Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 October 1883 — Page 4

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AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. SKAND OPKKA-UOUSE—Jim*. Jsuiauscliek in “Zillati.*’ ENGLISH’S OPERA-HOUSE —Carrie Swain in ‘Tad the Tomboy.” PA HK THEATER—Leavitt’s Ail Star Specialty Company. THE DAILY JOURNAL. 15Y JNO. C. NKW & SON*. For Rates of Subscription, etc., see Sixth Page. MONDAY, OCTOBER 22. ISS3. TllK INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL Can bo found at the followinn places: LONDON —American Exchange in Europe, 449 Strand. PARlS—American Exchange in Paris, 35 Boulevard des Capucines. NEW YORK—F:fth Avenue and Windsor Hotels, WASHINGTON. D. o. Brentano’s 1,015 Pennsylvania avenue. CHICAGO —Palmer House. CINCINNATI—J. C. Hawley A Cos., 154 Vino street. LOUISVILLE—C. T. Hearing, northwest corner Third and Jefferson streets. ST. LOUlS—Union News Company, Union DepoL There are a great many farces in politics, but none more screaming than the affected sorrow of Democratic leaders and newspapers over the decision of the Supreme Court making the civil-rights bill of no effect. It will be worth much to hear such eminent apostles of the rights of colored men as Mr. Hendricks, Mr. English and Mr. McDonald grow eloquent over the overthrow of Ihe civil-rights bill. They did so much to make it a law. What did Messrs. Hendricks, McDonald and English do to bring about the enactment of the civil-rights bili ? If they, or any of them, are brazen enough to go into mourning because of the Supreme Court decision, an answer should be compelled to this question. Lord Coleridge is regarded as a more discriminating critic of things American than any foreigner who has visited us. By the time he is through being dined and wined, and has sampled a fair article of American dyspepsia, he will be still better qualified to criticise. _________ We should like to see the self-respecting colored man who can quietly sit and listen to Pecksniffian cant about the civil-rights bill from such men as Hendricks, English and McDonald, or any other Democrat who spent all his energies to prevent the original enactment of the law. The colored people are not fools. They have proved themselves to be masters of their own minds on many occasions. The horrible farce of the Democratic leaders mopping their eyes over the overthrow of the civil-rights bill will notwin the applause of colored men. It will only excite their contemptuous indignation. When electric lights were first talked of, 5t was suggested that by their use laborers might be enabled to work at night as well as by day. This hint has been carried out by the contractors of the Cape Cod canal, who, in order to hasten the completion of the work, have placed lights along the line, and relays of laborers are busy night and day.

College students should make a memorandum of the fact that an English dkictor has added to the already long list of human ills a disease that he is pleased to call “exam, fever.” He says it is developed by the severe strain which boys and girls undergo In competitive examinations. Students will recall attacks of this fearful destroyer, though they may have miraculously escaped with their lives. Gen. Neal Dow keeps on writing letters announcing that the Prohibitionists of Maine have finally and forever parted company with the Republican party. Possibly the Prohibitionists are taking the best plan, after all, to put the question where it belongs—outside of all partisan politics. “All honor to Justice Bradley, who had the courage to raise his voice against the infamous decision of the Supreme Court.” —Colored World. Justice Bradley delivered the judgment of the court annulling the civil-rights bill. It was Justice Harlan who raised his voice in dissent. It is one of the strange things that the only justice from a former slave State should be the one to stand for the law. Justice Woods, it is true, was anpointed from a Southern State, but he is an Ohio man, and has only lived in the South since the close of the war. The Lafayette Courier denies that the women of Lafayette in any number are calling on the murderer Neliing. A special to the Chicago Tribune of last Friday says: “Over 400 persons visited the jail during the earlier part of the day, brought thither by a morbid curiosity, the great majority being young women. Many of them shook bands with the murderer.” It is to be hoped that the Courier is right, and that no considerable number of the women of Lafayette have so far forgotten their self-respect as to assist in making a lion of this human jackal. It is a common failing in all parts of the country, aud it is time that it be denounced as it deserves, and absolutely repressed by the legal custodians of criminals. In the excitement and indignation of some on account of the decision of the Supreme Court relative to the civil-rights act, it has been wildly charged that the act was passed originally by the Republican party as a means to catch the votes of the colored race, and that it is repealed now because the need Is no Tiie inconsistency of such ' charge will be apparent to all who think

twice. At the time the act was passed, the Republican party had little need of the colored vote, while at this time it is a necessary factor in political estimates. The intelligent colored men of this country know only too well that the only friends they had when friends they needed were Republicans. They must know, too, that nobody regrets more than Republicans that the civil-rights act has been pronounced unconstitutional. It is by no means certain that any harm will result from the decision. But, in event of colored men suffering unjustly, it is morally certain that the Republican party will be first to come to their aid. As the matter now stands, it is the plain duty of colored citizens to show that they deserve every right enjoyed by white men. They still stand as equals before the law. If prejudice and violence rob them of their political or civil rights a remedy will be found, and the Republican party will be active in their aid, and it is the only party to which they can look.

