | utile now. She was most lady-like and retired ' in her manner, seldom speaking to anyone unless addressed, aud if her former history was
touched upon, her eyes would sparkle and her old fire returned. She did not evade any qillations referring to her, but rather seemed do lighted to speak about herself. She spent her time reading on deck, and was quite a favorite. Miss Terry became quite attached to her, andi the two would often sit together for hours aumiring the ocean.” A ghastly burial ceremony that is practiced by the Mormons rivets the hold polygamy has on the superstition of these creatures. Every wife that is buried has a black cloth laid on her face, and the Mormon women are taught to believe that on the sesurrection day, when the righteous are called into the joys of their Lorn, no hand lmt that of a husband can remove tlio cloth, and that unless the cloth is lifted by his hand she must reinuiu in outer dui knees forever. A woman who believes that.—and the Mormon women believe it—can't help behoving herself, no matter bow many wives her husnand takes. She lias to keep on the right side of the only man who oau take off that doth. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. Hanging is a failure the way the Jaws are At present enforced, and so is imprisonment l'or life. Where one murderer is hanged for his crime, twenty are let off with imprisonment. The trouble is that there is no certainty that any murderer will be punished in any manner, tr is all lottery ami chance work. Not more than half the killers of men and women throughout the country receive anything like adequate punishment. Avery number ot them a o either not caught or not convicted.—Chicago Inter Ocean. England will see that the peace of Egypt, is not disturbed by foes without or foes witlnn; that the natural resources of a fruitful land are developed, its revenue wisely and economically administered, and its people relieved of many grievous burdens liithei to borne in hopeless patience. But for good or for ill, the ancient kingdom of the Pharaohs and Ptolemies has passed into the strongest and ablest hands that havn moulded its destinies since the Roman eagles vanished from the banks of the Nile.—Bt. Louis Republican. As the contract system has been proved to be more effective for the State than tne public account system it only remains to ascertain whether it is properly regulated so that the contractor nays to the State all that the labor is worth and derives no advantage from it in competition with those employing free labor, so that the effect bears unduly on the current rate of wages iu any employment. It is to line question of regulation that legislative attention should be directed, —New' York Times. With the prohibition issue before the public, all the drinkers make common cause with the saloon-keepers, and this is whht givei the latter their power at the polls; but under the high-li-cense system the moderate drinkers act with the temperance men in support ot tax and regulation, which leaves the soloouists in a hopeless minority, whereupon the office-seeking Democratic politicians have no more interest in the predominance of the doggeries, and cease to curry favor with them or to make tree rum a Democratic issue.—Chicago Tribune. The real motive which brings party politicians in the legislative chambers and in the executive offices into relations of commercial dickering, bargaining anil trading in public offices, iu appointments and in promotions is not the small one ot a bureau appropriation, but the great one of the political power which resides in the “party patronage” and actuates alike the partisan iu the bureau and the partisan in the legislative chamber. There is no atom of virtue in any scheme or mode of competitive examinations to take away or restrain the action of that motive.—Chicago Times. There is no desire on the part of the United States to refrain from doing whatever Is just and reasonable in the matter of pensions. This ought to be sufficiently proved by the tact that never did a nation before so reward its soldiers. There is no case that can oven approximate rhS practical gratitude of this country toward in* preservers. But this thing of leveling every bouutv up to tho highest notch at which the nation in its direst need felt called upon to place inducements to enlist, is going rather too far. Probably H will be found that public s’eutiiuen? will not sustain any suoh proposition.-—St Louis Globe-Democrat.