NEWSPAPERS AND THEIR COST. The question of reducing the selling price of daily papers is one of interest to the reading public nearly as much as to the publisher. There are cheap papers and cheap papers. One is desirable at a fair business price, the other dear as a gift, or is at best worthless. It means much in America to publish a good newspaper, one that will command patronage. A daily paper that keeps up with the times in 1883 can do so only at a very large running expense, the amount of which is little understood by those not acquainted with the details and extent of the business. American newspaper enterprise has progressed until now an enormous outlay is imperative. The make-up of an average issue represents the work of a thousand men. The white paper that it is printed on—and this is one of the minor items—costs tens of thousands of dollars annually. Expressage and postage cost other thousands. The press-work and typesetting require the expenditure of tens of thousands. These are but the mechanical parts of the work, and there remain the still more expensive necessities of an army of reporters in all parts of the world; another army to transmit the news after it is collected. Then there are the editors of the various departments, the correspondents, special and general, the telegraphic tolls, and almost innumerable other items of-expense of which the public has no idea. The aggregate is of magnitude, requiring the best financial management to keep the business running and to make the investment pay. There are other and more important features, however, than those above enumerated. There is something in journalism aside from mere bulk or the collection of news, good, bad and indifferent, from all parts of the globe. The editor who best succeeds in supplying the public with wholesome news; who keeps his readers posted in all that is desirable in politics, religion, commerce, and news in general, is guaranteed success so far as public appreciation goes, and it is really a matter of little moment whether the paper sells at three or at five cents per copy. There are papers in Paris with enormous circulations that are sold at a sou each, but they are dear at that price, and would die of starvation in America. Le Petit Journal of that city claims a daily circulation of some 750,000 copies. A paper of the same character would not be able to dispose of the hundredth part of that number in America. Not that it is vicious or vulgar, but that its news could be easily printed on the space of a postal card. The expense of getting up such a paper is next to nothing, and it can easily afford to sell at one cent. With but two or three brief paragraphs of telegraphic news and the remainder of the space filled with cheap editorials and still cheaper stories, printed in large type, the Little Journal of Paris is dear at the price asked and of no value whatever to anyone who wishes to keep advised of current events. The same features are noticeable in American papers. There are those which are of very little value comparatively, and it matters little what their price may be; they have but a limited circulation. American readers demand the news, collected in a careful manner and bearing the impress of truth. To this must be added editorial opinions, honest, wholesome and engaging. These cost heavily. Dereliction in the collection oT news, either through delay or untrustworthiness, is unpardonable, while dull or questionable editorials will not be long tolerated. In America the newspaper that is negligent, slow or unreliable, is not wanted at any price. The managers of such a paper may, by dint of hard work, keep it going, but it never pays and generally dies after an ineffectual struggle for an unmerited existence. So much from the view of a patron of newspapers. The publisher of a newspaper has a double problem to determine: What the paper costs and what is the most profitable price at which it can be sold. The paper that sells at five cents cannot afford to increase the price to ten cents, for obvious reasons. Asa business investment it is more profitable to sell 100,000 copies at a profit of two cents each than 20.000 at a profit of ten cents each. The increased circulation in the former instance increases its value as an advertising medium more than five-fold. There irf a limit at which a paper can be most profitably sold. Somewhere between absolutely giving it away and asking too much is a mean where business is fairly profitable. This has descended from time to time, and now another reduction is being discussed. The same thing, in effect, has taken place year after year, without notice being taken of it. The

TIIE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, MONDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1883.

paper that sold for five cents before the war is no more the paper of to-day than a five cent mackerel is a ten-pound trout. Instead of reducing the price of news, publishers have given more news for the same price, until now our publishers give ten times as much for the same money as they did twenty years ago. The daily press is better and more enterprising in every feature. Increased facilities for gathering the news, perfected presses for printing ten copies to where one was struck off before, have enabled publishers to vastly increase the value of their productions. Five-cent papers and three and two-cent papers have their proper fields. A five-cent paper undeniably is able to fill a larger and more important field than one for less money. It can afford a larger scope of news and more fitting space for its proper presentment and consideration. It can give more of detail, which in many instances is of great value to the purchaser. It is valuable to get the bare skeleton of news, the figures of markets, and the outlines of general and political events, but it is of greater value to get the tone of the markets, the moving causes of events and the secret of political movements. A low-priced paper gives an epitome of the day’s events, and is vastly superior to no news at all; but a paper costing two or three cents more goes to greater length and gives more for value received. In any event the five-cent paper is one of the cheapest of luxuries and necessities. Compared with the ten thousand items of universal expense and indulgence, it is the cheapest of all. The public does not demand cheapness alone. There must be excellence and merit, or the price, however low, will be too high. A cigar may be made to sell for less than a nickel, and it may intrinsically be worth the price asked, but few want to buy it and smoke it. A cigar, to be enjoyable, must possess certain elements. The articles that make these qualities cost certain money. A cheap cigar, with tnese desirable elements wanting, can be sold for much less than can a genuine article. It is so with newspapers. Avery large sheet may be filled with undesirable matter, and sold very cheap, but it is not what is wanted. That paper is best which economizes its space to the best advantage of its readers, simplifying where needed, condensing where possible and eliminating all objectionable matter. As compared with other luxuries and necessities, the newspaper of to-day is on the bed-rock of cheapness, and by giving more and better-prepared news is growing cneaper year after year. What absurd talk of economy and cheapness when applied to a newspaper, the highest priced of which cost only the price of a glass of beer or a “shine” from a street bootblack. The well conducted, well-arranged newspaper, which expends a full proportion of its income in the betterment of its pages, is not the plqce where a sensible man will first aJtjSljP th6j pruning-kiiife of economy.

Tiie Crawfordsville Review, edited by Hon. Bayless W. Hanna, occupies very nearly a column in the effort to show that the Journal misstated the relation of Senator Vooriiees toward the tariff question. The controversy-is a very brief one. The Journal alluded to Mr. Yoorhees as being a protectionist, and the Review charged the Journal with misrepresentation. The Journal thereupon quoted from a speech made by the Senator in the Senate chamber Feb. 16, 1883. in which he said: “I stand here declaring that I am a protectionist for every interest which I am sent here by my constituents to protect.” That would seem to settle the question to anyone who understands the English language. But to make the matter plainer, if possible, we quote selections from the Review itself, taking the sentences from the first four inches of the article alluded to. The Review says: “The Indianaplis Journal, always subtle and never fair, loses no opportunity to multiply the proofs of it. It has recently been plying its skill to satisfy the public that Senator Voorhees is a protectionist. If that thing were true, he would be in harmony with the Journal.” And the Review again says: “The Journal quotes from a speech ot Mr. Voorhees in the Senate, Feb. 16, 1883: ‘I stand here declaring that I am a protectionist for every interest which I am sent here by my constituents to protect.’ Os course lie is- That is just what has made him so dear to the people of Indiana.” That is exactly what we said, Mr. Hanna. “Os course he is” [a protectionist], and “that is just what makes him so dear” to the Journal. On the tariff Mr. Voorhees is a sweet boon, and his head is very level, a fact the free-traders of Indiana, of which the Crawfordsville Review aspires to be an organ, should not fail to remember. To emphasize what the Journal took occasion to say, after the result in Ohio, the figures of the lowa election are of value. lowa is a State where the agricultural population is relatively very large, but under the stimulus of protection its industries are being rapidly increased, and its urban population is making prodigious advances. In lowa the Democratic party has been practically a cipher, while Republicanism has had everything its own way. The plurality for Governor Sherman is now less than 25,000, aud a majority that formerly went up to half a hundred thousand or more is whittled down to a beggarly 5,500. Another congressional district has been lost to the Republicans, and there has been a gain of twenty-seven Democratic members of the Legislature, so that in the lower house tiie Republicans have but two majority over the combined opposition. And the figures show that the opposition members of the Legislature received a larger aggregate

vote than did the Republican members. Probabiy some may be able to figure it out ; just how a prohibitory law can be i much else than a dead letter in | the face of such opposition as this reveals; but for the life of us, we can : see little but a virtual triumph for what is tantamount to free whisky in such a “victory.” While the remarkably heavy vote cast for prohibition in lowa and in Ohio must provoke the deepest study of the entire liquor problem, the vote cast against it, and the steady advance of the Democratic liquor alliance in States where any phase of prohibition is thrust into partisan politics at present, suggests the inquiry whether, like the animal in the fable, there is not danger of losing the substance in grasping after the shadow. Chancellor Runyon, of New Jersey, in the case of Mechanics’ National Bank of Newark, has rendered a decision that it is well to make a note of. That bank was ruined through the frauds of its cashier, which could not have been committed had the directors properly discharged their duties. The Chancellor holds that the directors are personally liable for the losses, which resulted from their neglect and mismanagement, and that when in such case a receiver refuses to bring an action against them, suit may be brought by the injured stockholders. This is a point the Journal has constantly insisted on. Directors, upon the strength of whose names and supposed business ability the money of people is obtained by a bank, should be compelled to direct, and if they do not, and the people lose their deposits, the negligent but respectable dummies and figure-heads, who have been used by the bunko—no, bankers—as “steerers,” should be made to suffer and to repay the money wheedled out of the public through false pretense. There would be fewer bank failures with this system in practice. The Louisville Commercial says: “The leading Southern newspapers are filled with mentions of new manufactories and new forms of industrial and other enterprises in that section. Such reading matter will do much more good than the conventional gushing over ‘the new South.’ More cotton mills and iron furnaces, and less politics and sentiment, are the needs of to-day.” And all this under the policy of the Republican party, “Turn the rascals out.” A Southern woman writes from New York to the Constitutionalist of Augusta, Ga., that she and other Southern women have found means of earning an honorable livelihood there, and then she goes on to say: “One other thing has surprised me—that, notwithstanding the hardships they undergo and the longing for home and friends, not one young lady who has come here to do and dare desires to live in the South again. And right hero lies the cardinal difference between the two parts of the country. Here you are well paid for your work, and no gine thinks less of you for earning your own bread. Iu the South the knowledge that a woman works for her own living puts her to some extent lu a circle aside.” - -m At Atlanta, Ga., the “wildest enthusiasm*’ prevailed when the decision became knowu. About a year ago a colored man was ejected from a performance given by Haverly’s minstela In that city, and a suit under the civilrights bill was brought recently. By a singular coincidence the same minstrel troupe were playing in Atlanta on Monday evening, and one of the ena men announced to the audience the decision of the court. The entire house rose and jrave three cheers. At Washington the hotel keepers are in a “state of mind,” becacso the decision does not applj* to the District of Columbia.

Mr. VeVnor, from up in Canada, mentions incidentally that December is to be a mild month. Professor Gather, “way down in Alabama,” rises to remark that the coming wiuter will be distinguished by its “phenomenal seasons of cold, interspersed by paroxysmal periods of beat.” If we could only have a prophet without honor lu tills section of country, we might have a spell of weather of our own. Easton, Pa, has a horse-thief who refuses to eat because, as he says, he means to beat the sheriff by escapiug through the keyhole. It is a long time between meals with him, and he fills up the interval by writing cards to the newspapers. Farmers who have suffered by his depredations think his present performances enough to make a horse laugh. The New York Tribune cites the case of a railway company paying a widow $12,500 for the death of her husband, then bringing in the statement that the owuer of Jay-Eye See htilds him at SIOO,OOO, thus moralizes: “Horse, $100,000; man, $12,500! It looks as if the man must go.” A horse has to go pretty fast before he is worth SIOO,OOO. _ At an oyster supper in a Methodist church on Long Island the other night a free fight occurred, during which the deacons and the minister got miscellaneously pnmmeled. The dispatches giving an account of the row neglect to mention whether or not the oyster got away. A market value has been put on kisses by an Easton, Pa., jury. Miss Miller brought suit against Mr. Beck for breach of promise of marriage. She said he had kissed her a little more than 100,000 times, and the jury gave her a verdict of .$1,008.33, or a cent a kiss. It has been proved that the Japanese persimmon can be cultivated in this country. But will a domestic polo knock these exotic sweets) ABOUT PEOPLE, A New York thief says that Gen. Grant never carries any money to speak of aud that his watch isn’t worth stealing. that my stories have brought my own country a little nearer to the European public is the happiness of my life,’’said Turgeneff just before his death. Some new aud interesting letters of Carlyle to Emerson have been discovered. They are in Jhe hands of Professor Norton, the editor of the Car-lyle-Emerson correspondence. The Crown Princess of Germany is a “universal” woman. Sh© writes political memoirs, talks philosophy, carves statuary, composes sonatas, dabbles in architecture and paints. David Davis, Schuyler Colfax and Burton C. Cook, says an “old timer” in Chicago, conld tell moro about, the events whioh brought about Lincoln’s nomination than any one now living. An Intimate personal friend of Senator Anthony visited Washington recently. n said that the Senator was looking forward with some impatience to the reassembling of Congress, when he hopes to be able to again take lus seat in the Senate chamber, where for a quarter of a century be bus been a familiar figure. “I want

to go to Washington ami die in harness,’* is said | to be one of the few remarks of Mr. Anthony since he rallied from his severe illness of last summer. The wife of Mr. W. H. H. Murray has lust returned from Europe with a diploma from the Vienna Medical College, both as physician and surgeon, being, her friends say, the only woman in the country with this certificate. Dr. Paul Gcssfeldt, who has been endeavoring to ascend the highest peak of the Chili Cordilleras, failed to complete his task owing to the extreme cold, hut he was successful in taking some tine photographs of a very remarkable region. Among the names of the favorite cats at the big Boston cat exposition are: “Toiumaso Salvini,’’ “James A. Garfield,” “Oscar Wilde,** “Mary Anderson,” “Dom Pudro,” “Levi,** “Dr. Tom,” “Ben. Butler,” and “Lucius Tarquinius Priscus.” The real reason for the alleged refusal of the Comte de Chambord’6 widow to allow the Comte de Paris to lie the chief mourner at her husband’s funeral was that the Comte de Paris was afraid of arrest and exile from France should he participate iu it. The Kiug of Stam, who is only a boy of twenty years, has allowed his finger-nails, it is said, to grow until they are more than a foot in length. This deformity reduces too monarch to a state of absolute helplessness, and for that reason, probably, the Siamese regard long nails as one of the peculiar attributes of sovereignity. Mr. Blaine gets from the publishers of his new hook $75,000 cash down and a royalty of fifteen cents a volume. There are advance orders for 100,000 copies, and it is expected that fully 300.000 will be sold. This would yield the authorsl2o,ooo in all, which is somewhat more money than the average writer of books gets. Writing of Missionary Shaw, Mr. Labouchere savs: “If St. Paul had olaimed redress to the tuue of 1,200,000 sestertii, because the Romans did not treat him as a gentleman, aud beoause his choice Falernian wine was drunk by Timothy and other converts, it is hardly likely that his successors would now be at the head of the Catholic Church.” Marie Antoinette’s liarp lias come to light in an old curiosity shop in Berlin. Fleury, the Queen’s valet, carried it off as a souveuir, bur, being reduced to great poverty, he was forced to part with it, aud sold it to a lady of Brunswick; after which it passed through various hands. The harp is richly inlaid with ivory, aud still boars the name of tlie maker. Ex-Congressman McLane, now the Democratic nominee for Governor of Maryland, arrays himself In the prodigious neck apparel aud waistcoats which prevailed half a century ago. He is now seventy years old, was in Congress in 1847, and afterward spent three years as minister to China, since which time his home is full of Chinese furniture and ornaments. At Gasteln, during Prince Bismarck’s late visit, his famous dog, Reichshund, which nearly killed Prince Gortchakoff at the Berlin congress, attacked and killed the dog of a Gastein householder. Bismarck, who witnessed the scene,not only punished the dog severely, but after a few days called on the owner of the dead dog, apologized for the savagery of Reichshnnd, at the same time promising anew and better specimeu in the place of tlie slain hound. Mr. Craw ford, author of “Dr. Claudius,” is au exceedingly rapid writer. This seems a gratuitous statement in view of the facts; but he writes more rapidly than would appear, even from the manner in which he publishes his stories. He has exceedingly methodical brains, and before he pntß pen to paper ho has thought out, not* only his plot, but the manner in which he is going to frame it, so that when he sits dow r n he writes straight on until he has finished his story. He writes a legible, bold baud, and there is scarcely an erasure in his manuscript. An ex-confederate surgeon relates in the Cleveland Leader that once during the war, while a terrible thunder-storm was raging, “Stonewall” Jackson ordered General Mahone to take his men and charge the Union forces. Theu, tired out, Jackson lay down under a tree and fell asleep. Soon he was aroused by one of Mahone’s aids, who said: “General, lam seut by General Mahone for orders. He says the rain has wet the ammunition of his troops, and wants to know whether he shall return.” Replied Jackson: “Ask General Mahone if the same rain which God sends to wet his ammunition will not also wet that of the enemy. Tell him to charge them with cold steel.” Mahone made the charge. Henry Irving is in person a good deal above the average height, is angular, aud somewhat awkward in his movements even on the stage. His face is clean shaven, the absence of oeard making his marked features look even more prominent than they otherwise would. The face is capable of the most wonderful changes of expiession, as it would need to be to enable the actor to achieve success in such a wide range of characters a Irviug uas personated. His hair, whioh is dark and absolutely devoid of “curl,” is worn long, after the manner of Du Manner’s esthetes. “Irviu*” is a professional name simply, and it was because he would have to drop it that he declined knighthood. His real name is said to be John Henry Broad ribb.

SPIRIT OP THE PRESS. Who profits in any way by the score or more of iron failures brought on by the “free trade” legislation of last winter) Who is made any richer by the failures yesterday of Charles D. Rhodes, or the Calumet Irou aud Steel Couipauy, and the Bangor Furnace Company of Michigan? What “relief” is there for anybody in reading anew “iron crash” every two weeks?—Chicago Inter Ocean. The very foundation of the public schools is on the inability of the laboring masses aud of tlie poor to pay for schooling their children. To the v parents Vhe cost of books is a serious matter. The school board, then, should take care that the burden be made as light as possible, lest it prove too heavy, and deprive some children of tlie benefits of the free schools,—Louisville Commercial. The future of the negro must be determined by himself. No act of Congress can make him independent in this world’s goods, aud no constitutional amendment can make him cleanly clad and well behaved, honest and industrious. Those colored men who have eucceeued in life since the war owe their success to these qualities, and not to anv laws for their benefit.—Louisville Commercial. If the Prohibitionists offer the Republican party the alternatives of adopting tlieir ideas or submitting to defeat, they must at the same time decide for themselves what would be trio consequences of a possible accession of the Democracy to power. The Republicans can honorably and wisely go as far as the stringent regulation of the liquor trade; they cannot go further, and those who wish to do so will have to take the responsibility of their action.—New Y’ork Times. We boast of our civilization, and yet we destroy our great malefactors in the most brutal and iuhumau way. As practised now, our system of executing criminals is but a slight improvement upon the gibbet and the cross. There is but little odds between setting up a gallows within the hearing of a victim, after torturing him with the thought of death for. a month, and the black-age system of suspending him iu a cage to howl and starve to death iu the open fields.—New York World. The opiuion held by a very large majority of the people, we believe, is that the taxes on iiqfiois lihd tobacco ought to be retained. They fail on no one who does not voluntarily choose to bear a part of them. If they were repealed, the only effect would probably be that drinkers would drink more, and smokers smoke more, so that the expenses of the people for these luxuries would be us great as they are now, while no part of that expenditure would go into the treasury.—New \ork Tribune. The continued coinage of the silver dollar involves rue greatest danger that is now impending, as it will cause financial and commercial evils whioh only a currency that is uncertain and fluctuating in value can cause. The coinage ought, therefore, to be stopped. In the event of a crisis produoed by the depreciated

silver coins the greenback or legal tender will embody the second danger, sis ir, too, must become depreciated. Common sense would therefore show the almost absolute necessity of dealing with this question by removing these dangers—for they are removable—and that, too, by comparatively simple remedies. To suspend the coinage of silver and to repeal the legal tender quality of the greenback are the most rational solutions of the question.—New York Herald. The time has come when public safety demands that he who commits murder should forfeit his life if sane, and his liberty if insane. There should be a system of asylums for the criminal iusaue, and in those asylums insane murderers should be confined during the remainder of their lives. It is well enough to treat harmless insanity as a disease and tiy to cure ir, but when derangement of snind urges a person, to kill another the murderer should be placed where he cau never again gratify the uißnne desire which it has been proven he is likely to have.—Chicago News. The only public work to which the South baa the slightest claim upon the government, is the establishment ami maintenance ot uu adequate public school system, and goverment aid in thta direction should be extended ouly upon condition of equal contributions from the States and impartial distribution of the common school facilities wilnout distinction as to race or color. This is an agitation which may bo substituted with advantage to the South and the entire nation for the clamor in favor of the abolition of the whisky tax and the construction of Mississippi levees.—Chicago Tribune.

OHIO’S PROHIBITION VOTE. Facts Shown by the Returns- Democratic Votes for the Amendment. Columbus, 0., Oct. 20.—Outside of five counties in the State the prohibitory amendment had a clear majority of all votes cast at the late election. In the eighty-three counties 282.366 votes were cast for the amendment, while the number of votes cast for State officers, but not in favor of the amendment—whether against it or blank—was 278,051. But the five counties excepted cast a very heavy majority against prohibition. They are Hamilton, which includes Cincinnati, the official vote of which is 60,386, of which the amendment received 8,402; Cuyahoga, which includes Cleveland, and gave 12,954 votes for the amendment, but 26.433 against, it or blank; Fr .nklin, which includes Columbus, and cast 0,203 for the amendment, but 14.706 against it or blank; Lucas, which includes Toledo, and gave 4,914 votes for the amendment, but 9,309 against it or blank; and Montgomery, which includes Dayton, and gave 0,128 votes for the amendment, but 14,547 against it or blank. The total vote in the State was 320,907 for the amendment, and 390.618 against it or blank, the total vote having been 711.585. The vote against the amendment came mainly from three large blocks of counties. One block of eighteen counties lies against tiie western border of tlie State, reaching from Cincinnati to Toledo. Attached to it, a wing of six opposing counties readies down to Sandusky and Mansfield. Another block of seven counties reaches south from Cleveland to Youngstown and beyond Alliance. A third of ten counties includes Licking and Muskingum, east of Columbus, and the line of counties between Columbus and Portsmouth .and fronton. Two other counties on the Ohio—Washington, which includes Marietta, and Monroe, the adjoining county—voted against the amendment. But these are in all only forty-three counties, in which the opposing and blank votes outnumbered the affirmative votes. A majority of the counties in the State, viz., forty-five, gave for the amendment a clear majority of all the votes cast by them for State offices. Among the counties voting for prohibition, too, are eleven that gave majorities for Hancock in 1880, while among those giving majorities against prohibition are eighteen that gave majorities for Garfield. Evidently, the prohibitory vote was drawn in part from both parties, and fully a third of it was cast by Democrat?. _ Alleged Smuggling by Milliners. New York. Oct. 20.—The United States District Attorney has filed another “information of forfeiture,” the third within a week, for the confiscation of a quantity of laces, silks, velvets, and other fine dress goods, all ladies’ apparel, brought hither on the steamship Republic. It is alleged that Mrs. L. Thornton, a milliner of this city, and other persons yet unknown to the authorities, smuggled the goods in September last, with intent to defraud the customs: The first information of forfeiture this week was against Miss H. A. Wachman, a fashionable milliner of the West, and her goods are also in the seizure-room. Then came an information of forfeiture against about $6,000 worth of fine goods seized by customs officers, the Misses Partridge, of Boston, being claimants. Neatly concealed in the bustle of one of these milliners was a quantity of extraordinarily fine lace. The Misses Partridge came home on the steamer Alaska, and with them came several other milliners whose goods are at present in the customs seizure-rooms. Miss Dickinson’s Inefficient Manager. Detroit, October 20.—Miss Anna Dickinson, on reaching tins city last night, found that he manager, Wentworth, had left her in the lurch without a word of explanation. She complains bitterly of his treatms.it, and is smarting under the serious diappointmeut and confusion wrought in her plans. Negotiations are now pending, which may or may not be concluded, for a rearrangement of her season’s business. She has been doins well the past month, considering the miserable manner her advance work lias been done, and is anxious to go on and carry out her origual programme. An Impudent Englishman. New York, Oct. 21.—-W. T. Silk, an English fish culturist, said to be in the employ of the Marquis of Exeter, and two guides, took over 10,000 young black bass from Greenwood Lake ir. spite of the protests of the Sporting Association, hotel-keepers and others who have stocked the lake at a great expense, and sailed for England on board the Atlantic early on Thursday. Silk claimed that Commissioner Blackford granted him permission to take the fish, but Mr. Blackford says this is untrue. Great Damage by High Water. Little Rock, Ark., Oct. 21. —The Gazette’s Batesville, Ark,, special says: White river, at this point, lias been rising four inches au hour for the last forty-eight hours, inundating at least 12,000 acres of corn and cotton iu the White river valley. The damage to the small farms on the river is almost irreparable, and will leave a large number in a suffering condition. This is an unprecedented rise for the season of the year. The water ig higher now than for the last ten years, except on the 9th of May, 1882. A New Gold Field. Lisbon, D. TANARUS., Oct. 20.—Latcnse excitement prevails here over the discovery of gold. H. W, Griswold, of Chicago, made the discovery oil his place, hear here, two months ago. He "had 120 samples assayed, and the result showed from S2O to $250 per ton. The mat. ter was kept quiet until Griswold had secured all the land in the vicinity, There is great excitement in tnis part of the country, andj j crowds are leaving for the scene of the dim covery. Tlie Wealth of Texas. Austin, Oct. 20. —The assessment rolls ot 155 counties received so far, show an increase in the taxable values of this State of over $95,000,000 above last year, with fifteen counties to hear from, which will doubtless muko the total increase $100,600,000.